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Eric Swank

Arizona State University, School of Humanities, Arts and Cultural Studies, Faculty Member

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Eric Swank is currently an Associate Professor of Social and Cultural Analysis at Arizona State University.

His research specializes in gender relations, sexualities, racism, and social movements. With over 50 publications, Swank writes on the ways that stigmatized populations accept and challenge social inequalities. In doing so, his research explores the ways that education and heterosexist assumptions are related to minority stress, LGBT activism, sexual compliance, and color-blind racism. His works appear in Sex Roles, Archives of Sexual Behavior, Journal of Homosexuality, Research in Higher Education and other top journals. Eric is also the Associate Director of NCUIRE, the ASU West program that encourages and funds undergraduate research experiences.

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Michael Woodford

Wilfrid Laurier University

Arizona State University

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University of Tennessee Knoxville

University of the West of England

Victoria Clarke

University of the West of England

Loughborough University

Cukurova University

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Papers by Eric Swank

Sexual identities and political solidarities among cisgender women

Journal of Lesbian Studies, 2024

this study addressed the relative liberalism of White lesbians. In doing so, we compared sexualit... more this study addressed the relative liberalism of White lesbians. In doing so, we compared sexuality differences in White women's reactions to sexual, gender, and racial hierarchies. In the end, our analysis of 2,950 women from the american National election survey (aNes) suggested three trends. First, lesbians and bisexual women rejected and challenged heteronormativity more than heterosexual women. second, the relationship between sexual identities and feminist commitments was less consistent. Lesbians and bisexual women perceived higher levels of sexist discrimination than heterosexual women did, but sexual identities did not always predict involvement in feminist social movements. third, lesbian women generally displayed greater support of antiracist activism than bisexual or heterosexual women. however, this greater lesbian concern over racial biases did not translate in sexual differences in antiracist activism. Implications for these findings were explored, as were suggestions of future research.

Sexual Identities and the Role of Marriage in Social Movement Activism

Political Research Quarterly, 2023

Though marriage is seemingly attached to the private sphere and politics to the public sphere, ma... more Though marriage is seemingly attached to the private sphere and politics to the public sphere, marriage and politics operate as intertwined institutions. Political parties routinely pitch themselves as "the protector of family values" and getting married can shift a person's political commitments. Studies generally agree that married people in different-sex marriages are more conservative than single or divorced individuals, but there is uncertainty as to whether same-sex marriages have the same political ramifications. This study examined data from the 2010-2102 American National Election Survey and found that sexual identity sometimes modifies the conservative elements of marriage (n = 3815). Same-sex marriages inspired greater participation in antiracist, queer, and feminist social movements while different-sex marriage showed an inverse relationship. Implications for how these findings require a rethinking of the marriage and politics are addressed as well.

Sexual Identities and Political Protesting Among Social Work Students

This study has three tasks. First, it establishes the extent in which current social work student... more This study has three tasks. First, it establishes the extent in which current social work students engage in protest activities. Second, it analyzes the ways that a student's sexual identity may impact their tendency to protest. Lastly, the work explores the reasons why sexual identity may impact protest inclinations. Data for this study were drawn from a 2019-2020 national sample of social work students (n = 811) throughout the USA with over 76 schools of social work represented. Findings suggest that lesbian, gay, bisexual, and queer students protested more frequently than heterosexual students as did students who had LGBQ friends, took or attended classes/activities on LGBQ topics, joined advocacy groups, and had an activist identity. After running several regressions, the increased activist activity of LGBQ students was mostly attributed to the fact that they felt a stronger commitment to being a person who works towards social change. A core tenant of social work is to address social injustice; often, this happens through some form of protest. This article explored a sexuality gap in protest behavior of social work students, while also examining other possible factors that may contribute to a gap in protesting behavior by using political distinctiveness theories to guide the exploration. Implications for social work education are discussed.

Who Counts as a Sexual Partner? Women’s Criteria for Defining and Sorting Through Their Sexual Histories.”

Psychology & Sexuality, 2023

Notions of who counts as a sexual partner-that is, what specific actions, feelings, or relationsh... more Notions of who counts as a sexual partner-that is, what specific actions, feelings, or relationships become defined as part of one's sexual history-often carry assumptions about sexual scripts, power, and social identities. In this exploratory study, we analysed semistructured interviews with eighteen women from a diverse 2019 community sample (mean age = 36.39, SD = 12.24) collected in a large Southwestern U.S. city in order to examine how women made decisions about who was classified as a sexual partner throughout their lifetime when reviewing their sexual histories and previous sexual encounters. We identified six behavioural, relational, and emotional themes in how women defined and demarcated sexual versus nonsexual partners: 1) Having penile-vaginal intercourse; 2) Engaging in non-penile-vaginal intercourse (PVI) forms of sex; 3) Having an orgasm with someone; 4) Any physical sexual contact involving genitals; 5) Having a romantic relationship with someone; and 6) Feeling attraction and desire for a person. Tensions about heterosexist biases in sexual inventories were discussed, as were methodological implications for measuring, studying, and identifying non-PVI sexual encounters.

Sexual Identities and Reactions to Black Lives Matter

Sexuality Research & Social Policy , 2022

Introduction This study traced sexuality differences in Black Lives Matter (BLM) approval before ... more Introduction This study traced sexuality differences in Black Lives Matter (BLM) approval before using theories of "political distinctiveness" to explain why sexuality differences occurred. Methods A random sample of 3489 US adults completed the 2016 wave of the American National Election Survey (ANES) Time Series project. Ordinary least squares (OLS) regressions assessed differences in BLM support by reported sexual identity when adjusting for possibly relevant covariates. Results Lesbians, gays, and bisexuals (LGB) backed BLM more than heterosexuals. Increased LGB support of BLM was driven by sexuality differences in racial backgrounds, marital statuses, perceptions of police biases, approval of Black empowerment, authoritarianism, and emotional bonds to people of color. Conclusions Sexual identities shape reactions to antiracist social movements. LGB alignment with BLM is partly due to sexual discrepancies in demographic qualities, group memberships, and the way sexual identities alter an awareness of social biases. Policy Implications Greater LGB liberalism, plus the queer friendly nature of BLM, offers greater prospects in the creation and maintenance of intersectional social justice movements that seek to improve the lives of racial and sexual minorities. Keywords Activism • Antiracism • Black lives matter • Social movements • Sexual identity African Americans in the United States have endured enslavement, exploitation, and violence at the hands of slave patrols, white mobs, and law enforcement officers (Nummi et al., 2019). Waves of antiracist social movements have often contested and altered state-sponsored violence and racist discrimination (McAdam, 2010). The Black Lives Matter protests that started in 2013 are quite distinct from the earlier Civil Rights Movement. Instead of embracing a respectability message that emphasized the concerns of middle-class African-Americans, the BLM movement centered its goals on the needs and demands of poor women, formerly incarcerated individuals, sexual minorities, and immigrants (Bunyasi & Smith, 2019).

Friends or Foes? U.S. Women's Perceptions of Racial Justice and the Black Lives Matter Protests during the COVID-19 Pandemic

Journal of Women, Politics & Policy, 2022

Scholarship on the first waves of the Black Lives Matter protests (2013-2014) has emerged in rece... more Scholarship on the first waves of the Black Lives Matter protests (2013-2014) has emerged in recent years but little is yet known about women's responses to the cycle of Black Lives Matter/George Floyd protests that occurred in the Summer of 2020. This study analyzed semi-structured interviews with a racially diverse community sample of 20 women and two nonbinary individuals who mostly identified as feminists (mean age = 34.05, SD = 13.11). To address the salience of BLM framing practices during an ongoing protest, this study explored an awareness of structural racism and reactions to the presumed goals and tactics of this antiracism social movement. We identified six themes in how this racially diverse sample responded to these protests against racism and police brutality: 1) Caricatures of BLM protestors as criminals; 2) Protests were too extreme; 3) Concern about the COVID risks and social context of COVID; 4) More education needed about race relations; 5) Protests were long overdue; and 6) Protests were effective and necessary. Implications for better understanding the rhetoric of white liberalism, solidarity within racial justice movements, and fragmentation or unity among women were explored.

I'll take the check!: a longitudinal replication analysis of gender biases in bill placement from restaurant servers

Journal of Gender Studies, 2022

Traditional gender scripts in restaurants assume that men wield money, while women are framed as ... more Traditional gender scripts in restaurants assume that men wield money, while women are framed as 'accessories' who do not pay restaurant checks in mixed-gender settings. While some research has addressed how servers replicate this script at U.S. restaurants, no previous research has looked at this practice longitudinally over time. This study explores how bill placement practices are connected to gendered power dynamics via observations of server and customer interactions about the restaurant check placement. Drawing from audit studies from the 1970s and 2010s, this study examined historical trends in gendered check placements. Comparing data from the 1970s in Phoenix, Arizona, we examined data from an audit of 176 visits to restaurants in Phoenix in the 2010s. This study sent out two-person teams of one cisgender man and one cisgender woman, with the woman always requesting the bill. Results found little change between the 1970s and 2010s, as the majority of servers placed the bill in the middle of the table. That said, the percentage of men receiving the bill surprisingly increased over time, while the number of times women received the bill decreased to almost never. This data contradicts accounts of a decrease in sexism and sexist behaviour over time. Further, the type of restaurant and server characteristics (such as age and gender of server, average check price, type of food served) did not influence bill placement tendencies. Implications for understanding the behavioural practices of sexism, the patriarchal coding of restaurant check placement and the importance of tracking and studying mundane expressions of sexism are explored.

Menstrual Knowledge and Understandings of Normal and Extreme Bleeding: College Students’ Overestimation of the Typical Amount of Menstrual Blood.

Women's Reproductive Health, 2021

Accurate biological information about menstruation is crucial for menstrual health literacy. A di... more Accurate biological information about menstruation is crucial for menstrual health literacy. A diverse group of students (N ¼ 125) at a large southwestern US university estimated-by pouring liquid into containers-the amount of menstrual blood produced during an average menstrual period. Only 14% could give a relatively accurate estimate, whereas 55% overestimated by at least 65 ml. Further, 7% gave extreme overestimations of one liter or more. Gender and race did not impact accurate knowledge, but queer/pansexual participants and women's and gender studies or social justice majors were significantly more accurate. Implications for health education and recognizing heavy bleeding are explored.

The Gender Conservatism of Pro life Activists

Journal of Women, Politics & Policy, 2021

Feminists often see abortion restrictions as a way to remove female control over their labor, sex... more Feminists often see abortion restrictions as a way to remove female control over their labor, sexual practices, and reproductive decisions. Pro-life advocates often deny such motives, arguing that they only care about stopping the murder of "unborn humans" and the trauma associated with having an abortion. This study addresses these concerns by studying the role of gender attitudes in anti-abortion activism. By using the 2010-2012 Evaluations of Government and Society Study ANES Surveys (n = 3,860) to determine who joins pro-life social movements, this study concludes that pro-life activism is connected to beliefs about stay-at-home mothers, perceptions of sexism in society, being married, and exposure to political conversations in political groups, religious institutions, and families.

Reciprocity, Partner Pressure, and Emotional Labor: Women Discuss Negotiations Around Oral and Anal Sex

Sexuality & Culture, 2021

Tensions between emotional labor, agency, entitlement, and coercion all underlie women's ability ... more Tensions between emotional labor, agency, entitlement, and coercion all underlie women's ability or inability to negotiate, consent to, and refuse oral and anal sex. In this study, we analyzed semi-structured interviews with twenty women from a diverse 2014 community sample collected in a large Southwestern U.S. city in order to examine the context around women's negotiations of oral and anal sex, particularly how, when, why, and with whom they engage in, and refuse, such activities. There were three themes in how women negotiated oral and anal sex with their partner(s): (1) not expecting sexual reciprocity; (2) partner pressure; and (3) emotional labor. Implications for how women negotiate sex, and what meanings they bring to these negotiations, are explored. Women's beliefs about (men's) sexual entitlement and cultural expectations for non-vaginal sex further complicate women's negotiations of oral and anal sex as well as their ability to enthusiastically consent to such activities. Clinical practice implications and the importance of clinicians both broadening definitions of sex and openly discussing women's entitlement to refuse sex are discussed.

Redefining the Work of Feminist Praxis: Making Space for a (Rebellious) Undergraduate Feminist Research Group

Equity & Excellence in Education, 2020

This article traces the practices and outcomes of an undergraduate research group that began orga... more This article traces the practices and outcomes of an undergraduate research group that began organically to foster research and activist collaborations in a small group setting and without the rubric of a structured course, formal lab setting, or formal institutional backing. We consider several outcomes of this group: (1) Graduate school entry and preparation for graduate school; (2) The importance of feminist friendships and feminist community among students; (3) The fusion between scholar/activist identities, with clear emphasis on de-centering whiteness, challenging patriarchy, and undermining homophobia and transphobia; and (4) The investment in mentoring and nurturing relationships with students across race, class, gender, and sexual identity lines. In particular, we argue that students of color, gender queer/trans/LGBT students, and students from working class backgrounds are especially served by such models of mentoring and community, particularly as feminist mentoring can contribute to the work of social justice for underprivileged students.

"I Just Go with It": Negotiating Sexual Desire Discrepancies for Women in Partnered Relationships

Sex Roles, 2020

Although some researchers have addressed differences in sexual desire between sexual partners, li... more Although some researchers have addressed differences in sexual desire between sexual partners, little attention has been paid to the subjective narratives of how women understand and reflect on discrepancies in sexual desire between themselves and their partners. In the present study we used a critical sexualities (Fahs and McClelland 2016) perspective to analyze semi-structured interviews with 20 women from a diverse community sample collected in a large Southwestern U.S. city in order to examine women's feelings about and reactions to instances where they and their partners have different levels of sexual desire. Results revealed five themes in how women negotiate sexual desire discrepancies: (a) Declining sex, (b) Having unwanted sex, (c) Experiencing pressure for sex (giving or receiving), (d) Feeling disappointed and staying silent, and (e) Discussion of sexual discrepancies. We highlight tensions about essentializing and naturalizing sexual desire, as well as how women imagine their right to ask for, or decline, sex. Implications for power, coercion, and sexual entitlement are also included along with practice implications for clinicians working with individuals and couples.

Sexual Identities and Protesting Among College Students: Exploring Political Distinctiveness Mediation Factors

Social Justice Research, 2020

This study examines the links between sexual identity and participation in political protests. Am... more This study examines the links between sexual identity and participation in political protests. Among a sample of college students (N = 2175), we determined that sexual minority students were three times more likely to join a protest than heterosexual students. "Political distinctiveness" theories are used to explain this sexual identity gap in protesting. Following a series of path analyses, we conclude that marital status, exposure to discrimination (as a victim or observer), connections to LGB communities, participation in political groups, and liberal identities mediate the sexuality difference in protesting. Conversely, measures of educational attainment, exposure to multicultural classes, and internalized homophobia were not mediators.

Gender, Religion, and Pro-Life Activism

Politics & Religion, 2020

Political mobilizations for and against legal abortions are cyclical entities. Studies on people ... more Political mobilizations for and against legal abortions are cyclical entities. Studies on people who joined pro-life movements in the peak of abortion protests (1980s) are relatively common but recent critical studies of right-to-life activists are almost non-existent. To address this lack of recent research, this work combines "political resource" theories and feminist scholarship to explain why certain people are involved in anti-abortion social movements. After analyzing data from the 2010-12 version of the American National Election Surveys (n = 3,860), this study concludes that pro-life activism was primarily driven by absolutist stances on abortion, the minimization of perceived sexism in society, being exposed to religious conversations about politics, and membership in explicitly political groups. The study also found that people's gender, social class, and educational levels failed to predict their pro-life political behaviors.

Sexual Identities and Racial Attitudes among Black, Latinx, and White Individuals

Journal of Bisexuality

Some recent studies suggest that lesbians, gay men, and bisexual people are generally more racial... more Some recent studies suggest that lesbians, gay men, and bisexual people are generally more racially progressive than heterosexuals. However, the findings of these "political distinctiveness" studies are up for some debate. Other studies find no sexuality gaps in racial attitudes, and these studies overlook the possibility of bisexual people having unique racial perspectives. These distinctiveness studies also ignore the possibility of racial and sexual identities influencing racial attitudes at the same time. In using the American National Election Survey of 2016 as a data source (N ¼ 3,987), this work found limited and conditional support for a sexuality gap in racial attitudes. In most cases, heterosexual people and sexual minorities converge in their racial interpretations, but there are some cases of stark differences between heterosexual individuals and lesbian-gay counterparts. Finally, an analysis of intersecting identities displayed some instances where the impact of a sexual identity varied by a person's racial background. For example, Black and Latinx bisexual people did not perceive racism or internalize racial stereotypes at especially high levels, but Latinx bisexual individuals were more supportive of Black protests against the police than Black bisexual individuals.

Swank2019Political distinctiveness of gays and lesbians-protest actions PGI.pdf

Politics, Groups, & Identities, 2019

This study explores the relationship between people's sexual identities and their tendencies to j... more This study explores the relationship between people's sexual identities and their tendencies to join political protests. When analyzing American National Election surveys from 2012 (n = 3813), gays and lesbians were more than twice as likely to protest as heterosexuals. To explain the increased activism of gays and lesbians, this study applied Patrick Egan's theories of political distinctiveness to the ANES data. After running a set of hierarchal logistic regressions, the link between sexualities and protesting became insignificant when issues of age, education levels, friendships circles, group memberships, and political ideologies were introduced into regressions. This suggests that gays and lesbians protested more often because they are younger, more educated, integrated into political networks, and are more likely to notice the negative consequences of social inequalities than heterosexuals.

Explaining the Sexuality Gap in Protest Participation

Journal of Homosexuality, 2019

This study investigated the relationship between sexual orientations and the protest actions of a... more This study investigated the relationship between sexual orientations and the protest actions of adults in the United States.
Drawing from General Social Survey data from 1996 to 2004,
we found that lesbians, gays, and bisexuals were more than
twice as likely to protest as heterosexuals. To account for this
sexuality gap, we used Patrick Egan’s (2008) political distinctiveness theories to identify possible underlying causes of
these protesting differences. After running several regressions,
we found that sexuality and protesting relationships were
moderated by issues of educational attainment, marital statuses, metropolitan residencies, political partisanships, governmental grievances, and gender role expectations.

Sexual identities and participation in liberal and conservative social movements

Social Science Research, 2018

A B S T R A C T The desire for social change, political activism, and sexual identities may all b... more A B S T R A C T The desire for social change, political activism, and sexual identities may all be related. Lesbians and gays generally contest heterosexism more than heterosexuals but we do not know how sexual identities sways participation in class, race, and gender based social movements. When analyzing the American National Election Surveys of 2012 (n = 3519), gays and lesbians were about twenty times more likely to join LGB justice campaigns than heterosexuals. Moreover, the greater activism of gays and lesbians also crossed over to recent Occupy Wall Street, peace, and environmental mobilizations. Finally, this analysis ends with logistic regressions that determine if any sexual identity gaps in movement participation are the result of demographic, contextual, and ideological covariates.

Who Voted for Hillary Clinton? Sexual Identities, Gender, and Family Influences

Journal of GLBT Family Studies, 2018

Sexual identities can influence political attitudes and actions. During political elections, gay ... more Sexual identities can influence political attitudes and actions. During political elections, gay men, lesbians, and bisexual individuals (GLB) have historically aligned with Democratic candidates. In the recent presidential election of 2016, this pattern persisted, as the vast majority of GLBs voted with the Democratic candidate for president in the 2016 elections (Hillary Clinton). This study tries to explain why lesbians and gay men overwhelmingly voted for candidate Clinton through Patrick Egan's (2012) theory of political distinctiveness. In using data the American National Election Survey of 2016 (N D 2,691), this analysis determines if the tendency of sexual minorities to vote Democratic was due to three sets of variables: (a) selection, or the characteristics associated with GLB identities are also associated with political liberalism; (b) embeddedness, or increased involvement in the LGB community leads to greater liberalism; and (c) conversion, or public disclosures of LGB identities causes major changes in political outlooks and actions. Special attention is also give to the intersectional concerns of gendered heterosexism, given that voting for Hillary Clinton was the highest among lesbian women and lowest among heterosexual men.

“Sexuality, Pleasure, Power, and Danger: Points of Tension, Contradiction, and Conflict

APA Handbook of the Psychology of Women, 2017

Ultimately, this chapter contributes to the understanding of how the conceptual paradox illustrat... more Ultimately, this chapter contributes to the understanding of how the conceptual paradox illustrated by pairing of pleasure and danger still presents an elusive, chronic, overarching, and overlapping set of contradictory points of tension in women's sexual lives. We draw out these tensions to illustrate how feminist psychologists can use them to study and better understand women's sexual imaginations, desires, and lived experiences. By drawing from critical sexuality studies and their attendant goals, feminist psychologists can better grapple with the deeply contradictory and difficult ways in which women's sexuality is experienced today.

Sexual identities and political solidarities among cisgender women

Journal of Lesbian Studies, 2024

this study addressed the relative liberalism of White lesbians. In doing so, we compared sexualit... more this study addressed the relative liberalism of White lesbians. In doing so, we compared sexuality differences in White women's reactions to sexual, gender, and racial hierarchies. In the end, our analysis of 2,950 women from the american National election survey (aNes) suggested three trends. First, lesbians and bisexual women rejected and challenged heteronormativity more than heterosexual women. second, the relationship between sexual identities and feminist commitments was less consistent. Lesbians and bisexual women perceived higher levels of sexist discrimination than heterosexual women did, but sexual identities did not always predict involvement in feminist social movements. third, lesbian women generally displayed greater support of antiracist activism than bisexual or heterosexual women. however, this greater lesbian concern over racial biases did not translate in sexual differences in antiracist activism. Implications for these findings were explored, as were suggestions of future research.

Sexual Identities and the Role of Marriage in Social Movement Activism

Political Research Quarterly, 2023

Though marriage is seemingly attached to the private sphere and politics to the public sphere, ma... more Though marriage is seemingly attached to the private sphere and politics to the public sphere, marriage and politics operate as intertwined institutions. Political parties routinely pitch themselves as "the protector of family values" and getting married can shift a person's political commitments. Studies generally agree that married people in different-sex marriages are more conservative than single or divorced individuals, but there is uncertainty as to whether same-sex marriages have the same political ramifications. This study examined data from the 2010-2102 American National Election Survey and found that sexual identity sometimes modifies the conservative elements of marriage (n = 3815). Same-sex marriages inspired greater participation in antiracist, queer, and feminist social movements while different-sex marriage showed an inverse relationship. Implications for how these findings require a rethinking of the marriage and politics are addressed as well.

Sexual Identities and Political Protesting Among Social Work Students

This study has three tasks. First, it establishes the extent in which current social work student... more This study has three tasks. First, it establishes the extent in which current social work students engage in protest activities. Second, it analyzes the ways that a student's sexual identity may impact their tendency to protest. Lastly, the work explores the reasons why sexual identity may impact protest inclinations. Data for this study were drawn from a 2019-2020 national sample of social work students (n = 811) throughout the USA with over 76 schools of social work represented. Findings suggest that lesbian, gay, bisexual, and queer students protested more frequently than heterosexual students as did students who had LGBQ friends, took or attended classes/activities on LGBQ topics, joined advocacy groups, and had an activist identity. After running several regressions, the increased activist activity of LGBQ students was mostly attributed to the fact that they felt a stronger commitment to being a person who works towards social change. A core tenant of social work is to address social injustice; often, this happens through some form of protest. This article explored a sexuality gap in protest behavior of social work students, while also examining other possible factors that may contribute to a gap in protesting behavior by using political distinctiveness theories to guide the exploration. Implications for social work education are discussed.

Who Counts as a Sexual Partner? Women’s Criteria for Defining and Sorting Through Their Sexual Histories.”

Psychology & Sexuality, 2023

Notions of who counts as a sexual partner-that is, what specific actions, feelings, or relationsh... more Notions of who counts as a sexual partner-that is, what specific actions, feelings, or relationships become defined as part of one's sexual history-often carry assumptions about sexual scripts, power, and social identities. In this exploratory study, we analysed semistructured interviews with eighteen women from a diverse 2019 community sample (mean age = 36.39, SD = 12.24) collected in a large Southwestern U.S. city in order to examine how women made decisions about who was classified as a sexual partner throughout their lifetime when reviewing their sexual histories and previous sexual encounters. We identified six behavioural, relational, and emotional themes in how women defined and demarcated sexual versus nonsexual partners: 1) Having penile-vaginal intercourse; 2) Engaging in non-penile-vaginal intercourse (PVI) forms of sex; 3) Having an orgasm with someone; 4) Any physical sexual contact involving genitals; 5) Having a romantic relationship with someone; and 6) Feeling attraction and desire for a person. Tensions about heterosexist biases in sexual inventories were discussed, as were methodological implications for measuring, studying, and identifying non-PVI sexual encounters.

Sexual Identities and Reactions to Black Lives Matter

Sexuality Research & Social Policy , 2022

Introduction This study traced sexuality differences in Black Lives Matter (BLM) approval before ... more Introduction This study traced sexuality differences in Black Lives Matter (BLM) approval before using theories of "political distinctiveness" to explain why sexuality differences occurred. Methods A random sample of 3489 US adults completed the 2016 wave of the American National Election Survey (ANES) Time Series project. Ordinary least squares (OLS) regressions assessed differences in BLM support by reported sexual identity when adjusting for possibly relevant covariates. Results Lesbians, gays, and bisexuals (LGB) backed BLM more than heterosexuals. Increased LGB support of BLM was driven by sexuality differences in racial backgrounds, marital statuses, perceptions of police biases, approval of Black empowerment, authoritarianism, and emotional bonds to people of color. Conclusions Sexual identities shape reactions to antiracist social movements. LGB alignment with BLM is partly due to sexual discrepancies in demographic qualities, group memberships, and the way sexual identities alter an awareness of social biases. Policy Implications Greater LGB liberalism, plus the queer friendly nature of BLM, offers greater prospects in the creation and maintenance of intersectional social justice movements that seek to improve the lives of racial and sexual minorities. Keywords Activism • Antiracism • Black lives matter • Social movements • Sexual identity African Americans in the United States have endured enslavement, exploitation, and violence at the hands of slave patrols, white mobs, and law enforcement officers (Nummi et al., 2019). Waves of antiracist social movements have often contested and altered state-sponsored violence and racist discrimination (McAdam, 2010). The Black Lives Matter protests that started in 2013 are quite distinct from the earlier Civil Rights Movement. Instead of embracing a respectability message that emphasized the concerns of middle-class African-Americans, the BLM movement centered its goals on the needs and demands of poor women, formerly incarcerated individuals, sexual minorities, and immigrants (Bunyasi & Smith, 2019).

Friends or Foes? U.S. Women's Perceptions of Racial Justice and the Black Lives Matter Protests during the COVID-19 Pandemic

Journal of Women, Politics & Policy, 2022

Scholarship on the first waves of the Black Lives Matter protests (2013-2014) has emerged in rece... more Scholarship on the first waves of the Black Lives Matter protests (2013-2014) has emerged in recent years but little is yet known about women's responses to the cycle of Black Lives Matter/George Floyd protests that occurred in the Summer of 2020. This study analyzed semi-structured interviews with a racially diverse community sample of 20 women and two nonbinary individuals who mostly identified as feminists (mean age = 34.05, SD = 13.11). To address the salience of BLM framing practices during an ongoing protest, this study explored an awareness of structural racism and reactions to the presumed goals and tactics of this antiracism social movement. We identified six themes in how this racially diverse sample responded to these protests against racism and police brutality: 1) Caricatures of BLM protestors as criminals; 2) Protests were too extreme; 3) Concern about the COVID risks and social context of COVID; 4) More education needed about race relations; 5) Protests were long overdue; and 6) Protests were effective and necessary. Implications for better understanding the rhetoric of white liberalism, solidarity within racial justice movements, and fragmentation or unity among women were explored.

I'll take the check!: a longitudinal replication analysis of gender biases in bill placement from restaurant servers

Journal of Gender Studies, 2022

Traditional gender scripts in restaurants assume that men wield money, while women are framed as ... more Traditional gender scripts in restaurants assume that men wield money, while women are framed as 'accessories' who do not pay restaurant checks in mixed-gender settings. While some research has addressed how servers replicate this script at U.S. restaurants, no previous research has looked at this practice longitudinally over time. This study explores how bill placement practices are connected to gendered power dynamics via observations of server and customer interactions about the restaurant check placement. Drawing from audit studies from the 1970s and 2010s, this study examined historical trends in gendered check placements. Comparing data from the 1970s in Phoenix, Arizona, we examined data from an audit of 176 visits to restaurants in Phoenix in the 2010s. This study sent out two-person teams of one cisgender man and one cisgender woman, with the woman always requesting the bill. Results found little change between the 1970s and 2010s, as the majority of servers placed the bill in the middle of the table. That said, the percentage of men receiving the bill surprisingly increased over time, while the number of times women received the bill decreased to almost never. This data contradicts accounts of a decrease in sexism and sexist behaviour over time. Further, the type of restaurant and server characteristics (such as age and gender of server, average check price, type of food served) did not influence bill placement tendencies. Implications for understanding the behavioural practices of sexism, the patriarchal coding of restaurant check placement and the importance of tracking and studying mundane expressions of sexism are explored.

Menstrual Knowledge and Understandings of Normal and Extreme Bleeding: College Students’ Overestimation of the Typical Amount of Menstrual Blood.

Women's Reproductive Health, 2021

Accurate biological information about menstruation is crucial for menstrual health literacy. A di... more Accurate biological information about menstruation is crucial for menstrual health literacy. A diverse group of students (N ¼ 125) at a large southwestern US university estimated-by pouring liquid into containers-the amount of menstrual blood produced during an average menstrual period. Only 14% could give a relatively accurate estimate, whereas 55% overestimated by at least 65 ml. Further, 7% gave extreme overestimations of one liter or more. Gender and race did not impact accurate knowledge, but queer/pansexual participants and women's and gender studies or social justice majors were significantly more accurate. Implications for health education and recognizing heavy bleeding are explored.

The Gender Conservatism of Pro life Activists

Journal of Women, Politics & Policy, 2021

Feminists often see abortion restrictions as a way to remove female control over their labor, sex... more Feminists often see abortion restrictions as a way to remove female control over their labor, sexual practices, and reproductive decisions. Pro-life advocates often deny such motives, arguing that they only care about stopping the murder of "unborn humans" and the trauma associated with having an abortion. This study addresses these concerns by studying the role of gender attitudes in anti-abortion activism. By using the 2010-2012 Evaluations of Government and Society Study ANES Surveys (n = 3,860) to determine who joins pro-life social movements, this study concludes that pro-life activism is connected to beliefs about stay-at-home mothers, perceptions of sexism in society, being married, and exposure to political conversations in political groups, religious institutions, and families.

Reciprocity, Partner Pressure, and Emotional Labor: Women Discuss Negotiations Around Oral and Anal Sex

Sexuality & Culture, 2021

Tensions between emotional labor, agency, entitlement, and coercion all underlie women's ability ... more Tensions between emotional labor, agency, entitlement, and coercion all underlie women's ability or inability to negotiate, consent to, and refuse oral and anal sex. In this study, we analyzed semi-structured interviews with twenty women from a diverse 2014 community sample collected in a large Southwestern U.S. city in order to examine the context around women's negotiations of oral and anal sex, particularly how, when, why, and with whom they engage in, and refuse, such activities. There were three themes in how women negotiated oral and anal sex with their partner(s): (1) not expecting sexual reciprocity; (2) partner pressure; and (3) emotional labor. Implications for how women negotiate sex, and what meanings they bring to these negotiations, are explored. Women's beliefs about (men's) sexual entitlement and cultural expectations for non-vaginal sex further complicate women's negotiations of oral and anal sex as well as their ability to enthusiastically consent to such activities. Clinical practice implications and the importance of clinicians both broadening definitions of sex and openly discussing women's entitlement to refuse sex are discussed.

Redefining the Work of Feminist Praxis: Making Space for a (Rebellious) Undergraduate Feminist Research Group

Equity & Excellence in Education, 2020

This article traces the practices and outcomes of an undergraduate research group that began orga... more This article traces the practices and outcomes of an undergraduate research group that began organically to foster research and activist collaborations in a small group setting and without the rubric of a structured course, formal lab setting, or formal institutional backing. We consider several outcomes of this group: (1) Graduate school entry and preparation for graduate school; (2) The importance of feminist friendships and feminist community among students; (3) The fusion between scholar/activist identities, with clear emphasis on de-centering whiteness, challenging patriarchy, and undermining homophobia and transphobia; and (4) The investment in mentoring and nurturing relationships with students across race, class, gender, and sexual identity lines. In particular, we argue that students of color, gender queer/trans/LGBT students, and students from working class backgrounds are especially served by such models of mentoring and community, particularly as feminist mentoring can contribute to the work of social justice for underprivileged students.

"I Just Go with It": Negotiating Sexual Desire Discrepancies for Women in Partnered Relationships

Sex Roles, 2020

Although some researchers have addressed differences in sexual desire between sexual partners, li... more Although some researchers have addressed differences in sexual desire between sexual partners, little attention has been paid to the subjective narratives of how women understand and reflect on discrepancies in sexual desire between themselves and their partners. In the present study we used a critical sexualities (Fahs and McClelland 2016) perspective to analyze semi-structured interviews with 20 women from a diverse community sample collected in a large Southwestern U.S. city in order to examine women's feelings about and reactions to instances where they and their partners have different levels of sexual desire. Results revealed five themes in how women negotiate sexual desire discrepancies: (a) Declining sex, (b) Having unwanted sex, (c) Experiencing pressure for sex (giving or receiving), (d) Feeling disappointed and staying silent, and (e) Discussion of sexual discrepancies. We highlight tensions about essentializing and naturalizing sexual desire, as well as how women imagine their right to ask for, or decline, sex. Implications for power, coercion, and sexual entitlement are also included along with practice implications for clinicians working with individuals and couples.

Sexual Identities and Protesting Among College Students: Exploring Political Distinctiveness Mediation Factors

Social Justice Research, 2020

This study examines the links between sexual identity and participation in political protests. Am... more This study examines the links between sexual identity and participation in political protests. Among a sample of college students (N = 2175), we determined that sexual minority students were three times more likely to join a protest than heterosexual students. "Political distinctiveness" theories are used to explain this sexual identity gap in protesting. Following a series of path analyses, we conclude that marital status, exposure to discrimination (as a victim or observer), connections to LGB communities, participation in political groups, and liberal identities mediate the sexuality difference in protesting. Conversely, measures of educational attainment, exposure to multicultural classes, and internalized homophobia were not mediators.

Gender, Religion, and Pro-Life Activism

Politics & Religion, 2020

Political mobilizations for and against legal abortions are cyclical entities. Studies on people ... more Political mobilizations for and against legal abortions are cyclical entities. Studies on people who joined pro-life movements in the peak of abortion protests (1980s) are relatively common but recent critical studies of right-to-life activists are almost non-existent. To address this lack of recent research, this work combines "political resource" theories and feminist scholarship to explain why certain people are involved in anti-abortion social movements. After analyzing data from the 2010-12 version of the American National Election Surveys (n = 3,860), this study concludes that pro-life activism was primarily driven by absolutist stances on abortion, the minimization of perceived sexism in society, being exposed to religious conversations about politics, and membership in explicitly political groups. The study also found that people's gender, social class, and educational levels failed to predict their pro-life political behaviors.

Sexual Identities and Racial Attitudes among Black, Latinx, and White Individuals

Journal of Bisexuality

Some recent studies suggest that lesbians, gay men, and bisexual people are generally more racial... more Some recent studies suggest that lesbians, gay men, and bisexual people are generally more racially progressive than heterosexuals. However, the findings of these "political distinctiveness" studies are up for some debate. Other studies find no sexuality gaps in racial attitudes, and these studies overlook the possibility of bisexual people having unique racial perspectives. These distinctiveness studies also ignore the possibility of racial and sexual identities influencing racial attitudes at the same time. In using the American National Election Survey of 2016 as a data source (N ¼ 3,987), this work found limited and conditional support for a sexuality gap in racial attitudes. In most cases, heterosexual people and sexual minorities converge in their racial interpretations, but there are some cases of stark differences between heterosexual individuals and lesbian-gay counterparts. Finally, an analysis of intersecting identities displayed some instances where the impact of a sexual identity varied by a person's racial background. For example, Black and Latinx bisexual people did not perceive racism or internalize racial stereotypes at especially high levels, but Latinx bisexual individuals were more supportive of Black protests against the police than Black bisexual individuals.

Swank2019Political distinctiveness of gays and lesbians-protest actions PGI.pdf

Politics, Groups, & Identities, 2019

This study explores the relationship between people's sexual identities and their tendencies to j... more This study explores the relationship between people's sexual identities and their tendencies to join political protests. When analyzing American National Election surveys from 2012 (n = 3813), gays and lesbians were more than twice as likely to protest as heterosexuals. To explain the increased activism of gays and lesbians, this study applied Patrick Egan's theories of political distinctiveness to the ANES data. After running a set of hierarchal logistic regressions, the link between sexualities and protesting became insignificant when issues of age, education levels, friendships circles, group memberships, and political ideologies were introduced into regressions. This suggests that gays and lesbians protested more often because they are younger, more educated, integrated into political networks, and are more likely to notice the negative consequences of social inequalities than heterosexuals.

Explaining the Sexuality Gap in Protest Participation

Journal of Homosexuality, 2019

This study investigated the relationship between sexual orientations and the protest actions of a... more This study investigated the relationship between sexual orientations and the protest actions of adults in the United States.
Drawing from General Social Survey data from 1996 to 2004,
we found that lesbians, gays, and bisexuals were more than
twice as likely to protest as heterosexuals. To account for this
sexuality gap, we used Patrick Egan’s (2008) political distinctiveness theories to identify possible underlying causes of
these protesting differences. After running several regressions,
we found that sexuality and protesting relationships were
moderated by issues of educational attainment, marital statuses, metropolitan residencies, political partisanships, governmental grievances, and gender role expectations.

Sexual identities and participation in liberal and conservative social movements

Social Science Research, 2018

A B S T R A C T The desire for social change, political activism, and sexual identities may all b... more A B S T R A C T The desire for social change, political activism, and sexual identities may all be related. Lesbians and gays generally contest heterosexism more than heterosexuals but we do not know how sexual identities sways participation in class, race, and gender based social movements. When analyzing the American National Election Surveys of 2012 (n = 3519), gays and lesbians were about twenty times more likely to join LGB justice campaigns than heterosexuals. Moreover, the greater activism of gays and lesbians also crossed over to recent Occupy Wall Street, peace, and environmental mobilizations. Finally, this analysis ends with logistic regressions that determine if any sexual identity gaps in movement participation are the result of demographic, contextual, and ideological covariates.

Who Voted for Hillary Clinton? Sexual Identities, Gender, and Family Influences

Journal of GLBT Family Studies, 2018

Sexual identities can influence political attitudes and actions. During political elections, gay ... more Sexual identities can influence political attitudes and actions. During political elections, gay men, lesbians, and bisexual individuals (GLB) have historically aligned with Democratic candidates. In the recent presidential election of 2016, this pattern persisted, as the vast majority of GLBs voted with the Democratic candidate for president in the 2016 elections (Hillary Clinton). This study tries to explain why lesbians and gay men overwhelmingly voted for candidate Clinton through Patrick Egan's (2012) theory of political distinctiveness. In using data the American National Election Survey of 2016 (N D 2,691), this analysis determines if the tendency of sexual minorities to vote Democratic was due to three sets of variables: (a) selection, or the characteristics associated with GLB identities are also associated with political liberalism; (b) embeddedness, or increased involvement in the LGB community leads to greater liberalism; and (c) conversion, or public disclosures of LGB identities causes major changes in political outlooks and actions. Special attention is also give to the intersectional concerns of gendered heterosexism, given that voting for Hillary Clinton was the highest among lesbian women and lowest among heterosexual men.

“Sexuality, Pleasure, Power, and Danger: Points of Tension, Contradiction, and Conflict

APA Handbook of the Psychology of Women, 2017

Ultimately, this chapter contributes to the understanding of how the conceptual paradox illustrat... more Ultimately, this chapter contributes to the understanding of how the conceptual paradox illustrated by pairing of pleasure and danger still presents an elusive, chronic, overarching, and overlapping set of contradictory points of tension in women's sexual lives. We draw out these tensions to illustrate how feminist psychologists can use them to study and better understand women's sexual imaginations, desires, and lived experiences. By drawing from critical sexuality studies and their attendant goals, feminist psychologists can better grapple with the deeply contradictory and difficult ways in which women's sexuality is experienced today.

LUCY PARSONS AMERICAN RADICAL WOMEN'S HISTORY MONTH Sponsored by ASU's Social and Cultural Analysis Program & Barrett, the Honors College Virtual Talk with Award-Winning Historian FRIDAY, 3/12 AT 2PM

In celebration of women's history month, join us for a talk, photo slideshow, and q&a with award... more In celebration of women's history month, join us for a talk, photo slideshow, and q&a with award-winning historian Jacqueline Jones, who will talk about the life and times of Lucy Parsons. Parsons, a radical anarcho-communist labor rights organizer who helped to found the "Wobblies" (International Workers of the World) and ignited a movement to rally the poor and middle-class to fight against the rich, is an essential and much-understudied figure of radical left history of the late 19th and early 20th century. She famously said, “Never be deceived that the rich will allow you to vote away their wealth.”

This event is sponsored by the Social and Cultural Analysis Program at ASU's West campus, and by Barrett, The Honors College. The event is free and open to all!

Eric Swank Flyer 2017 Turbeville Lecture

Social Movements often contest social inequalities through the means of individual and collective... more Social Movements often contest social inequalities through the means of individual and collective resistance. After defining different types of political resistance, this presentation focuses on how sexual identities are related to a person's tendency to join socio-political protests. In blending theories from Political Science, Psychology, and Sociology, Swank first explores the reasons behind LGBT activism for sexual Minorities. Later, the presentation focuses on why sexual minorities are more inclined to join feminist, anti-racist, labor, and environmental social movements than heterosexuals. In offering quantitative analysis of local and national surveys, special attention is given to issues of educational attainment, exposure to discriminatory events, and the framing of social hierarchies as well as the racial, gendered, and class divisions within LGB communities.

New Queer and Sexuality Studies Degree at ASU West

The BA program in Social and Cultural Analysis with a concentration in queer and sexuality studie... more The BA program in Social and Cultural Analysis with a concentration in queer and sexuality studies combines transdisciplinary topics and methods to critically analyze the ideologies of sexuality; the history and present conditions of sexual identity formation; structural inequalities and queer resistance to those same inequalities; and the diversity of LGBTQA communities. sexual fluidity, trans studies and critical heterosexualities Social and Cultural Analysis (Queer and Sexuality Studies), BA 4701 W. Thunderbird Road, Glendale, AZ Take a pic!