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'''Childbirth in China''' is influenced by traditional Chinese medicine, state control of reproductive health and birthing, and the adoption of modern biomedical practices. There are an estimated 16 million births annually in mainland China.<ref name=":15">{{Cite journal|last1=Xu|first1=Tao|last2=Yue|first2=Qing|last3=Wang|first3=Yan|last4=Murray|first4=John|last5=Sobel|first5=Howard|date=2018-10-03|title=Childbirth and Early Newborn Care Practices in 4 Provinces in China: A Comparison With WHO Recommendations|url=https://www.ghspjournal.org/content/6/3/565|journal=Global Health: Science and Practice|language=en|volume=6|issue=3|pages=565–573|doi=10.9745/GHSP-D-18-00017|issn=2169-575X|pmc=6172112|pmid=30287532}}</ref> {{As of|2022}}, Chinese [[state media]] reported the country's [[total fertility rate]] to be 1.09.<ref name=":02">{{Cite news |date=2023-08-15 |title=China's fertility rate drops to record low 1.09 in 2022- state media |language=en |work=[[Reuters]] |url=https://www.reuters.com/world/china/chinas-fertility-rate-drops-record-low-109-2022-state-media-2023-08-15/ |access-date=2023-08-15}}</ref> In 2023, there were 7.88 million births.<ref>{{Cite web |date=December 27, 2023 |title=China deletes leaked stats showing plunging birth rate for 2023 |url=https://www.rfa.org/english/news/china/china-birth-rates-plunge-12272023160425.html |access-date=2024-01-02 |website=[[Radio Free Asia]] |language=en}}</ref>
==Background==
===Chinese
Traditional Chinese marriages were arranged by the parents of the bride and groom to create familial alliances, often through the use of a [[Matchmaking|matchmaker]]. Wives lived with their husband's families and were subject to traditional [[Confucianism|Confucian]] beliefs in respecting elders. A woman's primary role was to produce sons for her husband to preserve paternal family lines. The [[New Marriage Law|Marriage Law of 1950]] overhauled many traditional customs, banning concubinage and gave women the prerogative to choose their spouse.<ref name=":5">{{Cite journal|last=Engel|first=John W.|date=1984|title=Marriage in the People's Republic of China: Analysis of a New Law|url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/352547|journal=Journal of Marriage and Family|volume=46|issue=4|pages=955–961|doi=10.2307/352547|jstor=352547|issn=0022-2445}}</ref> In 1981, the [[Second Marriage Law|New Marriage Law]] continued this trend, banning arranged marriages and dowries altogether and gave women the ability to divorce.<ref name=":5" />
Over the past 40 years, changing demographics, population mobility, and family planning policies have changed Chinese family structures<ref name=":0">{{Cite journal|last=Yuesheng|first=Wang|date=2014-10-02|title=An Analysis of Changes in the Chinese Family Structure between Urban and Rural Areas: On the Basis of the 2010 National Census Data|url=https://doi.org/10.1080/02529203.2014.968349|journal=Social Sciences in China|volume=35|issue=4|pages=100–116|doi=10.1080/02529203.2014.968349|issn=0252-9203}}</ref>. Nuclear families are declining, while one-person households and, in rural areas, linear family structures increase<ref name=":0" />. Social discourse over the 20th century initially called to “destroy the family unit” in order to encourage gender parity<ref name=":1">{{Cite journal|last=Sheng|first=Li|last2=Weirong|first2=Ren|date=2020-01-02|title=“Family-bound” or “Pulled by Work”?—A Study of Chinese Women’s Social Participation and the Factors Influencing It|url=https://doi.org/10.1080/02529203.2020.1719742|journal=Social Sciences in China|volume=41|issue=1|pages=133–158|doi=10.1080/02529203.2020.1719742|issn=0252-9203}}</ref>. This rhetoric was replaced by calls for women to return to the home, in order to relieve strain on the job market and encouraged involved mothering<ref name=":1" />. These ideas are gradually being rejected in favor of an emphasis on women’s’ choice, in both family life and employment and extending to broader social engagement<ref name=":1" />. However, women continue to have less social engagement than men, and women’s social engagement is dictated by marital and family status, whereas men’s is driven by educational attainment and job status<ref name=":1" />.▼
===Traditional Beliefs and Practices===▼
▲Over the past 40 years, changing demographics, population mobility, and family planning policies have
Beginning in the 18th century, Enlightenment Era scientific, economic and colonial development in Europe threatened longstanding Chinese notions of superiority. The late 19th and early 20th century were marred by political and economic failures, beginning with British defeats in the Opium Wars. Widespread poverty, famine and corruption sparked a series of rebellions, culminating in the 1911 collapse of the ancient imperial government. Republican revolutionaries during the early 20th century called for modernization to preserve the future of China. In 1949, Mao Zedong founded the People’s Republic of China and began solidifying his power through totalitarian control. He attempted to overhaul and modernize China’s industry and economy in the Great Leap Forward; however national turmoil, instability and economic failures caused widespread famine. During the Great Leap Forward mortality rates declined rapidly while birth rates slowed, then between 1958 and 1961 birth rates plummeted while mortality rose due to famine<ref name=":3">Bergaglio, Maristella. "Population Growth in China: The Basic Characteristics of China's Demographic Transition" (PDF). ''Global Geografia''. [[Italy|IT]]. Archived (PDF) from the original on 15 December 2011.</ref>. ▼
=== Family Planning Policies ===▼
[[Traditional Chinese medicine]] (TCM) dates back to 2000 BC, and is rooted in the philosophies of Taoism. TCM conceptualizes the human body as a chaotic entity requiring balance and control.<ref name=":2">{{Citation|last1=Harvey|first1=Travis Anna|title=Childbirth in China|date=2009|url=http://link.springer.com/10.1007/978-90-481-2599-9_5|work=Childbirth Across Cultures|volume=5|pages=55–69|editor-last=Selin|editor-first=Helaine|place=Dordrecht|publisher=Springer Netherlands|doi=10.1007/978-90-481-2599-9_5|isbn=978-90-481-2598-2|access-date=2021-05-21|last2=Buckley|first2=Lila}}</ref> This balance is understood to be an equilibrium, or ''qi,'' between two opposing forces: [[Yin and yang|''yin'' and ''yang'']].<ref name=":8">{{Cite journal|last=Lau|first=Ying|date=2012|title=Traditional Chinese Pregnancy Restrictions, Health-Related Quality of Life and Perceived Stress among Pregnant Women in Macao, China|journal=Asian Nursing Research|language=en|volume=6|issue=1|pages=27–34|doi=10.1016/j.anr.2012.02.005|pmid=25030688|doi-access=free}}</ref> Yin is the negative force, representing femininity, darkness, coldness and inferiority, while Yang is the positive force, representing masculinity, light, warmth and superiority.<ref name=":9"/> TCM emphasizes the importance of diet and behavior to maintain balance and prevent emotional and physical problems. Many traditional customs and restrictions are still widely practiced during pregnancy and in the postpartum period.
In the years following the famine, the birth rate quickly rose again then began a steady decline as the result of government policy regulating births. The relatively high birth rates, coupled with decreasing overall mortality and infant mortality created a population boom in the mid 20th century<ref name=":3" />. Government control of birthing began with recommendations to limit children during the 1950s, and re-emerged with the “later-longer-fewer” policy that encouraged women to delay their first pregnancies, increase birth intervals, and have fewer children overall in the early 1970s<ref name=":2" />. These policies were formalized in 1979 with the implementation of China’s Planned Birth Policy, often called the one-child policy. ▼
In early China during the Tang Dynasty (618-907 A.D.), there were processes in terms of medicinal prenatal care. Since the maintenance of balance between ''yin'' and ''yang'' was highly valued, women had to be aware of what they were putting in their body.<ref>{{Cite book |last=Yao |first=Ping |url=http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315627267 |title=Women, Gender, and Sexuality in China |date=2021-11-15 |publisher=Routledge |isbn=978-1-315-62726-7 |location=London|doi=10.4324/9781315627267 |s2cid=244136705 }}</ref> However, it was not only women who could take natural prenatal treatments. Men could take ''Seven Seeds Powder'', and women could take ''Fluorite and Asparagus Pills'' in tandem with a uterus-rinsing decoction.<ref>{{Cite book |last=Yao |first=Ping |url=http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315627267 |title=Women, Gender, and Sexuality in China |date=2021-11-15 |publisher=Routledge |isbn=978-1-315-62726-7 |location=London|doi=10.4324/9781315627267 |s2cid=244136705 }}</ref> All of the ingredients in these treatments are naturally occurring, and were meant to aid in restoring balance within the body, as well as assisting in fertilization.
vii. However, due to longstanding government pressure to reduce fertility and the economic barriers to child-rearing, including the lack of sufficient childcare, many Chinese women express a desire to only have one child, despite the changes in policy<ref>{{Cite journal|last=Jinglun|first=Yue|last2=Xin|first2=Fan|date=2020-10-01|title=Childcare Policy in China: Review, Reflection and Reconstruction|url=https://doi.org/10.1080/02529203.2020.1844448|journal=Social Sciences in China|volume=41|issue=4|pages=151–168|doi=10.1080/02529203.2020.1844448|issn=0252-9203}}</ref>. ▼
Traditional Chinese lay midwives, called ''jieshengpo'', were the dominant birth attendants throughout dynastic Chinese history.<ref name=":6">{{Cite journal|date=2009-04-01|title=Midwives in China: 'jie sheng po' to 'zhu chan shi'|url=https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/abs/pii/S0266613807000332|journal=Midwifery|language=en|volume=25|issue=2|pages=203–212|doi=10.1016/j.midw.2007.01.015|issn=0266-6138|last1=Harris|first1=Amanda|last2=Belton|first2=Suzanne|last3=Barclay|first3=Lesley|last4=Fenwick|first4=Jenny|pmid=17490792}}</ref> ''Jieshengpo'' have been criticized since in the Song-Ming dynasty as unqualified and dangerous, as female vocations violated traditional gender roles.<ref name=":6" /> Male doctors from the Ming Dynasty onward emphasized hands-off approaches to childbirth, viewing it as a process which should be dictated by the birthing woman.<ref name=":6" /> Lay midwives remained popular until the adoption of Western biomedicine in the mid-20th century.<ref name=":6" />
===The mandate for modernity===
▲Beginning in the 18th century, Enlightenment Era scientific, economic and colonial development in Europe threatened longstanding Chinese notions of superiority.<ref name=":2" /> The late 19th and early 20th century were marred by political
▲During the Great Leap Forward mortality rates declined rapidly while birth rates slowed, then between 1958 and 1961 birth rates plummeted while mortality rose due to famine.<ref name=":3">Bergaglio, Maristella. "Population Growth in China: The Basic Characteristics of China's Demographic Transition" (PDF). ''Global Geografia''. [[Italy|IT]]. Archived (PDF) from the original on 15 December 2011.</ref> In the years following the famine, the birth rate quickly rose again then began a steady decline as the result of government policy regulating births. The relatively high birth rates, coupled with decreasing overall mortality and infant mortality created a [[Population growth|population boom]] in the mid 20th century.<ref name=":3" />
The policy was most restrictive in the early 1980s, when enforcement was dictated at the local and regional level.<ref name=":14">{{Cite journal|last=Hesketh|first=Therese|date=1997|title=The One Child Family Policy: The Good, the Bad and the Ugly|journal=British Medical Journal|volume=314|issue=7095|pages=1685–1687|doi=10.1136/bmj.314.7095.1685|pmid=9193296|pmc=2126838}}</ref> Extreme measures included forced sterilization and birth control methods, female infanticide and selective abortion; however legislation outlawed these by the 1990s.<ref name=":14" /> Typical enforcement measures included heavy fines for additional children, state-sponsored propaganda, the revocation of benefits, and job loss.<ref name=":14" /> Families were encouraged to have one child through monthly stipends for single-child households, longer paid maternity leave, priority when applying for public services such as schooling, housing and healthcare, and supplemental pensions.<ref name=":14" /> In addition, family planning resources, including birth control and abortions were, and continue to be, widely available and culturally accepted.<ref name=":14" /> Despite the initial enforcement, the policy gradually relaxed throughout its existence, especially in rural areas, to offer exceptions, such as for ethnic minorities, families who have lost a child, parents whose first child has a physical or intellectual disability, and families in which both parents are only children.<ref name=":2" />
▲
The lasting effects of China's family planning policies remain hotly debated. The extreme population growth was largely halted, although some attribute this to social and economic changes rather than government policies.<ref name=":2" /> Women benefit from one-child households, through increased independence and freedom for mothers, a reduction in maternal mortality and easy access to birth control and safe abortions.<ref name=":14" /> Only children benefit from increased parental involvement and resources.<ref name=":14" /> However, the policy is widely criticized for limiting reproductive freedom, creating a gender imbalance with approximately 1.2 times as many males as females, and the increasing the economic strain caused by an aging population with decreasing support from working adults.<ref name=":0" />
==Pregnancy==
===Prenatal
In 2018, 99.6% of pregnant women received some sort of [[prenatal care]].<ref name=":7" /> However, the quality and quantity of prenatal care varies significantly across socioeconomic and geographical lines. A study in 2011 found that in rural areas, women who receive prenatal care have an average of 5 visits, and approximately 63% of pregnant women from rural areas have a prenatal examination within the first 12 weeks.<ref>{{Cite journal|last1=Lu|first1=Jun|last2=Shen|first2=Jay J.|last3=Chen|first3=Gang|last4=Moseley|first4=Charles B.|last5=Sun|first5=Mei|last6=Gao|first6=Fei|last7=Wang|first7=Ying|last8=Mao|first8=Yuming|last9=Hao|first9=Mo|date=2011-09-01|title=Regional Disparities in Prenatal Care Services in Rural China|url=https://doi.org/10.1177/1010539511418356|journal=Asia-Pacific Journal of Public Health|language=en|volume=23|issue=5|pages=682–689|doi=10.1177/1010539511418356|pmid=21852422|s2cid=667423|issn=1010-5395}}</ref> For urban and semi-urban women, prenatal care is similarly dictated by socioeconomic stratification. In state-run hospitals, prenatal care is provided first-come first-served, and women often travel long distances, have extensive wait times, and lack continuity of care throughout pregnancy.<ref name=":2" /> Woman-baby hospitals offer slightly more consistent and personalized care due to their smaller size.<ref name=":2" />
==Labor and Birth==▼
===Cultural practices===
Despite the biomedicalization of birth and delivery, many Chinese women adhere to traditional restrictions and [[taboo]]s during pregnancy. Food restrictions are typically related to maintaining a proper ''qi'' by avoiding over accumulation of ''yin by'' avoiding foods high in ''yin,'' such as cold foods, including watermelon and banana, and "wet-hot" foods, such as shrimp and pineapple.<ref name=":8" /> Other food taboos specific to pregnancy include mutton, which is thought to increase epilepsy risk, and dark foods, such as chocolate and coffee, which are thought to darken an infants complexion.<ref name=":8" /> Traditional behavior restrictions on pregnant women include avoiding renovations, moving heavy objects, participating in celebrations, preparing an infant's bed, attending funerals, raising hands above the head cutting the wings and legs off a chicken or using scissors near a bed.<ref name=":8" /> The justifications for these restrictions range from the physical health and safety of a pregnant woman to traditional folk beliefs, such as the idea that the use of scissors on or near a bed increases the risk of clef palate.<ref name=":8" /> While studies have found links between strong adherence to cultural taboos and poor physical health, the causality of the relationship is inconclusive.<ref name=":8" /> Studies of perceived stress during the prenatal period have found that adherence to cultural norms can strengthen familial harmony, reducing maternal stress, which is associated with improved outcomes.<ref name=":8" />
===Location===
===Interventions===▼
==Postpartum==▼
===Doing the Month===▼
Despite modernization and the elimination of traditional Chinese medicine in many aspects of childbearing, many postnatal Chinese women continue to practice ''zuoyuezi'', or "doing the month". Doing the month is a traditional postnatal custom dating to the Song dynasty, which has been passed down through generations<ref name=":4">{{Cite journal|last=Zheng|first=Xujuan|last2=Watts|first2=Kim|last3=Morrell|first3=Jane|date=2019-07|title=Chinese primiparous women's experience of the traditional postnatal practice of “Doing the month”: A descriptive method study|url=https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/jjns.12232|journal=Japan Journal of Nursing Science|language=en|volume=16|issue=3|pages=253–262|doi=10.1111/jjns.12232|issn=1742-7932|pmc=PMC6767130|pmid=30259684}}</ref>. Doing the month is based of the traditional Chinese philosophy of Yin and Yang<ref name=":4" />. The postnatal period is traditionally viewed as a time of chaos within a woman's body, where she has a surplus of Yin energy, which must be restored by avoiding sources of Yin and seeking out sources of Yang. In practice, ''zuoyuezi'' is a month long period of seclusion and recovery, involving the presence of one's mother-in-law or another female caregiver to assist with recuperation, avoiding cold Yin-heavy foods and environments, an emphasis on warm water and eating a balance of hot and cold foods<ref>{{Cite journal|last=Wan|first=Ellen Y.|last2=Moyer|first2=Cheryl A.|last3=Harlow|first3=Siobán D.|last4=Fan|first4=Zitian|last5=Jie|first5=Yan|last6=Yang|first6=Huixia|date=2008|title=Postpartum depression and traditional postpartum care in China: Role of Zuoyuezi|url=http://doi.wiley.com/10.1016/j.ijgo.2008.10.016|journal=International Journal of Gynecology & Obstetrics|language=en|volume=104|issue=3|pages=209–213|doi=10.1016/j.ijgo.2008.10.016}}</ref>. ▼
For women in rural areas, especially in minority regions, childbirth and maternal care are less influenced by Western biomedical practices. Births typically occur in local multi-use rural health centers, which range greatly in sanitation, equipment and staffing, based on the economic status of the surrounding areas.<ref name=":2" /> While home births are increasingly rare and government pressure seeks to eliminate the practice, they continue to occur, especially for women who are impoverished, from extremely rural areas, members of ethnic minorities or evading family planning policies.<ref name=":2" /> A study in 2010 found that the most common reported reasons for the continued practice of home births in the rural Shanxi Province are economic struggles, low quality prenatal care, lack of transportation, fear of hospitals and the convenience of home birth.<ref>{{Cite journal|last1=Gao|first1=Yu|last2=Barclay|first2=Lesley|last3=Kildea|first3=Sue|last4=Hao|first4=Min|last5=Belton|first5=Suzanne|date=2010-01-01|title=Barriers to increasing hospital birth rates in rural Shanxi Province, China|journal=Reproductive Health Matters|volume=18|issue=36|pages=35–45|doi=10.1016/S0968-8080(10)36523-2|issn=0968-8080|pmid=21111349|s2cid=25522623|doi-access=free}}</ref>
===Postpartum depression===▼
===Birth attendants===
The modernization and professionalization of [[midwifery]] first emerged as the early republican government sought to improve public health problems, but early national crises prevented large scale change in birthing practices for many years.<ref name=":16">{{Cite journal|last1=Harris|first1=Amanda|last2=Belton|first2=Suzanne|last3=Barclay|first3=Lesley|last4=Fenwick|first4=Jenny|date=2009|title=Midwives in China: 'jie sheng po' to 'zhu chan shi'|url=https://linkinghub.elsevier.com/retrieve/pii/S0266613807000332|journal=Midwifery|language=en|volume=25|issue=2|pages=203–212|doi=10.1016/j.midw.2007.01.015|pmid=17490792}}</ref> By the 1930s, Western influence resulted in the establishment of midwifery schools, and the new formally trained midwives were called ''zhuchanshi,'' to differentiate them from folk-trained ''jieshengpo''.<ref name=":16" /> In early communist China under Mao, birthing practices were standardized while trained midwives took on a greater role in labor and delivery. In the post-Mao era, the divide between midwives and doctors began to grow again.<ref name=":16" />
The decentralization of healthcare has eliminated standard training for modern ''jieshengpo,'' with some training in specialized midwifery programs and others training as nurses and gaining midwifery experience throughout their career.<ref name=":2" /> For hospital births physicians are now regarded as the desired medical providers for childbirth.<ref name=":2" /> The trend towards profitable interventions has further amplified the role of physicians in childbirth settings with ''zhuchanshi'' often acting an assistants to obstetricians or facilitating uncomplicated vaginal deliveries.<ref name=":16" /> However, midwives practice with greater autonomy and scope in rural clinics and smaller woman-baby hospitals, where physicians are limited.<ref name=":2" /> In rural areas with increased rates of home births, ''jieshengpo'' continue to offer comprehensive care during labor and delivery.<ref name=":2" />
▲===Interventions===
From 1991 to 2018, the maternal mortality ratio in China decreased dramatically from 80 to 18.3 deaths per 100,000 live births.<ref>{{Cite web|title=Maternal health - China|url=https://www.who.int/westernpacific/health-topics/maternal-health|access-date=2021-05-22|website=www.who.int|language=en}}</ref> Due to political calls to modernize and adopt Western biomedical technology, medical interventions are common in labor and delivery when performed in private, women-baby or state-run hospitals.<ref name=":6" />
Private hospitals often have ample resources to provide laboring women with private rooms, effective pain relief, and obstetrician facilitated birthing experiences. In state-run hospitals, vaginal births in communal delivery rooms are associated with extremely high rates of labor-inducing drugs and episiotomies. Some women-baby hospitals employ pain reduction methods, including epidurals and TENS, but they remain rare.<ref name=":2" /> Cesarean sections are often encouraged by physicians to increase the speed of delivery and profits. Urban state-run hospitals can have cesarean rates of up to 70-90%.<ref name=":2" /> At woman-baby hospitals, cesarean sections are slightly less common with rates of 40-90%.<ref name=":2" /> In addition to government pressure for modernization of childbirth and hospital desires to maximize the efficiency and profitability of childbirth, high cesarean rates are also driven by a maternal desire to eliminate the pain and uncertainty of vaginal delivery.<ref name=":2" /> Cesarean deliveries have become a socioeconomic status symbol for women who can afford to avoid the pain associated with childbirth.<ref name=":2" /> Despite efforts to minimize unnecessary cesarean deliveries on local and national levels, the cesarean delivery rate increased from 28.8% in 2008 to 36.7% in 2018. While cesarean deliveries decreased in supercities, the cesarean rate is increasing in both general cities and rural populations.<ref>{{Cite journal|last=Li|first=Hong-tian|title=Trends in Cesarean Delivery Rates in China, 2008-2018|journal=Journal of the American Medical Association|year=2020|volume=323|issue=1|pages=89–91|doi=10.1001/jama.2019.17595|pmid=31910272|pmc=6990817}}</ref>
▲==Postpartum==
▲Despite modernization and the elimination of traditional Chinese medicine in many aspects of childbearing, many postnatal Chinese women continue to practice ''zuoyuezi'', or "[[doing the month]]". Doing the month is a traditional postnatal custom dating to the [[Song dynasty]], which has been passed down through generations.<ref name=":
▲===Postpartum depression===
[[Postpartum depression]] occurs in an estimated 30% of Chinese women 1–3 years postpartum.<ref name=":10">{{Cite journal|last1=Chi|first1=Xinli|last2=Zhang|first2=Peichao|last3=Wu|first3=Haiyan|last4=Wang|first4=Jian|date=2016|title=Screening for Postpartum Depression and Associated Factors Among Women in China: A Cross-Sectional Study|journal=Frontiers in Psychology|language=English|volume=7|page=1668|doi=10.3389/fpsyg.2016.01668|issn=1664-1078|pmc=5088192|pmid=27847483|doi-access=free}}</ref> A 2008 study found that postpartum depression (PPD) is twice as common in women who practiced ''zuoyuezi'' despite considering the practice unhelpful and in women who are cared for by their mother-in-law.<ref name=":11">{{Cite journal|last1=Wan|first1=Ellen Y.|last2=Moyer|first2=Cheryl A.|last3=Harlow|first3=Siobán D.|last4=Fan|first4=Zitian|last5=Jie|first5=Yan|last6=Yang|first6=Huixia|date=2009|title=Postpartum depression and traditional postpartum care in China: Role of Zuoyuezi|url=http://doi.wiley.com/10.1016/j.ijgo.2008.10.016|journal=International Journal of Gynecology & Obstetrics|language=en|volume=104|issue=3|pages=209–213|doi=10.1016/j.ijgo.2008.10.016|pmid=19036364|hdl=2027.42/135315|s2cid=3239676|hdl-access=free}}</ref> Other risk factors included a lack of partner support, difficult pregnancy, poor infant health, a history of depression and anxious attachment styles.<ref name=":10" /><ref name=":11" /> Protective factors against PPD include childbirth classes and socioeconomic status. Despite the prevalence of PPD, very few women seek professional emotional support in the postpartum period.<ref name=":10" />
== References ==
{{Reflist}}
[[Category:Maternity in China]]
[[Category:Maternity by country|China]]
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