L1 - S1 - Anglais - Document de Travail - 2324

Anglais juridique
Document de travail établi par Thomas Velasquez
Licence 1 en Droit
Année 2023-2024 - semestre 1
Anglais juridique
Document de travail établi par Thomas Velasquez
Introduction to the Political Institutions of the United Kingdom
Licence 1 en Droit
Année 2023-2024 - semestre 1
Les supports de cours
Les étudiants ont à leur disposition plusieurs types de supports de cours.

• Les documents de travail par chapitre,
• Les enregistrements audios.
Des bulletins de liaison fourniront des conseils de travail, des comptes rendus des
webconférences, une actualisation du cours.
L’enseignement dispensé a pour support principal des cours audio. Ces cours enregistrés
sont comparables à l’enseignement magistral donné à la faculté avec pour différence majeure
qu’ils peuvent être écoutés sans limite et en tout lieu. Ils doivent donc être utilisés comme le
serait un cours magistral et pourront être pris en note si cet exercice apparaît comme un soutien
à la compréhension de la matière et à l’acquisition requise des connaissances.
Comme tout étudiant en droit, vous pourrez également vous appuyer sur les manuels
conseillés.
Nous avons cherché à rapprocher votre situation de celle d’un étudiant du régime présentiel
et à vous donner, à travail équivalent, des chances égales lors de l’examen. À cette fin, le
présent fascicule vient à l’appui des cours audio avec lesquels il forme un tout. Outre les
conseils de méthode et indications bibliographiques générales, il comporte des extraits de
textes bruts et de jurisprudence dont il convient de prendre une connaissance directe et vous
renvoie à la lecture de textes spécifiques.
3
Université Paris 1 Panthéon-Sorbonne
Table des matières
Présentation générale du cours . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6

Bibliographie . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8
Remise à niveau en anglais . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9
Chapter 1: a brief historical introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10
1. British History Timeline . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .12
2. The Structure of the United Kingdom . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16
3. Acts of Union: Uniting the United Kingdom . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .18
Chapter 2: The English Constitution and the British Monarchy . . 19
1. The Constitution of the United Kingdom . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20
2. Constitutional Conventions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .21
3. The Cabinet Manual, 2011 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23
4. Do we need a written constitution? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 24
5. Press release from Prime Ministers’ Office, 22 March 2021 . . . . . 25
6. State Opening of Parliament . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 26
Chapter 3: Elections and Political Parties . . . . . . . . . . . . .28
1. How the UK General Election works . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 29
2. Political parties . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 32
3. The Conservatives: One Nation under Boris . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 33
4. Sunak reshuffles UK government, naming new Conservative Party chair . . 34
5. What is the Labour Party? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 35
6. Keir Starmer, Labour leader . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 36
7. The Liberal Democrats / LibDems . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 37
8. The Scottish National Party . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 38
Chapter 4: The British Executive . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 42
1. Roles and Powers of the Prime Minister . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 43
2. The Executive . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 44
3. What do [government] reshuffles achieve? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 47
Chapter 5: The British Parliament . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .49
1. The roles of Parliament . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 50
2. The Question Time . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 52
3. Composition of Parliament: General Elections Results 2019 . . . . 53
4.The Fixed-term Parliaments Act 2011 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 54
Chapter 6: the House of Commons and House of Lords . . . .55
1. Parliament: MPs and Lords . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 56
2. House of Commons and House of Lords . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 57
3.The pros and cons of the House of Lords . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 59
4
Chapter 7: Devolution of power . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 60
1. Devolution: a beginner’s guide . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 60
2. Wales: History of Welsh Devolution . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 63
3. Scotland: Scottish devolution since the 1707 Act of Union . . . . . . 66
4. Northern Ireland: A year without devolved government by Paul Moss . . . 69
Chapter 8: British Commonwealth and the European Union . 71
1. The Commonwealth: a few facts . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 71
2. Queen’s death leaves Commonwealth with uncertain future . . . . . 74
3. The United Kingdom European Union membership referendum . . . 76
4. Results of the May 2019 European elections . . . . . . . . . . . . . 78
Chapter 9: further reading - other current issues in the UK . . 79
• Johnson hopes Putin’s war will save him, but don’t be fooled . . . . . . 79
• Boris Johnson fined by police over partygate – what happens next? . . .80
• ‘Humbled and deeply touched’: Queen thanks nation as four-day jubilee ends . . . 82
• Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth II has died at the age of 96 . . . . . . 84
• The world is in mourning . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 84
• King Charles: oldest new monarch ever. How will he handle his reign? 87
• Liz Truss resigns: PM’s exit kicks off another Tory leadership race . . 90
• New Prime Minister Rishi Sunak ‘feart’ of voters and “running scared of democracy . . . 92
• King Charles III and Queen Camilla crowned at Westminster Abbey 94
Glossary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .96
5
Présentation générale du cours
Les étudiants ont à disposition différents supports et outils de cours durant l’année mis en
ligne sur la plateforme. Ils comportent :
• des regroupements par zoom
• une brochure de travail
• des supports vidéo et audio
• des bulletins de liaison
Les regroupements via zoom seront enregistrés et accessibles sur la plate-forme. Ce sont
des cours en ligne dispensés par votre enseignant. La brochure de travail (que vous êtes en
train de consulter) vient élargir et compléter les notions du domaine d’étude abordés dans les
regroupements de même que les supports audio et vidéo qui peuvent être écoutés sans limite et
en tout lieu. Ces derniers, de même que les enregistrements des regroupements, sont mis à jour
régulièrement mais l’actualité peut évoluer rapidement. Leur écoute reste néanmoins pertinente.
Ils peuvent également être pris en note si cet exercice vous apparaît comme un soutien à la
compréhension de la matière et à l’acquisition requise des connaissances Les bulletins de liaison
(au nombre de trois ou quatre) viendront compléter les regroupements via zoom et pourront
fournir des conseils de travail, des comptes rendus ou une actualisation du cours.
Comme tout étudiant en droit, vous pourrez également vous appuyer sur un certain nombre
de références et manuels conseillés ainsi que sur la consultation de certains sites internet.
Nous avons cherché à rapprocher votre situation de celle d’un étudiant du régime présentiel
et à vous donner, à travail équivalent, des chances égales lors de l’examen. À cette fin, la
présente brochure de cours vient à l’appui des autres supports proposés avec lesquels elle
forme un tout. Outre les conseils de méthode et indications bibliographiques générales, elle
comporte des extraits de textes bruts dont il convient de prendre une connaissance directe et
vous renvoie à la lecture de textes spécifiques.
La brochure est conçue comme un document complémentaire des regroupements par
zoom et des supports vidéo et audio. Elle ne peut être à elle seule le seul outil de travail.
Chaque chapitre présente :
• un rappel des points principaux.
• une série de notions clés relatives au thème abordé.
• des lectures complémentaires, notamment des articles de la presse anglo-saxonne,
illustrant un ou plusieurs points abordés dans les regroupements ou enregistrements et
pouvant être suivis de questions visant à mettre l’accent sur les aspects importants du
texte. Certains de ces articles pourront être évoqués lors des regroupements.
• un glossaire de termes essentiels, Glossary of Essential Terms.
Des permanences seront également proposées au cours du 1er semestre (en général trois
permanences via zoom et/ou sur place au centre René Cassin) vous permettant de poser
directement vos questions et de revenir sur des points du cours. Elles ne sont pas obligatoires
et s’adressent surtout aux étudiants ayant des interrogations particulières sur la méthode ou
les contenus.
6
Université Paris 1 Panthéon-Sorbonne Licence 1 - Anglais juridique
Il est important d’assister aux regroupements qui auront lieu tout au long du semestre ou au
moins de les écouter en différé. À défaut de pouvoir y assister ou de les écouter, consultez les
bulletins de liaison qui seront mis en ligne et n’hésitez pas à élargir vos sources également en
consultant les sites internet ou ouvrages recommandés. L’intérêt est de vous enrichir et de bâtir
progressivement une vraie culture des institutions britanniques et un bagage juridique qui vous
accompagneront pendant vos années d’étude.
Modalités du contrôle de connaissances
Un seul examen sanctionne l’acquisition des connaissances en anglais. Le but de cet

examen est double : il doit permettre de vérifier le degré de maîtrise de la langue anglaise, tant
du point de vue grammatical que lexical, ainsi que l’acquisition de connaissances précises sur
le fonctionnement des institutions britanniques.
Cet examen peut-être écrit ou oral (si la situation le permet), à la première comme à la
session de rattrapage. Ces dernières années il a pris la forme d’un écrit d’une heure pour des
raisons pratiques d’organisation.
Il consiste en des questions sur les thèmes abordés dans les supports de cours. Une
première partie portera sur des questions lexicales (vocabulaire spécifique avec termes précis
ou définitions à retrouver), suivie de questions de cours visant à vérifier des connaissances
précises, tant du point de vue du contenu que du vocabulaire. Un bonus sera accordé aux
étudiants qui feront référence à des éléments de l’actualité politique au Royaume Uni.
Toutes les questions visent à vérifier la compréhension d’ensemble du fonctionnement des
institutions britanniques par le candidat, ainsi que sa connaissance ponctuelle de la terminologie
et des concepts propres aux institutions britanniques.
Épreuves anticipées de janvier appelée le « délestage » : l’anglais, en tant que matière du
premier semestre, fait partie des matières susceptibles d’être passées lors de la série d’épreuves
anticipées qui ont généralement lieu aux mois de janvier. Le passage des épreuves anticipées
est obligatoire pour les étudiants boursiers, optionnel pour les non-boursiers. Ceux qui ne
passeront pas l’épreuve « anticipée » passeront l’épreuve au mois de mai.
Un devoir en ligne obligatoire pour les étudiants boursiers est à remettre au cours du
semestre 1 (les dates et modalités seront précisées).
Il est impératif de travailler les supports de cours et d’écouter ou réécouter les enregistrements,
permettant à tous de progresser en anglais, et en anglais oral, en fonction de son niveau. Tous
les supports ont été conçus dans le but de présenter les aspects essentiels des institutions
politiques britanniques en vous initiant au vocabulaire spécifique à cette étude.
7
Bibliographie
Vous pouvez trouver dans les manuels suivants des informations complémentaires pour
vous aider à mieux comprendre ou à approfondir un thème abordé dans les enregistrements.
Toutefois, aucun de ces manuels ne correspond parfaitement au contenu des regroupements
ou des séances ; la consultation de ces manuels doit être considérée comme une aide mais
ne doit pas se substituer aux autres supports de cours. D’autres ouvrages pourront vous être
recommandés par votre enseignant pendant les regroupements.
• Simon Griffiths & Robert Leach, British Politics, 3rd edition, 2018.
• Bill Jones, British Politics – The Basics, Routledge, 2020.
• Sarah Pickard, Civilation Britannique, Pocket (nouvelle édition mise à jour), 2020.
(ouvrage bilingue; ne pas céder à la tentation de ne lire que la partie en français !)
• Tony Wright, British Politics – A Very Short Introduction, OUP, 2020.
Le contenu des regroupements ou des autres supports fait référence au fonctionnement
récent et actuel de la vie politique britannique. Il est alors également indispensable de vous
tenir au courant de l’actualité britannique à travers les médias de langue anglaise. Un bonus
est accordé aux étudiants qui feront référence à des événements de l’actualité britannique de
l’année en cours.
D’autre part, un certain nombre de sites internet officiels – tels que Number10.gov.uk,
www.parliament.uk, www.royal.gov.uk, et bien d’autres dont les adresses sont communiquées
dans les chapitres correspondants – vous donnent accès à des compléments d’information et
vous permettent de compléter ou actualiser les contenus.
8
Remise à niveau en anglais
De nombreux sites et ouvrages existent dont le but est de vous permettre de reprendre
quelques règles d’expression de base. Il en existe, entre autres, dans les éditions suivantes :
• Livre de poche, Améliorez votre anglais, C. Caillate, J. Vince, M. O’Neil.
• De nombreux titres dans la collection Pocket.
• Studyrama, Réviser son anglais, J. Hathaway, C. Pinet-Fernandes & F. Savary.
D’autres pistes pourront vous être suggérées. Si vous disposez d’un peu de temps pour
reprendre des cours, une école de langues peut être une option intéressante mais ces formations
peuvent se révéler onéreuses. Certaines mairies organisent des cours de remise à niveau en
anglais, et de nombreux outils et sites en ligne permettent aussi de travailler son anglais et
de progresser. Voyager et discuter avec des anglophones demeure par ailleurs une très bonne
façon de pratiquer la langue. Laissez-vous aussi tenter par les nombreuses fictions et séries
de qualité que vous pouvez regarder en V.O. et qui vous permettent ainsi de joindre l’utile à
l’agréable.
9
Chapter 1: a brief historical introduction
https://i.redd.it/hmcb9kxkf6x41.png
10
Key-notions
Composition of the United Kingdom, England, Wales, Scotland, Northern Ireland,
the Union Jack, the Acts of Union, Good Friday Agreement, incorporation, the Church
of England, unitary, devolution, Kings and Queens, William the Conqueror, John
Lackland, Henry VIII, Elisabeth I, Oliver Cromwell, William of Orange, Queen Victoria,
Buckingham Palace, 10 Downing Street, Westminster, Whitehall, etc.
Questions
• Where does the name England comes from?
• In which year was Great Britain formed?
• When and why was Ireland divided into two parts?
• What is the name of the established religion in the UK?
• Why was William I nicknamed the Conqueror?
• Why was King Kohn nicknamed Lackland?
• What is meant by Glorious Revolution?
• Who was Henry VIII?
• What is referred as the Protectorate?
* NB - the key-notions and questions section are the types of elements you need to be able
to answer as you read and study your topics. They represent (some of) the key notions you
need to be familiar with. The list is of course not exhaustive.
11
1. British History Timeline
adapted from Britain 2001, The Official Year-book of the United Kingdom, The Stationery
Office, 2000
55 and 54 BC: Julius Caesar’s expeditions to Britain

AD 43: Roman conquest begins under Claudius
122-38: Hadrian’s Wall built
409: Roman army withdraws from Britain
450s onwards: foundation of the Anglo-Saxon kingdoms
597: arrival of St Augustine to preach Christianity to the Anglo-Saxons
664: Synod of Whitby opts for Roman Catholic rather than Celtic Church
789-95: first Viking raids
832-60: Scots and Picts merge under Kenneth Macalpin to form what is to become the
kingdom of Scotland
860s: Danes overrun East Anglia, Northumbria and eastern Mercia
871-99: reign of Alfred the Great in Wessex
1066: William the Conqueror defeats Harold Godwinson at Hastings and takes the throne
1086: Domesday Book completed - a survey of English landholdings undertaken on the
order of William I
1136-39: Geoffrey Monmouth completes The History of the Kings of Britain
1215: King John signs Magna Carta to protect feudal rights against royal abuse
13th century: first Oxford and Cambridge colleges founded
1301: Edward of Caernarvon (later Edward II) created Prince of Wales
1314: Battle of Bannockburn ensures survival of separate Scottish kingdom
1337: Hundred Years’ War between England and France begins
1348-49: Black Death (bubonic plague) wipes out a third of England’s population
1381: Peasants’ Revolt in England, the most significant popular rebellion in English history
1387-1394: Geoffrey Chaucer writes The Canterbury Tales
1400-1406: Owain Glyndwr (Owen Glendower) leads the last major Welsh revolt against
English rule
1411: St Andrews University founded, first university in Scotland
1455-87: Wars of the Roses between Yorkists and Lancastrians
1477: first book to be printed in England, by William Caxton
1534-40: English Reformation; Henry VIII breaks with the Catholic Pope
1536-42: Acts of Union integrate England and Wales administratively and legally and give
Wales representation in Parliament
1547-53: Protestantism becomes official religion in England under Edward VI
12
1553-58: Catholic reaction under Mary I
1558: loss of Calais, last English possession in France
1588: defeat of Spanish Armada
1558-1603: reign of Elizabeth I; moderate Protestantism established
1590-1613: plays of Shakespeare written
1603: union of the crowns of Scotland and England under James VI of Scotland
1642-51: Civil Wars between King and Parliament
1649: execution of Charles I
1653-58: Oliver Cromwell rules as Lord Protector
1660: monarchy restored under Charles II
1660: founding of the Royal Society for the Promotion of Natural Knowledge
1663: John Milton finishes Paradise Lost
1665: the Great Plague, the last major epidemic of plague in England
1666: the Great Fire of London
1686: Isaac Newton sets out his laws of motion and the idea of universal gravitation
1688: Glorious Revolution; accession of William and Mary
1707: Acts of Union unite the English and Scottish Parliaments
1721-42: Robert Walpole, first British Prime Minister
1745-46: Bonnie Prince Charlie’s failed attempt to retake the British throne for the Stuarts
1760s-1830s: Industrial Revolution
1761: opening of the Bridgewater Canal ushers in Canal Age
1775-83: American War of Independence leads to loss of the Thirteen Colonies
1801: Act of Union unites Great Britain and Ireland
1805: Battle of Trafalgar, the decisive naval battle of the Napoleonic Wars
1815: Battle of Waterloo, the final defeat of Napoleon
1825: opening of the Stockton and Darlington Railway, the world’s first passenger railway
1829: Catholic emancipation
1832: first Reform Act extends the franchise, increasing the number of those entitled to vote by
about 50 per cent
1833: abolition of slavery in the British Empire, the slave trade having been abolished in 1807
1836-70: Charles Dickens writes his novels
1837-1901: reign of Queen Victoria
1859: Charles Darwin publishes On the Origin of Species by Means of Natural Selection
1868: founding of the Trades Union Congress (TUC)
1907: Henry Royce and C.S. Rolls build and sell their first Rolls-Royce (the Silver Ghost)
1910-36: during the reign of George V, the British Empire reaches its territorial zenith
13
1914-18: First World War
1918: The vote given to women over 30
1921: Anglo-Irish Treaty establishes the Irish Free State; Northern Ireland remains part of
the United Kingdom
1926: John Logie Baird gives the first practical demonstration of television
1928: Voting age for women reduced to 21, on equal terms with men
1928: Alexander Fleming discovers penicillin
1936: Jarrow Crusade, the most famous of the hunger marches in the 1930s
1939-45: Second World War
1943: Max Newman, Donald Michie, Tommy Flowers and Alan Turing build the first
electronic computer, Colossus I, which was used in the Second World War
1947: Independence for India and Pakistan: Britain begins to dismantle its imperial structure
1948: the National Health Service comes into operation, offering free medical care to the
whole population
1952: accession of Elizabeth II
1953: Francis Crick and his colleague James Watson of the United States discover the
stucture of DNA
1965: first commercial natural gas discovery in the North Sea
1969: first notable discovery of offshore oil in the North Sea
1973: the UK enters the European Community (now the European Union)
1979-90: Margaret Thatcher, the UK’s first woman Prime Minister
1994: Channel Tunnel opened to rail traffic
1997: General Election - the Labour Party returns to power with its largest ever
parliamentary majority
1999: Scottish Parliament, National Assembly for Wales, and Northern Ireland Assembly
assume their devolved powers
2001: General Election – Labour wins again general election and Tony Blair starts second
term as prime minister
2005: General Election – Labour wins for the third time in a row
2007: Tony Blair resigns from his position as Prime Minister and from Labour leadership.
Gordon Brown becomes the new Labour leader and the UK’s Prime Minister
2010: General Election – Coalition government formed between the Conservatives and the
Liberal-Democrats as no party obtains the overall majority in Parliament. David Cameron
appointed Prime Minister, Nick Clegg deputy prime minister
2014: Scottish Independence Referendum – the no-votes won by a majority of 55.3%
2015: First General Election to be held according to the rules of the Fixed Term Parliaments
Act of 2011 – The Conservatives won an overall majority and David Cameron was renewed
as prime minister and formed an all-Tory government
2016: EU referendum held on June 23. The question was whether the United Kingdom
should remain in, or leave, the European Union. The “No” to the UK remaining in the EU
14
won with 51.9% of the votes. Prime minister David Cameron resigned and was replaced
by Theresa May
2017 June 8: early General Election (snap election) that resulted in a hung parliament
– the Conservatives won, yet failed to obtain an overall majority – Theresa May decided
to form a minority government, relying on occasional support from the DUP, a Northern
Ireland unionist party
2019 March 29: Brexit deal rejected for the third time, on the original day that the UK was
due to leave the EU. Brexit is now delayed and the new deadline is 31 October 2019
2019 July 24: Boris Johnson appointed prime minister, succeeding Theresa May who resigned
2019 December 12: early General Election gave the Conservatives an overall majority of 365 MPs
2020 January 31: the United Kingdom left the European Union, opening up a transition
period until 31 December 2020
2020 December 31: the UK officially leaves the E.U.
2021 April 9: Prince Philip dies aged 99
2022 May: Boris Johnson’s Partygate - Official report accuses prime minister of breaking
covid and lockdown rules during pandemic
2022 June 2: Queen Elizabeth celebrates her Platinum Jubilee for her 70 years of reign
2022 June 6: Boris Johnson wins no-confidence vote by 211 to 148 but 40% of Tory MPs
fail to back him
2022 June 12: Queen Elizabeth becomes the 2nd longest-reigning monarch in history,
behind only Louis XIV of France who became king at the age of four
2022 June: Scotland’s First Minister Nicola Sturgeon proposes 19 October 2023 as the
date for a second referendum on independence
2022 July 5, 6 and 7: series of resignations in Boris Johnson’s Cabinet and among his
collaborators leads Boris Johnson to announce his pending resignation as Prime Minister and
Conservative party leader prompting a leadership election which will finish in September
2022 September 6: Liz Truss becomes Prime Minister. The Queen appoints her at Balmoral,
breaking with tradition by not returning to London to make the appointment
2022 September 8: death of Queen Elizabeth II, aged 96. Charles becomes King of the
United Kingdom and head of the Commonwealth of Nations. Parliament is suspended until
September 21. Charles III addresses Parliament as monarch for the first time. State funeral
of Elizabeth II on September 19
2022 September 23: Chancellor Kwasi Kwarteng announces controversial emergency
mini-budget with biggest tax cuts since 1972. Pound sterling falls sharply in response
and mini-budget criticised even by FMI. Kwasi Kwerteng is dismissed on October 14 and
replaced by Jeremy Hunt who reverses almost all the tax measures
2022 October 20: Liz Truss announces her resignation after 45 days, the shortest tenure for
a British Prime Minister. Rishi Sunak replaces her as the new Prime Minister on October 25
2022 November 23: Supreme Court rules that the Scottish Government cannot hold a
second Scottish independence referendum without the UK government’s consent
2023 February 15: Nicola Sturgeon resigns as Scotland’s First Minister. On March 27,
Humza Yousaf succeeds Nicola Sturgeon as SNP leader and Scotland’s First minister after
a vote of party members
2023 May 6: King Charles III and Queen Camilla crowned at Westminster Abbey
15
2. The Structure of the United Kingdom
adapted from Colin Turpin, British Government and the Constitution, 5th edition, 2002.
The United Kingdom has a unitary constitution like that of France, and unlike that of
the United States of America. Yet the United Kingdom is a multi-national state in which the
inhabitants of Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland identify themselves not only as “British”
but also – indeed often exclusively – as Scots, Welsh, Ulstermen, or Irish. In law there is,
however, a single British citizenship for all those sufficiently connected by birth or descent
with the United Kingdom.
England is the largest of the four countries of the United Kingdom, and its population
of 49,997,000 (estimate for mid-2000: (2002) 107 Population Trends) is 84 per cent of the
total United Kingdom population of 59,756,000. While there are no significant nationalist
or separatist political movements in England, there are differences associated with particular
regions, and differences both cultural and linguistic among the ethnic minority populations of
English cities.
England has 529 out of the 659 seats in the House of Commons, and is under–represented
in comparison with the rest of the United Kingdom: if average constituency electorates were
equal throughout the United Kingdom, England would have 549 seats.
In the central government of the United Kingdom there is no separate department for
England like the “territorial” departments for Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland, but the work
of several departments–in particular, Environment, Food and Rural Affairs, Health, Transport,
Education and skills- is predominantly concerned with the affairs of England because the
corresponding functions in the other countries of the United Kingdom are largely devolved or
discharged by the territorial departments.
Scotland covers about a third of the area of the United Kingdom and has a population of
5,115,000 (estimate for mid-2000: (2002) 107 Population Trends) or about 9 per cent of the
total United Kingdom population.
Scotland and England, under the same Crown from 1603 but with separate institutions
of government, were joined in the United Kingdom of Great Britain in 1707 by the Treaty
and Acts of Union. In terms of these instruments the two Parliaments were superseded by a
Parliament of Great Britain – “a new Parliament for a new State”. This was to be a unitary, not
a federal state.
In entering the Union the Scots were concerned to ensure, as far as they could, that certain
of their rights and institutions should not be at risk from a Parliament in which English
members would be in a majority. The Union legislation accordingly declared, as a “fundamental
and essential condition” of the union, that the Presbyterian religion and Church of Scotland
should “remain and continue unalterable” in Scotland, and affirmed that the Scottish superior
courts should remain with their authority and privileges.
After the Union of 1707 the Scottish administration was absorbed into an administration of
Great Britain centred in London. A new system of administration was instituted in 1885 when
a Secretary for Scotland was appointed as ministerial head of a Scottish Office in Whitehall.
Except in the war years, the Secretary of State for Scotland always had a seat in the Cabinet.
The devolution settlement for Scotland rests upon the provisions of the Scotland Act 1998.
The Act put the union of Scotland with the rest of the United Kingdom on a new basis, devolving
primary legislative power and administrative responsibilities to newly created institutions in
Scotland. The Scotland Act established a unicameral, law-making Scottish Parliament and a
Scottish administration consisting of a First Minister, ministers and their civil service staff.
16
Wales is about one twelfth the size of the United Kingdom and has a population of
2,946,000 (estimate for mid-2000: (2002) 107 Population Trends) or about 5 per cent of the
total United Kingdom population. Wales came under the rule of the English Crown in the
thirteenth century. There was no treaty of union, then or later, between the two countries,
and the Act of Union of 1536 was a unilateral Act of the English Parliament, extending the
English administrative system to Wales and providing for Welsh representation in Parliament.
A Secretaryship of Wales was created by the Wilson Government in 1964, and since then there
has been a Secretary of State for Wales, with a seat in the Cabinet, in charge of the Welsh
Office, now named the Wales Office. Wales is guaranteed a minimum of 35 seats in the House
of Commons and has at present 40. Like Scotland, Wales is over-represented in the House of
Commons on the basis of its electorate, which would strictly entitle it to no more than 33 seats.
The devolution settlement for Wales, unlike that for Scotland, is a scheme of executive
devolution: no powers of primary lawmaking or of taxation are devolved. The essential
purpose of the Government of Wales Act was to place the existing Welsh administration
and its non-departmental public bodies under the control of an elected Welsh Assembly.
The Act established an Assembly for Wales “to be known as the National Assembly for
Wales or “Cynulliad Cenedlaethol Cymru”. Like the Scottish Parliament the Assembly is a
unicameral body.
Northern Ireland, a land of 5,000 square miles, has a population of 1,698,000 (estimate
formid-2000: (2002) 107 Population Trends) or less than 3 per cent of the total United Kingdom
population. Administered, if not entirely controlled, by the English Crown since the twelfth
century, all Ireland was united with Great Britain by Acts of Union of the British and Irish
Parliaments in 1800. The Acts of Union ended the life of the Irish Parliament and transferred
its authority to a Parliament of the United Kingdom, which was to include Irish members.
After the Irish Church was disestablished as a result of the Irish Church Act 1869, the Acts
of Union were abrogated in 1921-2 when the Irish Free State was separated from the United
Kingdom as a free dominion within the Commonwealth. The six counties of the north-east
remained within the United Kingdom, with their own Parliament and government in Belfast:
the constitution of Northern Ireland established by the Government of Ireland Act 1920 endured
until 1971. Yet the deepening crisis elicited increasing involvement by the United Kingdom
Government in the affairs of Northern Ireland, and finally in March 1972 direct rule from
Whitehall was imposed on the province. By the Northern Ireland (Temporary Provisions) Act
1972 the Parliament of Northern Ireland was prorogued and the powers of the Northern Ireland
Government were transferred to a Secretary of State for Northern Ireland. Eventually the Belfast
Agreement, or Good Friday Agreement was reached on 10 April 1998: it set out the arrangements
for the devolution of legislative and executive powers to an elected Northern Ireland Assembly.
The Union Jack
17
3. Acts of Union: Uniting the United Kingdom
www.britannica.com/story/acts-of-union-uniting-the-united-kingdom
[…] Three “Acts of Union” united the kingdom. The U.K. flag, the Union Jack, is a great
visual aid for keeping the story straight, but the story started a long time before the flag came
into existence at the beginning of the 17th century.
In 1284 the crown of England annexed Wales under the Statute of Wales. But annexation
and incorporation are two different matters, and the Act of Union of 1536 declared English
King Henry VIII’s wish to incorporate Wales within his realm. The Welsh were to be accorded
the same political status as the English and to send representatives to Parliament. In with
English common law, out with Welsh law. None of this came into effect until 1543, however,
when all the details were laid out in a second act. Still, Wales and England had been unified.
Sixty years later, England and Scotland were still entirely independent kingdoms when Queen
Elizabeth I of England died unmarried and childless in 1603. Her cousin James VI, who happened
to be the king of Scotland, also became the king of England as James I under what became known
as the union of the crowns. He was determined to bring the two kingdoms together into a single
British state. Failing to achieve that goal, he contented himself with their symbolic unification
in the creation of a flag in 1606 that bore both the English cross of St. George and the Scottish
cross of St. Andrew. That banner, the forerunner of the United Kingdom’s familiar flag, took its
name, the Union Jack, from the shortened form of the name Jacobus, the Latin version of James.
For most of the 17th century, against the backdrop of the English Civil Wars, the Restoration,
and the Glorious Revolution, England and Scotland remained under the rule of the same monarch,
but repeated efforts to unite the two kingdoms were unsuccessful (save for Oliver Cromwell’s brief
unification, maintained by an English army of occupation in Scotland during the Protectorate).
Finally, at the beginning of the 18th century, Scotland needed economic help, and England needed a
safeguard against the possibility of Scotland serving as a launching ground for French attacks. The
English also feared a Jacobite attempt to restore the crown to Queen Anne’s exiled Roman Catholic
half-brother, James Edward, the Old Pretender. Unification posed an answer for both kingdoms’
problems. Free and equal trade throughout the new unified kingdom would be Scotland’s payoff.
In return, England would get Scotland’s acquiescence in the Hanoverian succession, through
which Protestant rule would be maintained by the accession to the throne of George I. Scotland
had to relinquish its parliament under the agreement, but it kept Scottish law. Thus, the 1707 Act
of Union, which went into effect on May 1, 1707, creating the Kingdom of Great Britain, was a
winning deal on both sides of the border. Not everyone in Scotland was happy with the “British”
administration of their home (which contributed to the staging of the failed Jacobite rebellions of
1715 and 1745), but there was a clear difference between Scotland’s partnership with England and
the restricted relationship Ireland had with Great Britain. The Irish Rebellion of 1798 and the fear
that Ireland would be the launchpad for a French invasion led British Prime Minister William Pitt
the Younger to believe that the best solution to the problem was another union, this time between
Great Britain and Ireland. Pitt argued that the union would help develop Ireland economically. He
also claimed (wrongly) that it would make it easier to grant concessions to the Roman Catholics
(who would become a minority in the new United Kingdom). The British government overcame
strong resistance to unification by nakedly buying enough votes to secure majorities in both the
British and Irish houses for passage of yet another Act of Union on March 28, 1800. The Act of
Union that created the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland came into effect on January 1,
1801. This union remained in place until the recognition of the Irish Free State—excluding six of
the counties of the northern province of Ulster—by the Anglo-Irish treaty concluded on December
6, 1921, following the Irish War of Independence (Anglo-Irish War, 1919–21). The union officially
ended on January 7, 1922, when the treaty was ratified by the Dáil.
Finally, on May 29, 1953, by proclamation, Elizabeth II became known as queen of the
United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland.
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Chapter 2: The English Constitution and
the British Monarchy
19
Key-notions
uncodified Constitution, Magna Carta, Bill of Rights, Acts of Parliament, statutes,
constitutional conventions, constitutional monarchy, monarch, sovereign, customs, legal
precedents, role of the monarch, State Opening, King or Queen’s Speech, royal preroga-
tives, head of State, head of Nation, head of the Church, political agenda, Royal Assent,
cabinet, political agenda, Black Rod, etc.
Questions
• What are the main characteristics of the English constitution?
• What are the different sources of the English constitution?
• How important are Magna Carta and the Bill of Rights?
• What is the British monarch’s actual role in British politics today?
• What’s the Parliament Act of 1911?
• How does the Monarch interact with the other institutions?
• What is the King or Queen’s Speech?
• What does the expression Royal Prerogatives refer to?
• What does proroguing Parliament mean?
• How long did Queen Elizabeth reign on the throne?
• How important is the Cabinet Manuel?
1. The Constitution of the United Kingdom

The UK does not have a written constitution in the sense of a single written document,
though substantial elements of it are written in various places. It is largely because of its ancient
origins that the British Constitution is so unsystematic. No attempt has been made to collate it
together, and codify the various rules and conventions that are part of it. If Britain seems to be
at some disadvantage in not possessing a written constitution, the long constitutional history of
the country does not point to any special urgency about creating one. Constitutions may be a
safeguard against arbitrary seizures of power but there is no history of dictatorships in the UK.
Rights and liberties have developed organically, based not so much on law but on traditional
freedoms and practices.
Sources of the British Constitution:

Because of the way in which the political system has evolved over time, there are many
sources that can be consulted in order to locate the elusive British Constitution. These include:
• Major constitutional documents that express important constitutional principles: for
example, Magna Carta (1215) asserted the view that a monarch could and should be controlled
by his subjects. The Act of Settlement (1701) conferred Parliament’s control over the sovereign,
by determining the succession to the throne.
• Major statutes: there are some major statutes that have an impact on the constitutional
structure, in that they have changed the way the UK is governed or the relationships within the
state: e.g. the Parliament Acts (l9ll, 1949, 1999 and 2014) which trimmed the powers of the
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House of Lords, or the Scotland Act (1998) that established the Scottish Parliament. The nature
and operation of UK electoral systems and the structures and powers of local government are
both matters covered primarily in statutes.
• The prerogative powers of the Crown: the Royal Prerogative comprises a number of
powers or privileges performed in the past by the monarch, but now performed in his or her
name by ministers. Their authority derives from the Crown, rather than from Parliament, so
that parliamentary authority is not required by the Executive as it conducts these tasks. They
include the rights to exercise mercy (a prerogative of the Home Secretary), declare war and
make treaties, give orders to the armed forces, appoint ministers, and dispense honours (all
duties performed by the Prime Minister and his or her colleagues).
• Constitutional conventions: these are unwritten rules of constitutional behaviour,
customs of political practice that are usually accepted and observed: for example, that the
choice of prime minister should be made from the House of Commons; the concepts of
individual and collective cabinet responsibility, both of which have been modified in recent
years. It is a convention rather than a formal requirement that the sovereign will always give
consent to any bill that has passed through its parliamentary stages, no bill has been rejected
by the monarch since 1707.
• European Union laws [officially until Brexit but the UK is still bound by some of
them]: European Union law comprises primary legislation, as is to be found in the Treaty
of Rome and the other treaties, and secondary law, as is to be found in EU regulations and
directives. European law used to take precedence over UK law, is binding on the UK and
applicable by UK courts. In several cases, pieces of European economic and social legislation
have strengthened important rights on British workers, as in the area of equal pay. The impact
of membership was made very apparent in the Factortame case which illustrated how the
courts can overrule parliamentary legislation which conflicts with Community law.
The British Constitution comprises an accumulation over many centuries of traditions,
customs, conventions, precedents and Acts of Parliament that serve as a complex framework
within which those who wield power must operate. It is old by any standards, for its origins can
be traced back at least to the period after the Norman Conquest. Constitutional developments
have come about gradually. Although many of the institutions have a long history, the role
they play is constantly changing, which is why some were able to refer to the British habit of
placing ‘new wine in old bottles’.
2. Constitutional Conventions
adapted from Peter Leyland, The Constitution of the United Kingdom, Hart Publishing, 2007
Constitutional conventions are a particularly important source of the UK constitution and

they are crucial to understanding how the constitution functions. Conventions are the source
of the non-legal rules of the constitution: they assist in making government work - in this
sense they have an important practical dimension. Conventions are mainly the customary rules
which determine how the discretionary powers of government are exercised.
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∆ Constitutional monarchy
Although the theoretical Head of State remains the monarch, the principle of constitutional
monarchy means that he or she takes no active part in the running of the country: in practice,
although the business of government is conducted in the name of the Crown, the key decisions
are taken at ministerial level.
Though the Parliamentary year starts with the King or Queen’s Speech and though bills
are given royal assent, the monarch does not intervene in the politics of the law-making
programme. Thus the sovereign’s speech delivered from the throne in the House of Lords at
the opening of each session of Parliament setting out government policy is always written by
the Prime Minister. Moreover, it has long been established – in fact since the early 1700s – that
Royal Assent to Bills that have completed their passage through the House of Commons and the
House of Lords is never refused by the reigning monarch.
The monarch is still kept informed about what is happening in Parliament, and through
audiences with the prime minister of the day, is briefed about significant developments. But
the monarch is no longer the source of political decision- taking or law-making.
It is a well-established convention that the sovereign appoints the leader of the majority
party in the House of Commons to form a government and become Prime Minister. Assuming
one party enjoys such a majority, the leader of that party will always be chosen to form the
government. However, if no party emerges from a general election as a clear winner, as
occurred in 2010, the sovereign will have to decide whom to call upon to form a government.
Advice may be taken from experts, but the final decision rests with the monarch. The lack of
clarity on such an important question has led to calls for statutory procedures to be set in place
which should determine the outcome, should this situation recur.
∆ Cabinet government and collective responsibility

The very existence and role of the Cabinet – the central committee of ministers chaired
by the prime minister and responsible for determining the government’s programme – have
developed and continue to develop by convention. Even if Prime Ministers continue to be
appointed by the monarch, their appointments depend on the results of the election process.
It has also been established by convention that the Prime Minister and the Chancellor of the
Exchequer must be members of the House of Commons, and, as a result directly accountable
to the electorate. Furthermore, there has never been any law setting out the formal limits
of prime ministerial powers, which have grown enormously, or defining with precision the
relationship between the Prime Minister and the cabinet.
The related doctrine of collective responsibility, whereby ministers who do not agree
with the policy of the government as determined in Cabinet are supposed to resign from the
government, is also based on constitutional convention.
∆ Individual ministerial responsibility

Another constitutional doctrine is that ministers should take ultimate responsibility for
what goes on in their departments. This essentially means that they must answer questions in
Parliament or select committees about the work of their departments. On occasions, this may
also lead ministers to resign, when one of their policies has notoriously failed.
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3. The Cabinet Manual, 2011
A Cabinet Manual that set out the rules about the functioning of government was ordered
by Gordon Brown and his Labour government in 2009. One draft chapter, first published
in February 2010 and then rewritten and re-published in December 2010, was of particular
significance since it set out the rules on what to do in the case of a hung parliament. This was
seen as a first tentative step towards a written constitution (“Civil service rewrites rules on
when PM should resign in hung parliament”), until the Lords Constitution Committee denied
any such attempt (‘Cabinet manual not “first step” to written constitution’). This debate shows
Britain’s reluctance to move towards a written constitution.
Cabinet manual not “first step” to written constitution
BBC News, 7 March 2011

An attempt to spell out the conventions underpinning how government works is not a “first
step” to a written constitution, peers have said. The Lords Constitution Committee said the new
Cabinet Manual should serve as a point of reference for civil servants but not “set in stone” the
processes by which ministers reach decisions. The document should not be formally endorsed
by ministers and MPs, it said.
The manual was commissioned by former prime minister Gordon Brown in 2009. At the time,
Mr Brown asked the Cabinet Secretary Sir Gus O’Donnell to head up efforts to “consolidate
the existing unwritten, piecemeal conventions that govern much of the way central government
operates under our existing constitution into a single written document”. The document covers
a number of areas including the role and powers of the Sovereign, the executive, ministers,
Parliament, processes of collective Cabinet decision making and government relations with the
devolved administrations and the EU.
It should not be endorsed by the Cabinet nor formally approved by Parliament. One draft
chapter of the manual, on the processes for forming a government in the event of a Hung
Parliament, was published in February 2010 – ahead of last year’s inconclusive election result
and was praised for explaining what should happen in such a situation.
But the cross-party Lords committee - whose members include former Lord Chancellor Lord
Irvine, former Attorney General Lord Goldsmith and Lord Powell, a former senior adviser to
Lady Thatcher – said it did not believe the rest of the manual was as useful. Responding to the
government’s consultation on the draft manual, it said the document should only seek to describe
existing rules and practices and neither prescribe how ministers should act in any given situation
in the future nor “set existing practice in stone”. It expressed concern that the manual could be
cited as evidence in judicial review of government decisions or other legal proceedings. The
document must be “entirely accurate and properly sourced” and all material not forming part of the
laws, conventions and rules on government should potentially be removed, it added.
“In our view the Cabinet manual has limited value and relevance,” Baroness Jay, the
committee’s chair and former Labour minister, said.” We acknowledge that it provides greater
transparency on certain aspects of the operation of government and it is to be welcomed in that
context. “However, this value has been given undue prominence by the helpful publication
of chapter two in draft prior to the May 2010 general election; the benefits of the publication
of that chapter do not, on the whole, extend to the rest of the manual. We conclude that the
manual is not the first step to a written constitution. It should be renamed the Cabinet Office
manual and its greater relevance to officials than to politicians emphasised.”
In a statement, the Cabinet Office said it welcomed the committee’s submission and would
“consider all comments received as we update the draft”.
23
4. Do we need a written constitution?
https://www.theosthinktank.co.uk/comment/2019/10/24/do-we-need-a-written-constitution
The United Kingdom – unlike many states – does not have a codified constitution. Its
‘unwritten’ constitution is formed by Acts of Parliament, court judgments and conventions.
Many commentators now argue that the system is buckling under the pressure of the Brexit
process, leading to political deadlock. Constitutional scholar Elliot Bulmer and Research
Fellow Paul Bickley argue the pros and cons of moving to a written, codified system.
Yes – Elliot Bulmer:

A ‘written constitution’ is a supreme and fundamental law. It is supreme in the sense that it
is harder to change than ordinary law and prevails over ordinary law in case of incompatibility.
It occupies a place at the apex of the hierarchy of legal norms, as the lex superior from which
other laws derive their authority. It defines the state, proclaims its basic principles, protects the
rights of citizens, establishes governing institutions, and regulates the relationship between
them. An unwritten (or uncodified) constitution would be defined, as Lord Bolingbrooke once
put it, as “the whole assemblage of laws, institutions, traditions, customs and practices that
embody how we are governed”. Parts of that ‘unwritten constitution’ are of course written
down, but that is immaterial: what they lack, and what makes the term ‘unwritten constitution’
as self–contradictory as an ‘unfloating boat’ or ‘inedible food’, is supreme and fundamental
law status. Form and function can’t be separated. Any great human endeavour – not least the
governance of a democratic state – needs rules and principles by which to function. At the most
basic level a written constitution will ensure that government is operated in accordance with
rules and principles that are known, enforceable, and cannot be unilaterally changed by those
in power. In the absence of these, all is arbitrary and chaotic – a pot–mess of ordinary statutes,
conventions and traditions that can be changed at will by a government with a working majority
in Parliament. An unwritten constitution cannot be sufficiently clear or explicit. It cannot be
enforced and upheld against harmful transgressors, and it cannot be protected against hasty,
self– interested and destructive changes.
No – Paul Bickley:
Sometimes I think a written constitution might be a good idea. Then I hear or read the
arguments presented, and am struck by the fact that they begin in exaggeration (of our present
difficulties and of the potential of a codified constitution to resolve them) and end up in a kind
of documentary fundamentalism. Apparently, nothing but a written constitution can save us.
For instance, you say that to talk of an unwritten constitution is a contradiction in terms,
and that the alternative to a supreme law is arbitrariness and chaos. This is an obsession
with form over function. All countries have a constitutional order which, whether including a
single text or not, is inevitably a mixture of written documents, conventions and common law.
That is as true in the UK as it is in South Korea, or Australia, or the United States. Surely the
question should be, is that constitutional order effective in sustaining certain goods – civil and
political rights, stable institutions, and some measure of public confidence and participation?
It’s true that we are in all kinds of political mess. But is it true that our constitutional order
has been shown to be particularly deficient? I’m not sure that it has. Our departure from the
European Union means that sticking with the constitutional status quo is not an option. Nor
is a return to our constitutional arrangements before our accession in 1973 (devolution to
the Scottish, Welsh and Northern Irish administrations and the Supreme Court have all been
24
introduced in the meantime). Domestically, however, Parliamentary Sovereignty is still the
organizing principle.
The Government’s recent (clearly) tactical prorogation seemed like a manipulation of
executive power, but then the Supreme Court found against the Government in Cherry/
Miller v The Prime Minister, and Parliament returned. In the first Miller case, the Supreme
Court found that the Government’s prerogative in foreign affairs could not be used to change
law previously enacted by Parliament – so the Government could not leave under Article 50
without Parliamentary approval. Effectively, both these judgements buttressed Parliamentary
sovereignty, that allegedly shaky and uncertain foundation of our constitution.
So it’s a strange argument that we need a codified, big–C, constitution to better limit the
excessive power of government in such a time as this. We currently have a Government that
has blown up its own majority, can’t win a vote (and therefore can’t legislate), is having its
hands tied on a no–deal departure by the Benn Act, and can’t even force a general election. No
party has won with a large parliamentary majority since 2005. While we can’t say that this is
permanent political climate change rather than temporary political weather, for now it seems
that governments constituted by shifting coalitions rather than domineering single parties are
more likely.
5. Press release from Prime Ministers’ Office, 22 March

2021 (on Queen’s Speech to be held on 11 May 2021)
The State Opening of Parliament will take place on Tuesday 11 May. The Queen’s Speech will
set out the Government’s agenda for the next session and its plans to build back better from the
pandemic and level-up opportunities across the country.
The Queen’s Speech will also confirm the continuation of a number of bills carrying over
from this parliamentary year, including the Police, Crime, Sentencing and Courts Bill, the
Environment Bill and the Armed Forces Bill. The Government has also already confirmed it
will introduce legislation to improve the building safety regulatory regime, reform our asylum
system and to repeal the Fixed-term Parliaments Act.
In light of the pandemic it is expected that the State Opening will be adapted, with reduced
ceremonial elements and attendees to ensure it is COVID-secure.
The Government, Palace and Parliamentary Authorities, together with Public Health
England, are working to develop these plans. The State Opening will involve significantly
fewer MPs and peers in attendance, a reduced Royal Procession into the Lords Chamber and
no diplomatic or non-parliamentary guests.
As is usual, the current session of Parliament will be prorogued ahead of the Queen’s
Speech and this time will be used to enable logistical and security preparations for the State
Opening of Parliament. The likely date of prorogation will be confirmed in due course.
A No10 spokesperson said: ‘While we are still in the middle of a pandemic this Queen’s
Speech will look quite different, but it is important we take forward our plans and deliver policies
to improve the lives of people across the country through a new Parliamentary session. We
are working closely with Public Health England to ensure arrangements are COVID-secure.’
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6. State Opening of Parliament
https://www.parliament.uk/about/how/occasions/stateopening/
The State Opening of Parliament marks the formal start of the parliamentary year and
the Monarch’s Speech sets out the government’s agenda for the coming session, outlining
proposed policies and legislation. It is the only regular occasion when the three constituent
parts of Parliament – the Sovereign, the House of Lords and the House of Commons – meet.
When is State Opening? State Opening happens on the first day of a new parliamentary
session or shortly after a general election. The last State Opening of Parliament took place on
10 May 2022, at the start of the 2022-23 session of Parliament. On this occasion, Parliament
was opened by the then Prince of Wales and Duke of Cambridge as Counsellors of State for Her
Majesty Queen Elizabeth II. Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth II presided over the State Opening
of Parliament in person on 67 occasions during her reign. The previous State Opening on 11
May 2021 was adapted due to the Covid-19 pandemic, with reduced ceremonial elements and
attendees to ensure it was COVID-secure.
What happens during State Opening? State Opening is the main ceremonial event of
the parliamentary calendar, normally attracting large crowds and a significant television and
online audience. The event begins with the Monarch’s procession from Buckingham Palace to
Westminster, escorted by the Household Cavalry. The Monarch arrives at Sovereign›s Entrance
and proceeds to the Robing Room. Wearing the Imperial State Crown and the Robe of State, he
leads the Royal Procession through the Royal Gallery, packed with 600 guests, to the chamber
of the House of Lords. The House of Lords official known as Black Rod is sent to summon the
Commons. The doors to the Commons chamber are shut in his or her face: a practice dating
back to the Civil War, symbolising the Commons’ independence from the monarchy. Black
Rod strikes the door three times before it is opened. Members of the House of Commons then
follow Black Rod and the Commons Speaker to the Lords chamber, standing at the opposite
end to the Throne, known as the Bar of the House, to listen to the speech.
The Monarch’s Speech - The Monarch’s Speech is delivered by the Monarch from the
Throne in the House of Lords. Although the Monarch reads the Speech, it is written by
the government. It contains an outline of its policies and proposed legislation for the new
parliamentary session.
After the Monarch’s Speech - When the Monarch leaves, a new parliamentary session starts
and Parliament gets back to work. Members of both Houses debate the content of the speech
and agree an ‘Address in Reply to His Majesty›s Gracious Speech›. Each House continues the
debate over the planned legislative programme for several days, looking at different subject
areas. The Monarch’s Speech is voted on by the Commons, but rarely in the Lords.
26
History of State Opening - Traditions surrounding State Opening and the delivery of a
speech by the Monarch can be traced back as far as the 16th century. The current ceremony
dates from the opening of the rebuilt Palace of Westminster in 1852 after the fire of 1834.
27
Chapter 3: Elections and Political Parties
Key-notions
General Elections, constituencies, MPs, House of Commons, First-Past-The-Post-
System (FPTPS), ‘snap’ election, Speaker, coalition, dissolution, hung-parliament,
proportional representation (PR), referendum, turnout, by-election, two-party system,
political manifesto, canvassing, Conservative party, Tories, Liberal Democratic party,
Labour party, Coalition, New Labour, party leaders, nationalist parties, Plaid Cymru,
SNP, DUP, Sinn Féin, UKIP, Reform UK, Brexit party, the Greens, etc.
28
Questions
• What categories of elections exist in the United Kingdom?
• What is a General Election?
• What are the disadvantages of FPTP?
• What was the purpose of the referendums held in Wales and Scotland in 1979 and in
1997 and that of the one organized in Scotland 2014?
• What is a by-election?
• What is meant by two-party system?
• How important is the Conservative Party in British politics?
• How influent was Margaret Thatcher on the party? What about Boris Johnson?
• What’s the origins of the Labour party? How influent was Toni Blair?
• What is meant by third-parties?
• What is a political manifesto?
• How important is the Scottish Nationalist party?
1. How the UK General Election works

From the prorogation to the State Opening of Parliament (based on the 2015 general
election) by Flora Mac-Queen, The Guardian, 31 March 2015
Those of us entitled to vote in the general election may soon complete a ballot paper and
place it in a box that will be carried away to be counted–unless of course you post it, nominate
someone else to do it for you or don’t bother. But what exactly happens during a general
election? Here’s how it works:
∆ Prorogation
This is the formal end to a session of parliament. Since the 19th century, the monarch has
not attended prorogation. Instead, a speech is made on the King or Queen’s behalf announcing
all the major bills passed in the last year.
∆ Dissolution and throwing out the MPs

A parliament is dissolved while the election campaign takes place. But government
departments carry on as normal with the same ministers in post until after the vote. When
parliament is dissolved – 25 working days before a general election. 2015 was the longest
period without a parliament since 1924. Nevertheless, the prime minister paid a courtesy call
to the Queen.
Every seat in the Commons is now vacant. All MPs’ security passes have been cancelled,
locking them out of parliamentary buildings and internal systems. Lords may still access some
limited facilities and conventionally may step in to make key decisions while parliament is
dissolved.
29
∆ Party campaigning and TV debates
After dissolution, political parties and candidates have 38 days to appeal to voters. The
public is overwhelmingly in favour of televised debates. But party leaders are under no
obligation to take part. The BBC often hosts TV debates between (opposition) party leaders.
∆ Voter registration deadlines

If you don’t register by mid-April, you will not be able to vote on polling day. After
registering you will be sent a card detailing which polling station you should vote at. If you
have a query, you need to contact your local electoral registration office.
Someone else can vote on your behalf by proxy if you fit the criteria.
∆ Polling day
Polling stations will be open 7 am to 10 pm for those registered to vote in person. Postal
voters receive their ballot paper the week before and it needs to be returned by 10 pm on
election day. Voters mark an X on the ballot paper for their chosen candidate. If anything else
is written it is considered a spoilt vote and is void.
At 10 pm the doors of the polling stations close and the ballot boxes are sealed. Following
chaos in 2010, people still queuing by 10 pm will be able to cast their vote. Ballot boxes
are transported to counting centres by the police. Counting begins as soon as the first boxes
arrive and continues through to Friday morning. Although nearly all UK, Commonwealth
and Irish citizens residing in the UK and over the age of 18 have the right to vote, there are
some exceptions. Controversially, prisoners cannot vote, although if they are on remand or not
convicted, they can vote if they are registered. Those found guilty of electoral misconduct in
the last five years also cannot vote.
The Monarch never votes. As the head of the state he/she must remain politically neutral
and so it would be considered unconstitutional for her to vote in a general election. This also
extends to the royal family. Members of the House of Lords cannot vote in general elections.
∆ Results and forming a government

To win a majority of the vote under the current system–known as first past the post (FPTP)
– a party needs to secure more than half the seats available. With a parliamentary majority, it
is almost certain the new government will have the support it needs to pass legislation. There
are 650 seats in the House of Commons representing the 650 constituencies in the UK: 533 are
in England, 59 in Scotland, 40 in Wales, and 18 in Northern Ireland. Voters choose a candidate
in their constituency, rather than voting for a party. The candidate with the largest number of
votes wins the seat. In marginal constituencies, the contests are very close. A party winning
a majority of seats usually does not have to win a majority of the overall votes cast. FPTP is
heavily criticised by the Electoral Reform Society for not being proportionally representative
enough, especially now in an era of multi-party politics.
∆ Could there be two elections?

A hung parliament is a possible outcome, when no single party has won an overall majority
and no party holds more than 50% of seats in the Commons. When this happens the party
30
with the most seats looks to other parties for support to gain an overall majority, potentially
to form a coalition or partnership. It is also possible for a minority coalition to try to form a
government.
This means the leader of the largest party does not necessarily become prime minister. The
civil service provides a private location, such as the Cabinet Office, for parties to negotiate
away from parliament and the media. While these negotiations are taking place, the UK retains
a caretaker government and an incumbent prime minister. Ministers who lose their seats during
the election will remain in government during this period. There are concerns about the lack
of clarity during these caretaker periods.
If a coalition or partnership fails, the party that was in government before the election gets
the first opportunity to try to form a minority government. If not, the prime minister will resign.
A parliament’s job is to amend and pass new laws. To do this, more than half the MPs need
to agree by voting. This is much harder to achieve with a minority government. So a minority
government may seek to call a second election to try to strengthen numbers – two-thirds of the
Commons needs to vote for it.
∆ Return of parliament and the state opening

Parliament is due to reconvene in May. All MPs and Lords are required by law to swear an
oath of allegiance to the crown. They are not allowed to take their seat in the Commons, speak
in debates or vote until the oath is made. Similar conditions prevail in the House of Lords.
The first hurdle for the new government will be to pass a Queen’s speech motion for the
state opening. As the speech sets out the government’s new agenda, it is crucial this succeeds.
If it fails, the prime minister must resign. This could be used tactically to oust a government.
Another vote required by MPs is to appoint a Speaker. A recent attempt to make it a closed
ballot failed. The Speaker’s role is to chair debates in the Commons chamber, keep order and
call MPs to speak.
The state opening takes place shortly after the general election and is the formal start of
the new parliament, attended by the Queen in person. During the state opening ceremony,
before the Queen’s speech, a short role play is performed, starring a man in tights who endures
having the Commons’ chamber door slammed shut in his face – acknowledging the House of
Commons’ independence from the monarchy.
31
2. Political parties
32
3. The Conservatives: One Nation under Boris
The Economist, 2 January 2020
Boris Johnson is well placed to become one of the most powerful prime ministers in modern
times. Margaret Thatcher had to contend with a powerful internal opposition of moderate
“wets”. Tony Blair had Gordon Brown to deal with. But Mr Johnson has purged the internal
opposition and reduced his cabinet colleagues to a pack of poodles. If politics in 2019 was
about calculating the strength of parliamentary factions, politics in 2020 and beyond will be
about cataloguing the intrigues in the court of King Boris.
But what does Mr Johnson want to do with all this power, other than “get Brexit done”?
The best clue lies in the phrase “one-nation Conservatism”. During the election campaign
Mr Johnson repeatedly promised to lead a one-nation Conservative administration. Though it
may sound like one of those feel-good phrases that politicians use to fill the void, the phrase is
pregnant with meaning: you cannot understand the Johnson project without decoding it. Yet it
does not mean what most Tories think it means.
Liberal Conservatives have seized on the phrase as a sign that the prime minister plans to
dump the nasty Boris of the referendum and resurrect the cuddly Boris of the London-mayor
years. They have even used it to put a positive gloss on his 87-seat working majority: freed
from the parliamentary logic which gave such power to hard line Tory backbenchers, he will
be able to bring about a soft Brexit and lots of progressive social policies.
[…] One-nation Conservatism has in fact had many meanings over the decades. Benjamin
Disraeli, who coined the phrase, used it to mean uniting the wealthy “classes” with the “masses”
in a common national home. Lord Salisbury understood it to mean uniting the kingdom by
defeating or co-opting the forces of Irish and Scottish nationalism (the party even changed
its name to the Conservative and Unionist Party). Stanley Baldwin invoked it to champion
the “real” (Conservative) England of civic patriotism against the “alien” (Labour) England
of class divisions and mighty trade unions. Harold Macmillan used the term to mean mixing
the welfare state with property-owning democracy. Mr Johnson is currently engaged in yet
another reinvention of the phrase.
At its simplest, his version of one-nation Conservatism means an amalgam of left-wing
policies on economics and right-wing policies on culture – the exact reverse of Mr Cameron’s
approach. During the election campaign Mr Johnson praised the National Health Service as
a “simple and beautiful idea that represents the best of our country”. […] This policy mix is
driven by the political realignment which allowed the Conservative Party to capture working-
class northern seats while causing it to struggle in the most cosmopolitan enclaves of the south.
Rachel Wolf, one of the authors of the party’s manifesto, says it was directed in particular at
people who subscribe to conservative values (“they want criminals to be punished”) but who
also rely heavily on public services.
At a deeper level, Mr Johnson’s version of one-nation Conservatism is about preventing the
country from being broken apart by the rival forces of globalisation and nationalist – populism.
During the Blair-Cameron years, England was in danger of splitting into Disraeli’s two nations,
“between whom there is no intercourse and no sympathy”: a prosperous metropolitan nation
that embraced globalisation and immigration, and a depressed provincial nation that regarded
these phenomena as threats to both prosperity and social cohesion. Mr Johnson is hoping to
close the regional gap that sees the state perversely subsidising the already prosperous south
(spending on transport is twice as high per person in London as in the rest of the country). He
has already announced that he will change a Treasury formula that makes it difficult to target
33
government spending at poorer regions, and introduce an as-yet undefined “points system” for
immigration. […]
Mr Johnson’s version of one-nation Conservatism is risky. Brexit is likely to do worse
economic damage to the north (with its manufacturing industries) than to the south (with its
service-oriented economy). It will also strain the biggest one-nation problem of all, the union
with Scotland and Northern Ireland. Persuading the London elite to get to know their country
a bit better could degenerate into a culture war that splits the nation in the name of uniting it.
That said, Mr Johnson’s reworking of an ancient Conservative creed has already provided him
with [the] large[st] parliamentary majority [since the 1980s].
4. Sunak reshuffles UK government, naming new

Conservative Party chair
https://www.lemonde.fr/en/united-kingdom/article/2023/02/07/sunak-reshuffles-uk-
government-naming-new-conservative-party-chair_6014769_135.html
British Prime Minister Rishi Sunak shook up his government on Tuesday, February 7,
moving ministers and merging departments in a bid to assert control amid ethics scandals and
sniping from Conservative Party colleagues.
Sunak appointed lawmaker Greg Hands to chair the governing party, which is demoralized
by dismal opinion poll ratings and a year of turmoil. Sunak is Britain’s third Conservative
prime minister in less than a year. Hands, a former trade minister, replaces Nadhim Zahawi,
who was fired by Sunak last month after failing to come clean about a multimillion-dollar tax
dispute.
Sunak has vowed to restore order and integrity to government after three years of instability
under predecessors Boris Johnson – brought down in summer 2022 by ethics scandals – and
Liz Truss, who quit in October after six weeks in office when her tax-cutting economic plans
sparked mayhem on the financial markets.
But he faces opposition allegations that the government remains mired in scandal and
sleaze. Ethics inquiries are also underway over claims Johnson secured a loan with the help of
a Conservative donor who was later appointed chairman of the BBC, and into allegations that
Deputy Prime Minister Dominic Raab bullied staff. Raab denies bullying.
Sunak also rearranged the ministries responsible for business, science and trade as part of
his aim to boost the country’s sluggish economy and make the UK a science and technology
superpower. Kemi Badenoch, formerly in charge of international trade, heads a new Department
for Business and Trade. Former Business Secretary Grant Shapps becomes Secretary of State
for Energy Security and Net Zero.
The government said the new energy department “has been tasked with securing our
long-term energy supply, bringing down bills and halving inflation” after the turmoil unleashed
by Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. A previous Conservative government had abolished the
energy department in 2016.
34
5. What is the Labour Party?
www.labour.org.uk
Labour has only been in government for four short periods of the 20th century. However, its
achievements have revolutionised the lives of the British people. The values Labour stands for
today are those which have guided it throughout its existence: social justice, strong community
and strong values, reward for hard work, decency, rights matched by responsibilities
∆ History of the Labour Party

This history of the Labour Party celebrates our achievements from its emergence in 1900
as a parliamentary pressure group. We are right to regard as historic the establishment of
the National Health Service, the enshrining in law of equality of opportunity for all and the
creation and maintenance of an empowering welfare state–all Labour achievements. Equally
important has been the development of Labour as a mass membership party in the 1920s and
1930s, the modernisation of our campaigning techniques in the 1980s and the election of 101
Labour women MPs in 1997. However, the lessons we should draw from our history are not
all positive. Labour was in government for just 23 of its first 100 years.
∆ How the Labour Party began

The Labour Party was created in 1900: a new party for a new century. Its formation was
the result of many years of hard effort by working people, trade unionists and socialists,
united by the goal of changing the British Parliament to represent the interests of everybody.
Ignored by the Tories and disillusioned with the Liberals, a coalition of different interests
came together to push for change at a Conference on Labour Representation in London’s
Memorial Hall in February1900. For many years the new organisation struggled to take root
in the British political system. The conference of February 1900 had not even created a proper
“party.” Instead the new body was called the Labour Representation Committee and it had no
members, only organisations affiliated to it. In the elections of that year, the new group made
little ground. Indeed, Labour’s leaders worked closely with the 1906-14 Liberal Governments,
and relied on their majority to agree measures to help Labour, such as the Trade Disputes Act of
1906, and the payment of MPs in 1911.
But while Labour in Parliament was “hanging from the coat-tails” of the Liberals, Labour
in the country was growing apace. The number of constituency parties affiliated rose from 73
in 1906 to 179 by 1914 and before the outbreak of war prevented the expected election, Labour
was prepared to field a record number of candidates. When the Liberal Party split in 1916, the
Labour Party was well placed to make a challenge for power
∆ First Government, 1924

The first real taste of political office came only a year later. Stanley
Baldwin’s Conservatives had fought the election on a single issue:
protectionism. The Tories lost almost 90 seats, down from 345 to 258.
Baldwin had failed to obtain the mandate he sought and declined to
form a government, so despite winning 67 fewer seats than the Tories,
Ramsay MacDonald was asked by the King to form a government.
35
The first Labour government had modest objectives and held office for only a few months,
but its achievements should not be underestimated. Even without a proper majority in the
House of Commons, legislation was still passed on housing, education, unemployment and
social insurance. Yet, dependent on Liberal support to remain in power, the government fell
as a result of a political row about the actions of Attorney-General Sir Patrick Hastings. In the
subsequent election, the Daily Mail published the infamous Zinoviev letter, a forgery which
alleged there were links between Russian communists and the British Labour Party. With an
atmosphere of fervent anti-communism, Labour lost 40 seats and the Tories were returned to
power.
∆ Second Government, 1929
Five years later, following the election in May

1929, Labour was back in office, albeit still as a
minority administration. MacDonald was again
Prime Minister, with iron-founder and trade unionist
Arthur Henderson as Foreign Secretary and Margaret
Bondfield as Minister of Labour, the first-ever woman
cabinet minister of any party. The government was
dominated by the world economic crisis, precipitated
by the October 1929 Wall Street crash. MacDonald’s
government put in place a number of measures to
try and resolve the problem of rising unemployment.
However, these had little effect and in 1931 unemployment caused a crisis within the
cabinet. Politically unable to either cut benefits or increase taxes to deal with the financial
problem caused by high unemployment, the government was split and fell. Yet MacDonald
did not tender his resignation to the King, but instead offered to form a National Government
with Liberals and Conservatives. From being one of its founding fathers, Ramsay MacDonald
had turned his back on the party and was seen to have betrayed Labour. He was expelled in
September 1931; but in the following election, MacDonald’s coalition won a large majority.
The Labour Party was reduced to 52 seats. It was the party’s nadir.
6. Keir Starmer, Labour leader

www.bbc.com/news/uk-politics-51049756 - 4 April 2020
Widely considered as the frontrunner during the leadership race, Sir Keir was at the heart
of Labour’s front bench during the tumultuous years of the UK’s exit from the EU. During
the leadership race, Sir Keir pledged to unite the Labour Party and also “retain the radicalism
of the last four years”. […] In an interview with BBC political editor Laura Kuenssberg, Sir
Keir […] told the BBC that his “unrelenting” focus as leader would be returning Labour to
government at the next election - expected in 2024. He also suggested that his leadership style
would be different to Mr Corbyn’s. […]
Sir Keir […] gained the support of the UK’s largest trade union, Unison, among others,
and the backing of former Labour prime minister Gordon Brown and London Mayor Sadiq
36
Khan. He was also the first candidate in the race to get enough nominations to make it onto
the ballot paper.
Sir Keir was born in 1962 in Southwark, London, to his parents Rod – a toolmaker, and
Josephine – a nurse. Named after Labour’s first MP, […] Sir Keir became a barrister in 1986.
After graduating from Oxford in 1986, Sir Keir became a barrister at Middle Temple and
soon began focusing on human rights law. He worked on legal battles to get rid of the death
penalty in the Caribbean and Africa, and served as human rights adviser to the Northern Ireland
Policing Board. He was also part of the legal team in the so-called McLibel case, defending
activists Helen Steel and David Morris over a factsheet they had written about fast food chain
McDonald’s. In 2008, Sir Keir was named the new head of the Crown Prosecution Service and
Director of Public Prosecutions. […]
In December that year, he was confirmed as Labour’s prospective parliamentary candidate
for Holborn and St Pancras, London, to replace the retiring Frank Dobson, […] and won the
seat in the 2015 election. Mr Corbyn appointed him as a shadow Home Office minister, but
in 2016, Sir Keir quit the role, joining a number of frontbenchers resigning in protest. But Sir
Keir rejoined the shadow cabinet later that year – this time as shadow Brexit secretary – and
arguments around leaving the EU occupied his time in Parliament. He backed remaining in
the EU, and focused his efforts on pushing for transparency from the government around
the whole process. He campaigned for Theresa May to make her Brexit plans public before
she started negotiations – a fight he won –and set out Labour’s “six tests” for what a deal
acceptable to his benches would look like.
However, he also said publicly that another referendum should remain an option, and that
if it happened, he would campaign to stay in the EU. Some believe he was the driving force
behind Labour’s change in position ahead of the 2019 election, promising a second vote. After
the party suffered its worst election defeat since the 1930s, Sir Keir said he had accepted the
UK would leave the EU. Now, he says he will campaign for a close trade deal with the EU,
with protections for workers’ rights, the environment, consumer standards and jobs.
7. The Liberal Democrats / LibDems

www.libdems.org.uk
Ed Davey, New Lib Dem leader - August 2020

Born in Nottinghamshire, to solicitor John and teacher Nina, Sir Ed has described his
childhood as happy and stable. However, he was only four when his father died and still in
his teens when his mother was diagnosed with a terminal illness. […] Losing both parents at a
young age made him quite independent: “now I had to make that decision for myself,” he said.
The young Ed attended Nottingham High School, which he described as a “public school
with a lot of Tory bias but also a lot of free thinking and people reading the Guardian”. Although
interested in ideas as a teenager, he didn’t commit to a political party. His elder brother Charles
took him to his first political event – a Young Conservatives disco – which he says “put me
off for life”.
Having been heavily influenced by Johnathon Porritt’s book on the ecology of politics Seeing
Green, Sir Ed looked at joining the Green Party but concluded they were “too authoritarian
and left wing”. Six months after graduating from Oxford University with a first class degree
in Politics, Philosophy and Economics, he went to work as economics researcher to the
37
Liberal Democrats, led at the time by Paddy Ashdown. […] He soon returned to Parliament
after winning the then Conservative seat of Kingston and Surbiton in the 1997 election. As a
Liberal Democrat he may not have imagined he would one day end up in a position of power,
but when Nick Clegg took his party into coalition with David Cameron’s Conservatives he
became a junior minister in the business department. And in 2012 he replaced Chris Huhne
as energy and environment secretary […] Two years later he returned to Parliament, retaking
his Kingston and Surbiton seat. Following that election, Lib Dem leader Tim Farron resigned
and Sir Ed considered running to replace him. However he chose not to, citing his family as
the reason. […] Two years on [2019], he felt able to enter the leadership contest - this time
to replace outgoing leader Sir Vince Cable. He lost that race to Jo Swinson, but six months
later she was out and he took the reins as acting co-leader of the party. During his leadership
campaign Sir Ed has said the party needs to move away from campaigning on Brexit: “People
need to understand what a party is about. And you can’t define a party by an issue which will
go, which is transitional.” Seeking to replace Brexit as the party’s key theme, he has sought to
focus on support for carers and investment in the green economy. But with low poll ratings,
and few MPs, the new leader faces an uphill struggle in his bid to get the public to care about
the Liberal Democrats’ core messages. In his acceptance speech, he said he would rebuild the
party, adding: “We have to wake up and smell the coffee.” He said the party had lost touch at
a national level and must “face the facts” of poor results at three successive general elections.
“It is time for us to start listening,” he said.
8. The Scottish National Party

https://www.scotsman.com/news/politics/nicola-sturgeon-resigns-as-scotlands-first-
minister-saying-it-is-not-reaction-to-short-term-pressures-4027884
Nicola Sturgeon resigns as Scotland’s First Minister, saying it is ‘not

reaction to short-term pressures’
Nicola Sturgeon resigned as First Minister after more than eight years in charge in a decision
that shocked Scotland’s political establishment, saying she believed the “time is now” for fresh
leadership. At a hastily-arranged news conference at Bute House in Edinburgh, the leader of
the SNP announced she would be standing down once a replacement had been chosen by her
party. She will end her career at the top of Scottish politics as the longest-serving First Minister
and with her party significantly ahead in the polls, having won eight successive elections in as
many years. “In my head and in my heart, I know that time is now – that it’s right for me, for
my party and my country,” she said. Prime Minister Rishi Sunak thanked Ms Sturgeon for her
“long-standing service”, while his Scottish secretary Alister Jack said the First Minister had
been a “formidable politician”. Sir Keir Starmer said Labour “stands ready to be the change
that Scotland needs” as he wished her “all the best for her next steps”.
Ms Sturgeon’s successor will be chosen by the members of the SNP in coming weeks.
However, the exact process and timeline is yet to be announced. Stephen Flynn, the SNP’s
Westminster leader, said he had “no intention” of running for the top job and indicated MPs
would stand aside for someone within the Holyrood MSP group. Citing the “physical and
mental impact” of the job, Ms Sturgeon said it was “time for someone else” to lead the party,
admitting she could no longer “give it every ounce of energy that it needs”. Ms Sturgeon
denied the decision to resign was due to short-term pressures such as the ongoing controversies
around her Government’s position on gender reform and the case of the trans prisoner and
double rapist, Isla Bryson. She said: “If this was just a question of my ability or my resilience
38
to get through the latest period of pressure I wouldn’t be standing here today, but it’s not. This
decision comes from a deeper and longer-term assessment. I know it may seem sudden, but I
have been wrestling with it, albeit with oscillating levels of intensity for some weeks.”
The decision comes ahead of a key meeting of the SNP at its “special democracy
conference”, which will see the party settle on its independence strategy and was set to back
Ms Sturgeon’s plan for the next general election to be fought as a “de-facto referendum”.
Her resignation, however, will allow the party to be “free” of her views on the matter, the
First Minister said, potentially providing a route towards a change of strategy. […] Among
those paying tribute to Ms Sturgeon was her potential successor, and health secretary, Humza
Yousaf, who said he was “gutted” to see her standing down. […] Scottish Conservative leader
Douglas Ross, however, said the First Minister “refused to accept the result” of the 2014
independence referendum. He said her tenure as First Minister was marked with “relentless
agitating” for another referendum.
Potential candidates to succeed Ms Sturgeon include constitution secretary Angus Robertson,
finance secretary Kate Forbes, and deputy first minister John Swinney. It is understood the SNP
national executive committee will meet soon to discuss a timetable for the leadership election.
After the appointment of a new leader, MSPs will be asked to vote for a new first minister,
with the agreement between the SNP and the Scottish Greens enough to secure their victory.
Ms Sturgeon entered frontline politics in 1999 when she was first elected to the Scottish
Parliament, before serving in Mr Salmond’s Cabinet until his resignation following the
independence referendum defeat in 2014. She took over shortly afterwards, becoming the first
female First Minister and the longest-serving late last year.
Humza Yousaf succeeds Nicola Sturgeon as SNP leader

https://www.bbc.com/news/uk-scotland-scotland-politics-65086551
Humza Yousaf is to succeed Nicola Sturgeon as SNP leader and Scotland’s first minister
after a vote of party members.
Mr Yousaf defeated rivals Kate Forbes and Ash Regan in a leadership contest that exposed
deep divisions within the party. The 37-year-old is the first Muslim to lead a major UK
party. He is set to be confirmed as the first ethnic minority leader of a devolved government
on Tuesday. Mr Yousaf is currently Scotland’s health secretary and was widely assumed to be
Ms Sturgeon’s preferred successor, although she did not explicitly back any of the candidates
in the contest.
Speaking after being confirmed as the new leader at Murrayfield Stadium in Edinburgh,
Ms Yousaf said it would be “the greatest honour and privilege of my life” to be the next first
minister. And he called on the party to unite behind him after what has often been a fractious
leadership contest.
He said independence would be won “on the doorsteps” and pledged to kickstart a grassroots
campaign, adding: “We will be the generation to win independence for Scotland”. Mr Yousaf
added: “In the SNP we are a family. Over the last five weeks we may have been competitors
or supporters of different candidates.
Mr Yousaf also said his grandparents had arrived in Scotland from Pakistan in the 1960s
barely able to speak a word of English, and would not have believed “in their wildest dreams”
that their grandson would one day become first minister of Scotland.
39
Ms Sturgeon, who was Scotland’s longest-serving first minister, announced last month she
was stepping down after more than eight years in the job. She said Mr Yousaf will be an
“outstanding” leader as she congratulated him on his appointment, adding: “I could not be
prouder to have him succeed me”.
It was the first time the SNP has had a leadership contest since 2004, with Ms Sturgeon
being unopposed when she replaced Alex Salmond in 2014.
Mr Yousaf becomes only its fifth leader since 1979, and will face the task of uniting a party
that has dominated Scottish politics in recent years but which has looked deeply divided in the
wake of Ms Sturgeon’s resignation.
Ms Sturgeon’s surprise announcement that she was resigning came just three weeks after
she insisted that she had “plenty in the tank” and still believed she would lead Scotland to
independence.
• Party leaders
Rishi Sunak Keir Starmer Edward Davey Humza Yousaf Adam Price
Mary Lou McDonald Carla Denyer and Adrian Ramsay

Jeffrey Donaldson (Nigel Farage) Richard Tice
40
Party Description
Conservative and Unionist Party Party loosely divided into three categories; the Thatcherites, in favour of free market
and mostly Eurosceptic, the economically moderate and socially liberal One Nation
Conservatives, and the socially conservative, Eurosceptic Cornerstone Group.
Labour Party Social democratic party with democratic socialist elements that has its roots in
the trade union movement. The party has several internal factions, which include:
Momentum, Open Labour, Progress, Blue Labour, and the Labour members on a
split ticket with the Co-operative Party.
Scottish National Party Scottish nationalist and social democratic party which supports Scottish
Independence and membership of the European Union or further devolution
for Scotland.
Liberal Democrats Liberal party; social liberals based around groups like the Social Liberal Forum,
and the ‘Orange Book’, which supports classical liberalism. Also a social
democratic faction within the party.
Supports membership of the European Union.
Democratic Unionist Party British Unionist and national conservative political party in Northern Ireland.
Sinn Féin Irish republican party dedicated to the reunification of Ireland and the creation of
a new republic based on democratic socialist values.
Plaid Cymru Welsh nationalist party in favour of Welsh independence or further devolution
for Wales.
Social Democratic Labour Party Irish nationalist and social-democratic party supporting a United Ireland.
Ulster Unionist Party A conservative and Unionist party in Northern Ireland.
Green Party of England + Wales Green political party that favours environmentalism, progressivism and sustainability.
Scottish Greens Green political party in favour of Scottish independence and Scottish republicanism.
Alliance Party of Northern Ireland Liberal and non-sectarian political party in Northern Ireland.
Green Party in Northern Ireland Green political and non-sectarian party in Northern Ireland.
Traditional Unionist Voice Strongly social and national conservative unionist party in Northern Ireland.
People Before Profit socialist and Trotskyist party that is active in both the Republic of Ireland and
Northern Ireland.
Alba Party A pro-Scottish independence and Scottish nationalist party founded in February 2021.
Reform UK Eurosceptic political party in the United Kingdom (UK) made up of politicians who
support Brexit. Created in November 2018 as the Brexit Party it changed its name
to Reform UK in January 2021. It was led by Nigel Farage until March 2021 when
Richard Tice became its new and current leader.
41
Chapter 4: The British Executive
Key-notions
Cabinet, party leader and chief of government, Question Time, Downing Street,
Chancellor of the Exchequer, Robert Walpole, political agenda, King or Queen’s Speech,
accountability, secretary of state, department, interactions with monarch, etc.
Prime Ministers since 1979

> Margaret Thatcher, 1979 – 1990
> John Major, 1990 – 1997
> Tony Blair, 1997 – 2007
> Gordon Brown, 2007 – 2010
> David Cameron, 2010 – 2016
> Theresa May, 2016 – 2019
> Boris Johnson, 2019 – 2022
> Liz Truss, 2022 – 2022
> Rishi Sunak, 2022 –
42
Questions
• What are the characteristics of a parliamentary government?
• In which circumstances was the office of the Prime Minister created?
• What are the main functions of the UK prime minister?
• Who was Britain’s first prime minister?
• In which circumstances was the office of the Prime Minister created?
• What is a Cabinet reshuffle?
1. Roles and Powers of the Prime Minister

adapted from the Political and Constitutional Reform Committee Inquiry into the role and
powers of the Prime Minister, by Dr M. Bennister, Lecturer in Politics, Canterbury Christ
Church University, 25 February 2011
∆ Role of the Prime Minister

We still know relatively little about what Prime Ministers do, how they do it and indeed
why. We know they are dependent on others. We know they are constrained by the environment
they work in. We also know that they are powerful, influential actors. Clarity regarding the
role and function of the Prime Minister is lacking. […] The Prime Minister has the potential
to make of the job what they want. The formal expectations are minimal, the informal almost
limitless. […] Some countries (Germany) with written constitutions list functions and powers;
others (Australia) do not. The role has evolved over time […].
∆ Power of the Prime Minister

Power varies from one Prime Minister to another and fluctuates within a Prime Minister’s
period of office. […] Personal power resources include: reputation, skill and ability; association
with actual or anticipated political success; public popularity; and high standing in his or
her party. Institutional power resources include: being the legal head of the government;
agenda setting through leadership of the cabinet and cabinet committee system and Whitehall;
strengthening Downing Street and the Cabinet Office; agenda setting through news media
management.
Formal powers can include the power to: appoint and dismiss ministers; summon,
prorogue and dissolve parliament; appoint and regulate the civil service; allocate and
reallocate port- folios; regulate government business; create cabinet committees; re-organise
central government; confer honours; make treaties; declare war; deploy armed forces on
operations overseas. The British Prime Minister is free to exercise these conventional powers
and prerogatives with limited parliamentary accountability, that includes Prime Minister’s
Questions in the Commons once a week, written parliamentary questions to the Prime Minister
and appearances before the Liaison Select Committee.
43
∆ Structures of Power
A Prime Minister has considerable formal power resources, concentrated in a private office,
advisory structures, the Cabinet committee system and other formalised support.
2. The Executive
adapted from A. Blick and G. Jones, 01/01/2012 - https://history.blog.gov.uk/2012/01/01/
the-institution-of-prime minister/
∆ The British Cabinet:

In a situation of parliamentary government, the Executive is chosen from the legislature
and is dependent for support upon it. Thus the British Cabinet is chosen from the House of
Commons and is responsible to it - as opposed to the situation in a presidential system, in
which the Executive is separately elected and in theory equal to the legislature.
The Cabinet typically comprises 23-24 leading ministers. It is the central committee which
directs the work of government and coordinates the activities of individual departments. Its
members assume responsibility for all decisions on behalf of the government.
Most cabinet members are drawn from the House of Commons, the dominant, elected
chamber, although a small number sit in the House of Lords. Most cabinet members steer
a department such as Education and Employment, Health or the Home Office. There is a
‘pecking order’ within the Cabinet. In cabinet meetings, the attitudes and preferences of more
senior ministers normally carry more weight than those of others present. The Prime Minister
is at the helm, followed by the Chancellor of the Exchequer, the Foreign Secretary and then
the Home Secretary. There may, as now, be a Deputy Prime Minister, whose ranking is usually
44
below that of the Chancellor. The relationship of the Prime Minister and Chancellor is crucial.
If they are united on a particular issue, other ministers will find it hard to achieve any contrary
objectives.
∆ The work of the Cabinet involves:

• Deciding on major policy to be followed at home abroad. Government policy has often
been stated in the election manifesto and reflects prevailing party policy. But when in office,
the priorities for action have to be decided and a legislative programme drawn up. Details of
policy have to be filled in, in the light of prevailing circumstances such as the financial state of
the country and the spending received from key pressure groups.
• Coordinating the policies of different departments: if government is to function well
and policy is to be successfully carried out, there needs to be coordination between government
departments. In some cases, disputes may have to be resolved between departmental ministers.
For example, there is a natural tension between Treasury representatives and ministers who
want more money for defence, education, health, transport and other issues.
• Planning for the long term: ideally, this is a key area of policy-making, but governments
are often preoccupied with the here-and-now. Moreover, ministers come and go, making it
difficult to plan ahead with consistency of purpose. Yet some issues require long-term planning,
such as those concerning the environment, defence and pension policy. Often this work is done
in cabinet committees.
∆ “The Institution of Prime Minister”

[…] Details of the lives of individual Prime Ministers have been recounted in numerous
biographical studies […]. This article provides an historical overview of how the British Prime
Minister’s Office came into being, its subsequent development and the staff attached to it.
Sir Robert Walpole and the origins of the premiership:

The so-called ‘Glorious Revolution’ of 1688 helped produce a new power-balance within
the English constitution. Monarchs became more dependent upon Parliament to obtain tax
revenues and pursue their favoured policies, while the House of Commons was establishing its
dominance over the House of Lords. This changed constitutional structure created a potential
opening for a politician who could deliver control of Parliament for the monarch. One man in
particular, operating from the position of a Member of the Commons, not the Lords, managed
to exploit this opportunity: Sir Robert Walpole.
The title ‘prime minister’ was originally a term of abuse rather than a description of an official
role. It implied that an individual subject had risen improperly above others within the royal circle,
and had echoes of a political institution imported from France, England’s great enemy. […]
The historian A. J. P. Taylor wrote that Walpole was ‘as much the first modern Prime Minister
we should recognize as Adam was the first man’. Walpole had a long tenure as First Lord of the
Treasury (1721-1742) and became the dominant figure within government from around 1730.
His ability to carry crown business through Parliament ensured the support of first George I and,
from 1727, George II. Moreover, through his control of the Treasury, Walpole was able to extend
his power throughout the country and help ensure that parliamentary elections – in which only a
tiny proportion of men (and no women) could then vote – produced the desired outcome.
45
However, the idea of an official office of Prime Minister remained taboo. In 1741, when the
nature of his government was under attack, Walpole told the Commons: “I unequivocally deny
that I am sole and prime minister.”
The institution of Prime Minister is entrenched:

In the decades that followed the fall of Walpole […] the
post was not yet firmly established in practice nor officially
recognised. […] By 1805 The Times newspaper was beginning
to use the phrase ‘Prime Minister’ in this sense and around this
time it began to be employed in parliamentary debates.
The office of Prime Minister was widely accepted as a
political reality by the mid-nineteenth century. The British
premiership has gradually taken on a more official existence
over the last three centuries, but remains largely informal in
character, with many of its powers matters of convention rather
than law. In the words of the Cabinet Manual, published in October 2011, ‘The Prime Minister
has few statutory functions but will usually take the lead on significant matters of state’.
Turning points and phases:

In 1974 Robert (Lord) Blake, Oxford academic and biographer of Benjamin Disraeli,
identified three ‘turning points’ in the history of the premiership. The first came in 1782–1784
with a ‘change…from a monarch who was the real head of the executive, an active political
force concerned with the day-to-day issues of government to a monarch with a veto – the right
to dismiss the Prime Minister and so the right to prevent the implementation of policies he
disliked’. The second and most significant change was the shift ‘from the King’s government
to party government’ which became apparent in 1834–1835. Third was a movement from
‘government by parties based on parliament to government by parties based on nation-wide
organizations’, which began with the expansions in the franchise by the reform acts of 1867
and 1884.
∆ Subsequent key moments have been identified by the historian Peter

Hennessy:
1870: the Prime Minister acquires the sole right to call Cabinet meetings.
1881: ‘Questions to the PM’ are introduced in Parliament, an ancestor of today’s weekly
‘Prime Minister’s Questions’.
1903: The establishment of the Prime Minister’s absolute right to remove ministers from office.
1918: the Prime Minister gains from the Cabinet as a whole the right to request the
dissolution of Parliament by the monarch, triggering a general election. The Prime Minister
used to be able to set the date of the next General Election, but since the passing of the
Fixed Term Parliament Act in 2011, this is no longer the case.
From the early-eighteenth to the mid-nineteenth century, nearly all Prime Ministers have
held the post of First Lord of the Treasury. In 1803 William Pitt the Younger saw it as natural
that the first minister should “be the person at the head of the finances.” […] The start of the
second phase can be traced to a decision made by Sir Robert Peel, when he became Prime
46
Minister for the second time in 1841. Peel delegated day-to-day oversight of Treasury business
to a separate Chancellor of the Exchequer. The long-term consequence of this arrangement
was to cut off the premiership from this departmental function. It was now more focused on
overall government coordination and leadership, particularly through the Prime Minister’s
role as chair of the Cabinet. Cabinet had origins in the late-seventeenth century and by the
mid-nineteenth century established itself as the supreme collective decision-making body
within government. […]
∆ Among the main tasks of the Prime Minister are the following:
• Leader of’ his party in the country and in Parliament. He owes his position to the party
and in carrying out duties cannot afford to forget that connection. This role of managing the
party is crucial to his prospects of survival.
• Leader of the government at home and abroad. He answers questions in the House at
Prime Minister’s Question Time on Wednesday. He also acts as the country’s voice on special
occasions and represents Britain in summit conferences.
• The Prime Minister is head of the executive branch of government and chairman of
the Cabinet. He has several responsibilities, ranging from oversight of the security services to
liaising with the monarch in a weekly meeting, keeping her informed of what the government
is doing and advising on matters such as the constitutional implications of a royal marriage or
divorce.
• Responsibility for appointments (or dismissals) of members of the Cabinet, acting as
its chairman, appointment of other members of the government. Chairmanship of the Cabinet
involves drawing up its agenda — in partnership with the Cabinet Secretary — and agreeing
the minutes after the weekly meeting. His role in regards to the Cabinet enables him to run the
political agenda in his chosen way.
3. What do [government] reshuffles achieve?

adapted from The Guardian, 8 January 2018
There is a casual assumption that, with a bold reshuffle, a prime minister can somehow boost
the fortunes of a government. That is not always the case, although there may be some examples
of a government receiving an obvious bounce in the opinion polls, or in electoral contests, as a
direct result of a reshuffle. However, reshuffles do make a difference in other way.
Reshuffles create future leaders. In theory anyone can stand for the leadership of their
party (and even win, as Jeremy Corbyn proved) but in practice most leadership contests are
won by someone with a high-profile cabinet-level job. In theory a prime minister should be
able to determine what a government does. But most executive powers in government reside
with secretaries of state, not the prime minister (the article 50 bill was a rare example of
legislation giving a specific power to the prime minister) and even strong prime ministers find
it hard to push through reform if departmental ministers are not in favour.
Reshuffles can change the personality of a government (a bit). In recent years all prime
ministers, Labour and Tory, have been keen to use reshuffles to make their administrations
more diverse, particularly more female and less white, and Theresa May is no different. Often
the overall impact is relatively marginal, but sometimes a reshuffle can make a government
look noticeably different. For example, after the cull of Cameron Etonians in May’s first
reshuffle, the Tories did look less posh.
47
Reshuffles can create problems for prime ministers because of whom they sack. This
is the main reason they are so risky. Today’s reshuffle has been described as an opportunity to
refresh the government. But it is also an opportunity to refresh the pool of Brexit “mutineeers”,
as the Telegraph calls them, because ex-ministers featured prominently in the list of Tories
who rebelled over the EU withdrawal bill last month.
But reshuffles can also create problems for prime ministers because of whom they
promote. David Cameron’s decision to make Theresa May home secretary in 2010 was a
surprise. Cameron and George Osborne were not especially close to her, but they recognised
her ability and did not want to form a government without a woman in one of the top jobs. Six
years later, as May sacked him, Osborne may have reflected that their earlier decision did not
turn out quite as planned.
48
Chapter 5: The British Parliament
Key-notions
Bicameral, House of Lords, House of Commons, MPs and Lords, Cabinet, bills and
Acts, Royal Assent, State Opening, oversight, Question Time, no-confidence motion,
Shadow Cabinet, backbenchers, select committees, constituencies, hung-parliament,
Speaker, Whip, Fixed-Term Parliaments Act, etc.
Questions
• What is the British Parliament’s primary function?
• How representative is the British Parliament?
• How does a bill become an Act?
• What specific role does the House of Lords play?
• What’s specific about the Question Time?
• When was Parliament created in England?
• What is the difference between public bills and private members bills?
• Can the monarch refuse to grant Royal Assent?
49
1. The roles of Parliament
adapted from https://www.gov.uk/guidance/legislative-process-taking-a-bill-through-parliament
One of Parliament’s main roles is to examine and challenge the work of the government.
The House of Commons and the House of Lords use similar methods of scrutiny, although
the procedures vary. The principal methods are questioning government ministers, debating
and the investigative work of committees. The government can publicly respond to explain
and justify policies and decisions. MPs and Lords get the opportunity to question government
ministers either directly on the floor of the House during the regular oral question times or
in writing. The Prime Minister answers questions every sitting Wednesday from 12.00noon
-12.30pm. This session is commonly known as Question Time.
Another important function of Parliament is to make law. Most bills can begin either in the
House of Commons or in the House of Lords. The government will make this decision based
on the need to make sure each House has a balanced programme of legislation to consider
each session. A bill goes through different steps. The First Reading is a purely formal stage,
it is merely an announcement. The debate on the main principles of the bill occurs during the
Second Reading. A government minister will open the debate by setting out the case for the
bill and explaining its provisions. The opposition will respond and then other members are
free to discuss it. The government will close the debate by responding to the points made. At
the end of the debate the House will vote on the bill. If the vote is lost by the government, the
bill cannot proceed any further, though it is rare for a government bill to be defeated at this
stage. The next step is known as the Committee stage. This is a line-by-line consideration of
the detail of the bill. In the Commons this process may be carried out by a specially convened
committee of MPs. In either House the committee will decide whether each clause of the bill
should remain in it, and will consider any amendments tabled by the government or other
members. Then comes the Report stage, when amendments are discussed, so if none are tabled
this will be a purely formal stage. After the Report comes the Third Reading. Both Houses
must agree on the text of a bill before it can become an act. This means that if the bill is
amended in the second House, it must return to the first House for those amendments to be
considered. The first House can reject the amendments, make changes to them or suggest
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alternatives. A bill may move backwards and forwards between the two Houses a number of
times before agreement is reached, so this stage is often called “ping pong”. A bill that has
been passed by both Houses becomes law once it has been given Royal Assent and this has
been signified to Parliament.
∆ From bill to Act of Parliament

The UK Parliament makes laws that are known as statutes acts or Acts of Parliament. These
are sometimes referred to as legislation. The UK Parliament can make or repeal any law it
chooses. Also, it is sovereign, which means that in theory any laws made by the UK Parliament
take precedence over any other laws. The UK Parliament can also give power to other people
or public bodies to make laws in a process known as subordinate legislation.
All Acts of the UK Parliament begin as a bill , which is simply a proposal for a piece of
legislation. There are three main types:
• Public bills: these are written by specialised lawyers, who are trained in the art of
drafting legislation. Public bills are presented to Parliament by government ministers and
change the general law of the country.
• Private members’ bills: these are prepared by individual backbench Members of
Parliament (MPs). MPs win the right to present these bills by entering a ballot. Very few
of these bills become Acts, but they have a useful function as a way of drawing attention to
particular issues. The Abortion Act 1967 stemmed from a private members’ bill put forward
by David Steel.
• Private bills: these are usually proposed by a local authority or a large public body
and usually only affect that organisation or body. Examples include a local authority seeking
the right to build a bridge or road, or a transport company seeking land on which to build a
new road.
A bill goes through several stages to enable debate, discussion and detailed consideration
within each of the UK’s Houses of Parliament (i.e. the House of Commons and the House of
Lords). The following stages take place in both houses:
• first reading: this is a formal introduction of the bill without debate, where the title of
the bill is read out.
• second reading: this is a general debate on the principles and content of the bill.
• committee stage: this is a detailed examination of the bill, leading to a debate and
amendment of the bill.
• report stage: this is an opportunity for further amendments to the bill.
• third reading: this is the final chance for debate on the bill.
When a bill has passed through both Houses of Parliament it is returned to the first House
(where it originated) for the second House’s amendments to be considered. Both Houses of
Parliament must agree on the final text. There may be several rounds of exchanges between
the two Houses of Parliament until agreement is reached on every word of a bill. Once there is
agreement, the bill goes to the next stage in the process: royal assent.
Technically the monarch must give their consent to all bills before they can become law.
In reality, since 1709 no monarch has been asked to specifically give royal assent to a bill and
the request goes to a committee. A bill becomes an Act on receiving royal assent. Acts then
become operational as law on their commencement date. This date is often in the future to
allow time for companies and public bodies to prepare for the new law.
51
What happens if the House of Lords and the House of Commons cannot
agree on a bill?
As the House of Commons is directly and democratically elected, it takes precedence over
the House of Lords. Special procedures have been developed by which proposed legislation
can go for royal assent without the approval of the House of Lords once certain time limits
have elapsed. The Parliament Act of 1949 laid down some of these rules.
2. The Question Time

www.parliament.uk/about/how/business/question/
Question Time is an opportunity for MPs and Members of the House of Lords to question
government ministers about matters for which they are responsible. These questions are asked
at the start of business in both chambers and are known as ‘oral questions’. The session takes
place for an hour, Monday to Thursday, after preliminary proceedings and private business.
Each government department answers questions according to a rota called the Order of Oral
Questions. The questions asked must relate to the responsibilities of the government department
concerned. Commons oral questions are tabled by MPs at least three days in advance and the
relevant government department is due to answer. The order in which the questions are asked
is determined by the ‘shuffle’, carried out randomly by a computer.
Proceedings in the House of Commons: On the day the questions are due to be asked
they are printed in ‘Business Today’ in the Order Paper. MPs who are called by the Speaker
to ask their question do not read it out, but simply call out its number. When the government
minister has replied, the MP can ask one further question, known as a supplementary. Other
MPs may also be called to ask supplementary questions at the discretion of the Speaker. The
Minister must reply to each in turn. Supplementary questions must be on the same subject as
the original question.
Prime Minister’s Question Time: the Prime Minister answers questions from MPs in the
Commons every sitting Wednesday from 12pm to 12.30pm. The session normally starts with
a routine question from an MP about the Prime Minister’s engagements. This is known as an
‘open question’ and means that the MP can then ask a supplementary question on any subject.
Following the Prime Minister’s answer, the MP can then ask their supplementary question
52
on any topic they choose. Once it has been answered, the Speaker will normally call the
Leader of the Opposition who is permitted to ask up to six questions. Later in the session, the
Speaker will also usually call the leader of the second-largest opposition party who may ask
two questions. Most MPs will table the same question about engagements and if they do, only
their names will appear on the question book. After the first engagements question has been
asked, any other MPs who have tabled the same question are simply called to ask an untabled,
supplementary question.This means, in theory, that the Prime Minister will not know what
questions will be asked of them. However, the Prime Minister will be extensively briefed by
government departments in anticipation of likely subjects they could be asked about.
House of Lords’ oral questions: this takes place at the beginning of the day’s business
for up to 30 minutes on Mondays to Thursdays. Lords questions are to the Government as a
whole, not to particular government departments (as they are in the Commons). Lords Oral
Questions can be tabled anywhere between 1 month and 24 hours in advance. The questions
are printed in the Lords Order Paper. Slots are reserved for ‘topical questions’, tabled two days
in advance.
3. Composition of Parliament: General Elections Results 2019
Conservatives win overall majority [326 seats needed to win]

The Guardian, 13 December 2019
• Conservatives: 365 (+47) // 43.6% vote share

- abour: 203 (-59 )// 32.2% Liberal Democrats: 11 (-1) // 11.5%
- Scottish National Party: 48 (+13) //3.9% Democratic Unionist Party (DUP): 8 (-2)
- Sinn Fein: 7
- Plaid Cymru: 4
- Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP): 2 (+2)Green: 1 // 2.7%
- Alliance Party: 1 (+1)
- Brexit: 0 // 2%
• Turnout: 67.3%
Boris Johnson’s Conservative party has secured a majority by seizing seats from the Labour
party in its traditional heartlands in the north and midlands. Johnson remains prime minister
and should now be able to get his Brexit deal through parliament. After a disastrous night,
Jeremy Corbyn has said he will not lead the Labour party into the next election. Meanwhile the
Lib Dem leader Jo Swinson and the DUP Westminster leader Nigel Dodds have lost their seats.
Growing calls for electoral reform after vote share per party is revealed
Green MP selected in yesterday’s general election represented more than 850,000 votes while
SNP MPs represented under 26,000, according to figures from the Electoral Reform Society.
More than 330,000 votes were needed to elect a Liberal Democrat, compared to 50,000 for
Labour and 38,000 for Plaid Cymru and Conservative candidates.
Meanwhile, the Brexit Party won more than 642,000 votes but failed to get any
representatives in the House of Commons.
Overall, the Electoral Reform Society claims that 45.3% of votes did not get any
representation, because of the number of voters who didn’t support the winning candidate.
53
4.The Fixed-term Parliaments Act 2011
As the so-called short title of the Act indicates, this Act, that is to say a law voted by the
British Parliament, aims at establishing fixed terms, that is to say a fixed duration between 2
general elections, for British Parliaments, thus ending British prime ministers’ power to call a
general election at a time of their own choosing. Until that reform, the British Parliament had
no fixed term, which meant that the next general election could take place at any time after the
previous one, which in fact contributed additional power for British prime ministers who could
choose a date for a general election that might be favorable to their party. The only statutory
limit was imposed by the Parliament Act 1911, that required that the term of Parliament did
not exceed 5 years. Though since the mid 20th century general elections in practice have been
held every 4 years, it is clear that in times of national or international crisis, when the party in
office found circumstances difficult to win the next general election, both Conservative and
Labour prime ministers postponed the call for a general election till the maximum statutory
limit. That was the case in 1997, when Conservative Prime Minister John Major waited the
maximum time to call the election, as the Conservative Party was aware that a victory was
highly unlikely, and Labour Prime Minister Gordon brown faced the same situation in 2010.
In both cases, it seemed undemocratic that a party remained in office whereas it had lost
popular support. This constitutional reform, consisting in establishing fixed terms for British
Parliaments, was part of the deal made by the Conservatives and the Liberal- Democrats when
forming the Coalition government in May 2010. Though some criticism had occasionally been
passed on the flexibility of Westminster Parliaments’ terms, whose duration was left to the
British prime minister’s discretionary power, the passing of the bill rather came as a surprise
in fact the Lords complained that that constitutional reform should have been preceded by
extensive scrutiny. Though this reform eventually aligns British Parliaments’ now fixed terms
with most European legislatures, other criticism included that the main motivation for the
reform was to sustain the Coalition Government for a full parliamentary term and that the
proper length of term should be four years, not five.
So eventually, the Fixed-Term Parliaments Act 2011 received Royal Assent on 15 September
2011 and came into force on that same day. The Act has had a major impact on the timing of
parliamentary elections in the UK, since Parliaments operate on a five-year cycle, as well as
for devolved institutions. Section 1 of the Act set the date of the next general election as7 May
2015 and on the first Thursday in May in every fifth year thereafter. Section 2 fixes the rules
concerning early elections, which can be held only:
• if a motion for an early general election is agreed either by at least two-thirds of the
whole House or without division or;
• if a motion of no confidence is passed and no alternative government is confirmed by
the Commons within 14 days.
Under section 3 (1) of the Act, Parliament automatically dissolves 17 working days before
polling day.
54
Chapter 6: the House of Commons and
House of Lords
Key-notions
Frontbenchers, backbenchers, crossbenchers, Speaker, Whips, Committees, peers and
peeresses, hereditary Lords, Spiritual Lords, Cabinet, party leader, Question Time, etc.
55
Questions
• What does the disposition of the House of Commons illustrate about its functioning?
• What changes did the House of Lords Act of 1999 make?
• What’s the role of the House of Lords?
• What’s the purpose of the Question Time?
• What are ‘life peers’ in the House of Lords?
• What role does the Speaker have?
∆ Reforms of the House of Lords

• Parliament Act 1911 & the Parliament Act 1949
• Life Peearages Act 1958 & the Peerages Act 1963
• House of Lords Act 1999
• Constitutional Reform Act 2005
1. Parliament: MPs and Lords
56
2. House of Commons and House of Lords
www.parliament.uk
The House of Commons is where Members of Parliament (MPs) debate and vote on
important issues. The main business of the House takes place here and can involve MPs
putting questions to government ministers, debating issues of national importance and passing
legislation.
The Speaker’s Chair and the Table of the House provide a focal point in the Chamber at its
north end. There are green leather benches on either side where MPs sit: looking towards the
Speaker’s Chair the government sit on the left and the opposition parties on the right. The front
benches are reserved for government ministers and opposition spokespeople. Only MPs are
allowed to sit on the benches in the Chamber. Ministers and the Official Opposition’s shadow
ministers stand at the despatch boxes to address the House. The Mace, a ceremonial staff of
office representing the authority of House of Commons, is placed on the Table of the House
when it is sitting.
Traditions in the chamber: MPs are not allowed to speak in the space between two red lines
running along the length of the Chamber. It has been claimed these lines are traditionally two
swords” lengths apart to prevent MPs duelling although there is no evidence to support this.
∆ The Work of a Backbench MP (and Lay-out of the House of Commons)

adapted from BBC, Bitesize Guide to the UK Parliament
57
The constitutional role of a backbench MP is to represent his/her constituents, even those
who did not vote for them or did not vote at all. At the same time, many backbench MPs will
feel that they have a responsibility to their political party.
Sometimes the views of the party may come into conflict with the views of constituents.
Backbench MPs, in this case, must make a choice; either to upset their local constituents or
upset the party whip.
Backbench MPs inside Parliament – Inside the House of Commons, Backbench MPs
participate in Parliamentary Committees by scrutinising Bills and proposing amendments
to Bills.
They may speak during Commons debates and will regularly vote in these debates. They
will question Ministers, including the Prime Minister. While there is not much time available,
they may try to introduce a Private Members Bill. Outside of Parliament, a backbench MP
will do work in their Constituency, communicating with their constituents by writing letters,
emails and replying to phone calls. Often MPs will hold “surgeries” where constituents can ask
questions or get help with problems. Some MPs will send a newsletter sent out to constituents
and communicate via their own website or social media presence. MPs will be asked to attend
a great deal of meetings and events, including with their local constituency party. They require
the support of the local party to ensure that they will be selected to stand in future elections
∆ Lords by party, type of peerage and gender (latest update, 2020)

The eligible (sitting) members of the House of Lords can scrutinise bills, investigate
government activity through committee work, and question government through oral questions
and debates.
The House of Lords has currently – latest update, 2020 – 790 sitting members. Note that
the chamber was built to seat 240. As far as gender is concerned, there are 567 peers compared
to 223 peeresses – women therefore represent around one third (34,5 %) of all members. The
average age is 69.
There is a library, a dining room, a tearoom, a bar, committee rooms and offices (six peers
can share just one office). Apart from the 92 hereditary peers who survived the 1999 reform,
life peers include a variety of personalities such as scientists, historians, former civil servants,
lawyers, surgeons, party hacks and donors, a dentist, a cheese maker, former MPs, diplomats,
a children’s TV presenter and 26 bishops.
Party/group Men Women Total
Bishops 2 5 26
Conservative 192 6 259
Crossbench 140 4 187
Labour 114 6 175
Liberal Democrat 5 3 86
Non-affiliated 3 8 43
Other 1 3 14
Total : 567 Peers + 223 Peeresses
58
3.The pros and cons of the House of Lords
www.theweek.co.uk/61210/the-pros-and-cons-of-the-house-of-lords / Dec 18, 2019.
Lord Strathclyde, a former Conservative leader in the Lords, told the Financial Times : “We
need a stronger, more responsible second chamber, more directly accountable to people. There
are many ideas as to how that could happen.” So what do peers do and should they have a place
in a modern democracy?
How much are peers paid?

Peers are not paid a salary but can claim a flat daily allowance of £157 or £313 if they attend
a sitting. One notorious anecdote reported in 2017 told of a peer who “left the taxi running”
outside the chamber while he dashed in to claim his £300, according to The Daily Telegraph.
Lady D’Souza, who stepped down as speaker of the upper chamber in 2016, told BBC
documentary Meet the Lords that many of her colleagues did nothing to justify their stipend:
“There is a core of peers who work incredibly hard, who do that work, and there are, sad to say,
many, many, many peers who contribute absolutely nothing but who claim the full allowance.”
What’s wrong with the current system?

Campaigners such as the Electoral Reform Society argue that it is undemocratic that
unelected peers should have such sway in British politics. The current system also makes it
very hard to get rid of politicians from the Cabinet. Downing Street announced this week that
Nicky Morgan, who didn’t contest her seat in the general election and therefore is no longer
an MP, is being made a Conservative peer in order to remain a member of Johnson’s Cabinet.
What’s right about the House of Lords?

The Daily Telegraph’s Peter Oborne argued that the House of Lords continues to work
remarkably well, throwing out what he calls “populist measures introduced by governments
determined to bolster their right-wing credentials”.
An elected House of Lords would never have the will or the courage to stand up against
public opinion, he argues, and would deprive the public of the judgement of “very valuable”
peers, such as retired generals, trade union leaders, academics and judges.
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Chapter 7: Devolution of power
Key-notions
Devolution, referendums, First Minister, Senned Cymru, Home Rule, devolved parlia-
ment, Good Friday Agreement, Holyrood, secondary legislation, nationalist parties,
Nicola Sturgeon, SNP, Playd Cymru, DUP, Sinn Féin, etc.
Questions
• What major changes did devolution involve for British political institutions?
• What different approaches to devolution do the Conservatives and Labour have?
• What was the purpose of the referendums in Scotland and Wales in 1979?
• What was the outcome of the referendums in Scotland and Wales in 1997?
• What’s Home rule in Northern Ireland?
• What specific difficulties does devolution raise in Northern Ireland?
• What are MSPs and who is the Scottish First Minister?
1. Devolution: a beginner’s guide

BBC News, 28 April 2010 and bbc.co.uk.com, 26 November 2013
Since 1999, the way the United Kingdom is run has been
transformed by devolution ̶ a process designed to decentralise
government and give more powers to the three nations which,
together with England, make up the UK.
The United Kingdom is made up of England, Wales,
Scotland and Northern Ireland. Devolution essentially means
the transfer of powers from the UK parliament in London to
assemblies in Cardiff and Belfast, and the Scottish Parliament
in Edinburgh.
∆ When did it begin?

Public votes were held in 1997 in Scotland and Wales, and a year later in both parts of Ireland.
This resulted in the creation of the Scottish Parliament, the National Assembly for Wales
and the Northern Ireland Assembly.
Devolution applied in different ways in each nation due to historical and administrative
differences.
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∆ What powers are devolved?
MAJOR DEVOLVED POWERS
SCOTLAND WALES N. IRELAND
Agriculture, forestry & fishing Agriculture, forestry & fishing Agriculture
Education Education Education
Environment Environment Environment
Health Health & social welfare Health
Housing Housing Enterprise, trade & investment
Justice, policing & courts* Local government Social services
Local government Fire & rescue services Justice & policing
Fire service Highways & transport
Economic development Economic development
Some transport
∆ What powers are not devolved?

The UK government is responsible for national policy on all powers which have not been
devolved. These are known usually as “reserved powers” and include foreign affairs, defence,
international relations and economic policy.
MAJOR NON-DEVOLVED POWERS
SCOTLAND WALES N. IRELAND
Defence
Constitution Defence & national security
National security
Defence,
Economic policy Foreign policy
National security
Foreign policy Foreign policy Nationality
Energy (specified as «nuclear
Energy Energy
energy & installations)
Immigration,
Immigration, Nationality
Nationality
Trade & industry
Some transport
The Westminster Parliament is technically still able to pass laws for any part of the
UK, but in practice only deals with devolved matters with the agreement of the devolved
governments.
∆ Devolution in Scotland
Scotland has a “parliament” as opposed to an “assembly” ̶ the crucial difference being that
Holyrood is a legislation-making body, passing bills in various areas of its many devolved
responsibilities.
The Scottish parliament also has the power to raise or lower the basic rate of income tax by
3p in the pound ̶ although this so-called “Tartan Tax” has never been used.
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In addition to the main devolved powers shown in the table, the parliament can legislate
on tourism, economic development, planning, natural and built heritage, sport and the arts, as
well as statistics, public registers and records.
The primary powers retained by Westminster include foreign policy, defence and trade
and industry.
∆ Devolution in Wales
The Government of Wales Act of 2006 gives the Welsh assembly powers to make its own
laws, but limits its scope to defined “fields”; a broad subject area such as education or health.
Within these fields, the assembly is able to enact its own laws, known as measures.
In addition, the assembly can make laws relating to ancient monuments and historic
buildings, public administration, sport and recreation, tourism, town and country planning,
flood defences, the assembly itself, and the Welsh language.
By omission, anything not contained in the current list of measures remains under the
control of the Parliament in Westminster.
The assembly is split into executive and legislative branches: the Welsh assembly
government controls day-to-day running of devolved policy areas within the country, while
the National Assembly for Wales scrutinizes and debates the assembly government’s work.
The assembly could increase its powers in the future and may one day evolve into a body
similar to the Scottish Parliament.
In February 2010, assembly members voted in favour of holding a referendum on devolving
further powers from Westminster. This motion must now gain approval from both Houses of
Parliament.
∆ Devolution in Northern Ireland

Devolution here is slightly different to Scotland and Wales, with government powers
divided into three categories: transferred, reserved and excepted.
The power-sharing agreement between the Nationalist and Unionist communities in
Northern Ireland is critical to the functioning of the assembly; devolution of powers has been
suspended and reinstated several times since its inception in 1998.
In addition to the main devolved powers shown in the table, the assembly can also legislate
on culture, arts and leisure, learning and employment and regional and social development.
In March 2010, an agreement was passed to transfer powers of justice and policing to
Northern Ireland.
Reserved powers - which could be transferred in the future with cross-community consent
̶ include prisons and civil defence.
A third category ̶ excepted powers ̶ includes matters such as parliamentary and assembly
elections, international relations and defence.
These cannot be transferred without primary legislation from Westminster.
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∆ Why is there not an ‘English parliament’?
The UK government is responsible for all matters in England which have been devolved to
Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland.
However devolution has caused some tensions, particularly over public spending.
The new powers of the Scottish Parliament have allowed it to abolish university tuition fees
and prescription charges. These services are not free in England.
However Scotland’s public services are still paid for by all UK taxpayers under the terms
of the Barnett formula, which allocates funding around different parts of the country. Some in
England are increasingly unhappy, seeing this as English taxpayers subsidising free services
in Scotland.
2. Wales: History of Welsh Devolution
www.senedd.wales
∆ Early Days
The roots of political devolution in Wales can be traced to the end of the nineteenth century.
In 1886, Cymru Fydd (“Young Wales”) was established to promote the objectives of the Liberal
Party in Wales and to campaign in favour of Welsh “home rule”. Although Cymru Fydd’s
success was short lived, its activities coincided with other political developments relating to
Wales, notably the passing of specifically Welsh Acts for the first time in the UK Parliament. It
also coincided with the beginning of administrative devolution in Wales through the creation
of the Welsh Board for Education in 1907.
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∆ Post-War Wales
After the Second World War, a series of developments started the process of shifting
powers from Westminster to Wales. Petitions to create a Secretary of State for Wales were
turned down by the Labour Government of 1945-50, which, as a substitute, created a
Council for Wales and Monmouthshire in 1948. This was an unelected body that advised the
government on Welsh affairs.
In 1951, a new junior government post of Minister of State for Welsh Affairs was created
by the UK Conservative Government, initially as a junior minister in the Home Office and
from 1957 as a post held jointly with the Ministry of Housing and Local Government.
The Labour Party committed itself to create a Secretary of State for Wales in its 1959 election
manifesto, but it had to wait until its victory in the 1964 UK general election to formally create
the role and to establish the Welsh Office. At first, the Secretary of State only had responsibility
for housing, local government and roads. Other areas including education and training, health,
trade and industry, and the environment and agriculture were gradually added over the years.
∆ Devolution Referendum: 1979

The first vote on devolution in Wales took place on 1 March 1979. This followed a Royal
Commission on the Constitution in 1973, chaired by Lord Crowther and subsequently by
Lord Kilbrandon. It recommended the creation of elected bodies for both Scotland and Wales.
The proposal for the creation of a Welsh Assembly in 1979 was rejected by the Welsh public,
who voted four to one against the UK Labour Government’s proposals. In the immediate
aftermath of the 1979 referendum, devolution became somewhat of a dormant political issue
in Wales. However, the policies of the UK Conservative Government during the difficult
economic conditions of the 1980s, coupled with the Conservative Party’s relatively low levels
of electoral support in Wales (in contrast with the UK as a whole), led to renewed calls for
Wales to have its own democratic institution.
∆ Devolution Referendum: 1997

In May 1997, when Labour came back to power for the first time since 1979, the Labour
manifesto included a commitment to holding a referendum on the creation of a Welsh Assembly.
A White Paper, A Voice for Wales, was published in July1997. It outlined the UK Government’s
proposals and, on September 18, a referendum was held.
As the results were announced, constituency by constituency, Wales had to wait for the very
last declaration before knowing the final result. Of those who voted, 50.3 per cent supported
devolution – a narrow majority in favour of 6,721 votes. The Secretary of State for Wales at
the time, Ron Davies, described Welsh devolution of the day as “a process not an event”. The
story of the National Assembly’s development since1999 has proven this point.
∆ Welsh devolution – “a process not an event”

Following the referendum, the UK Parliament passed the Government of Wales Act 1998.
The Act established the National Assembly as a corporate body – with the executive (the
government) and the legislature (the Assembly itself) operating as one. The first elections to
the Assembly were held on 6 May 1999.
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In contrast to the primary law-making powers given to the Scottish Parliament, the Act
limited the National Assembly to the making of secondary legislation in specified areas,
including agriculture, fisheries, education, housing and highways. Such powers were broadly
equivalent to those previously held by the Secretary of State for Wales.
∆ The first decade, and a changing structure

While there were many positive aspects about the newly formed Assembly in terms of public
access and a more inclusive and consensual style of politics, the single corporate body structure
proved to be problematic. The difficulties experienced by the minority Labour administration
in securing consistent agreement from other parties in the Assembly, and the replacement
of the First Secretary in February 2000, highlighted the need for constitutional change and
stability. In response to increased calls for change, the Assembly agreed a resolution in 2002
to separate both roles as much as possible within the framework of the 1998 Act. This was
achieved by introducing the term Welsh Assembly Government to describe the policies and
actions of the Cabinet as distinct from the work of the National Assembly, which had greater
independence to provide advice, research and support to individual Members and committees
of the Assembly.
∆ Commission on the Powers and Electoral Arrangements of the National

Assembly for Wales and the Government of Wales Act 2006
The Commission on the Powers and Electoral Arrangements of the National Assembly for
Wales (the Richard Commission), established by the Welsh Government in 2002 to examine
the powers and electoral arrangements of the Assembly, subsequently recommended the legal
separation of the executive and legislature as individual legal entities. This was formally
achieved following the 2007 Assembly elections and the coming into force of the Government
of Wales Act 2006.
Through separation, the 2006 Act clarified the roles of each institution. The Welsh
Government (the First Minister, the Welsh Ministers, Deputy Ministers and the Counsel
General) became responsible for making and implementing decisions, policies and subordinate
legislation. The Welsh Government’s decisions and actions are kept in check by the National
Assembly (the body of 60 elected Members) which holds its ministers to account. The National
Assembly makes laws and represents the interests of the people of Wales. The 2006 Act also
provided that the property, staff and services required by the National Assembly would be
provided by the Assembly Commission.
∆ 2011 Referendum Onwards

Following a referendum in 2011, the Assembly gained primary lawmaking powers in relation to
specific subjects without involvement from Westminster or Whitehall. The UK Government
established the Silk Commission to consider the future of the devolution settlement in Wales.
In 2012, the Silk Commission published Part I of its report, making recommendations on
the financial powers of the Assembly’s future legislative powers and arrangements. The UK
Government published Powers for a Purpose in 2015, providing the basis for the development
of a reserved powers model of devolution for Wales.
The Assembly passed the Tax Collection and Management (Wales) Act 2016, in preparation
for exercising the taxation and borrowing powers devolved by the Wales Act 2014. This saw
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the start of Assembly’s role in overseeing the UK’s negotiations for leaving the EU, scrutinising
relevant legislation, and defining Wales’s place in a post-Brexit UK.
2018 saw the commencement of reserved powers model of devolution under the Wales Act
2017. The first Welsh taxes came on stream.
In 2019, income tax-varying powers will come on stream, as provided by the Wales Act 2014.
On the same topic, you can also read “How Welsh devolution has evolved over two decades”
in BBC News, https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-wales-politics-40947872
3. Scotland: Scottish devolution since the 1707 Act of Union

www.scottish-devolution.org.uk
∆ The Act of Union in 1707

Joined Scotland and England politically into one country. The result of the legislation
meant that Scottish affairs became the responsibility of Westminster. Even though this was
seen by many as taking away a lot of power from the country, Scotland kept several important
sectors that remained entirely separate from England. There was a different legal system and
also a Church that had no ties with the Church of England. In 1885, Scotland was handed back
a certain amount of its administrative power in the form of the Scottish Office. This enabled
the region to take responsibility for issues that were crucial to its well-being in areas such as
fisheries, farming, education, law, and health matters. This powerful body was headed by the
Secretary of State for Scotland.`
∆ Background of Scottish devolution

Not only was Scotland an independent country up until the union in 1707, but it was also
fiercely nationalist. There was, however, a voice within the country that saw the benefits of
joining with England as it was thought from a commercial standpoint that it brought economic
prosperity. The first twenty to thirty years of the union saw several efforts to restore the Stuart
monarchy. The rebellion of the Jacobites was centred in the Highlands and was not considered
to be a movement for the whole of Scotland. In the mainly Presbyterian Lowlands, it was as
unpopular with the people as it was in England.
∆ The Scottish National Party

Founded in 1934, the Scottish National Party aimed at the so far elusive goal of bringing unity
to the nationalist movement by merging the diverse factions. It united the pro-independence
National Party, which was left wing, with the Conservative Scottish Party that’s primary aim
was to establish a fully independent Scotland. The first Member of Parliament for the SNP was
elected in 1945. It would, however, be 20 years later before any real success took place with the
Scottish electorate. In 1967 over 200,000 votes were won at local elections and the party took 40
per cent of the council elections in 1968.
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∆ The referendum on devolution
With the setting up of the Kilbrandon Commission, plans were laid for a Scottish Assembly
with Conservative leader Edward Heath giving his promise to support it. With the discovery
of North Sea oil in the mid-1970s, the SNP claimed success by winning 11 seats in the 1974
general elections. The campaign at the time “It’s Scotland’s oil”, played a big part in gaining
the seats, and there was a general feel of optimism about the way the devolution strategy was
heading.
∆ Under the terms of the 1978 Scotland Act

A provision was made for a referendum on devolution. The subsequent event saw 1,230,937
people voting in favour, but this figure did not represent over 40 per cent of the electorate to
make the result legal.
∆ The declining years

The referendum failure began a period of SNP decline, with a lot of in-house fighting
between the various factions that were lumped together under the Scottish National Parties
agenda. The Thatcher years were fallow years for the SNP, but the Labour Party placed
devolution high on its agenda. John Smith’s famous quote about “unfinished business” was
just the start of what was to be a period of great success for the movement.
A Scottish Constitutional Convention that was put together in 1988 finally called for the
formation of a Scottish Parliament in 1995. When Labour gained power in 1997, the plans were
delivered for a referendum in September of that year. This time, 1,775,045 voted in favour,
which represented over 70 per cent. In 1999, the Scottish Parliament was established.
∆ The SNP today

2007 was a historic year for the SNP with an enormous victory in the Scottish elections. It
won 47 of the available 129 seats. Even though talks of a coalition government in partnership
with the Greens and the Liberal Democrats fell through, the party formed a minority government
with the first minister being Alex Salmond. This was followed in 2011 by an increase in seats
to 69, which gave the party a majority, and the power that it had always craved for to call for
a referendum on full independence. It took many months of negotiation between Salmon and
the Prime Minister David Cameron before the power to hold such a referendum was granted,
with the date loosely set to be held in autumn 2014.
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∆ The referendum 2014
The result of the referendum for full independence was announced on 19 September. It was
a “no” victory with around 55 per cent of the vote.
∆ The way forward

The important result in the 2015 general election saw the SNP win 56 out of a possible
59 seats, which was a landslide victory. This was the best outcome ever in the UK elections
and under the leadership of Nicola Sturgeon; the party has managed to tap into the “wave” of
nationalism sparked by the narrow referendum defeat. Even though there is an insistence that
the election win was not about independence, the leadership of the SNP have not ruled out the
future possibility of another vote on Scotland’s future as an independent country.
In 2022, Scotland’s First Minister Nicola Sturgeon proposed 19 October 2023 as the date
for a second referendum on independence.
Party representation since 1999 at Holyrood:

Party 1999 2003 2007 2011 2016 2021
Conservative 18 18 17 15 31 31
Labour 56 50 46 37 23 22
Lib Dem 17 17 16 5 5 4
SNP 35 27 47 68 61 64
Greens 1 7 2 2 6 8
Others 2 10 1 2 2 0
Total 129 129 129 129 129 129
Lab-Lib Lab-Lib SNP SNP SNP
SNP minority
Form of government majority majority majority majority majority
government
coalition coalition government government government
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4. Northern Ireland: A year without devolved government
by Paul Moss
BBC Radio 4’s The World Tonight programme, 9 January 2018
It is a year since devolved government in Northern Ireland collapsed. But how has the lack
of a Northern Ireland Executive and assembly affected life there, and what do people want
from the future? It seemed a little late to be talking about Christmas, but Aiden Flynn remained
focused on the celebrations just passed. The managing director of a large construction company
based just outside Belfast, he said he kept thinking about the 40 members of staff he had had
to lay off last year. “That’s 40 families who didn’t have a great Christmas,” he said. “And it’s
going to get worse, unless the assembly gets back to doing its work.”
The assembly he referred to was set up in Northern Ireland after the Good Friday peace
agreement. It took on a host of legislative responsibilities, from economic development, to
education and health. But more than anything, the assembly was supposed to bring together
republicans and unionists in a project of common purpose. One year ago, however, that sense
of common purpose seemed to vanish, as the republican party, Sinn Fein, walked out on the
assembly, bringing about its collapse. Since then, there’s been no authority to commission the
kind of public sector work upon which Mr Flynn’s construction company and many others in
Northern Ireland depend. “I would normally get a constant stream of work: refurbishment of
schools… of hospital wards. I was hopeful they’d get the assembly up and running again 11
months ago - but 12 months?”
The ostensible reason for Stormont’s collapse was financial: the ruling Democratic Unionist
Party (DUP) was blamed for the failure of a renewable heating scheme. Demands for the DUP
leader, Arlene Foster, to resign went unheeded, but that demand has now been dwarfed by a
whole list of requirements issued by Sinn Fein to be met before it will return to shared power.
At The Maverick, a gay and lesbian bar in Belfast, I found customers mulling over one of
these: that the DUP agrees to allow same-sex marriage, still illegal in Northern Ireland. “It’s
great that one of the main parties is supporting equal marriage,” one drinker told me. He said
it might make him more likely to vote for Sinn Fein. But another was more cynical: “I can’t
help thinking that Sinn Fein has picked it up because it’s something the DUP oppose. They’re
just using it as a means of contradicting them.” Such political opportunism would hardly be
unique, indeed it has become almost expected in an era of widespread cynicism.
However, the writer Malachi O’Doherty believes there is particular reason to doubt the
face-value demands of Northern Ireland’s parties. Put quite simply, he sees more long-term
political and sectarian divisions lurking underneath. “Sinn Fein and the DUP have locked
horns like old rams familiar with the struggle with each other,” he says. “We’ve been through
a period where we had some optimism divisions would be dispelled. Now, the more contempt
you express for the other side, the more votes you will get.”
Not so, insists Simon Hamilton, a DUP member of the legislative assembly. He says: “We
want to see the institutions up and running again immediately, but Sinn Fein have developed a
fairly lengthy shopping list of demands.” He mentions the call for an Irish language act, which
would give Irish heightened official status in Northern Ireland. Mr Hamilton worries this will
lead to fluency in Irish becoming a requirement for some official jobs. Moreover, he says, if
Sinn Fein wants a language act, equal marriage, or any other measure, it should agree to re-es-
tablish the assembly, and then use it as a forum to press its demands. […]
This week sees a new Northern Ireland secretary appointed. The previous one, James
Brokenshire, had to set a budget for Northern Ireland, in the absence of an elected assembly.
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But his replacement, Karen Bradley, may yet impose full direct rule from Westminster, if
power sharing cannot be restored. And the assembly’s headquarters at Stormont will become
an over-sized, underused monument to thwarted hopes of the recent past.
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Chapter 8: British Commonwealth and the
European Union
Key-notions
Commonwealth, British colonial Empire, Queen Victoria, dominions, referendum,
Northern Ireland Protocol, Brexit, article 50, Brexit deal, David Cameron, Nigel Farage,
Theresa May, Boris Johnson, eurosceptics, etc.
Questions
• How does the Commonwealth function?
• What role does the monarch play in Commonwealth countries?
• What’s the 1931 Statute of Westminster about?
• Why was it so difficult to “get Brexit done”?
• How different were David Cameron’s, Theresa May’s and Boris Johnson’s positions on
Brexit?
• Why was it so difficult to “get Brexit done”?
• How differently did the different territories vote on Brexit?
• What consequences did Brexit generate?
1. The Commonwealth: a few facts
∆ The Commonwealth: a chronology of key events

1926. Imperial Conference: UK and its dominions agree they are “equal in status, in no
way subordinate one to another in any aspect of their domestic or external affairs, though
united by common allegiance to the Crown, and freely associated as members of the British
Commonwealth of Nations.”
1930. First Commonwealth Games held in Hamilton, Canada.
1931. British parliament enacts the Statute of Westminster, which proclaims the
Commonwealth a free association of self-governing dominions united by a common
allegiance to the British Crown.
1948. Ireland leaves the Commonwealth on becoming a republic.
1949. Commonwealth prime ministers issue the London Declaration, which changes
membership from one based on common allegiance to the British Crown to one in which
members agree to recognise the British monarch as head of the Commonwealth, rather than
as their head of state.
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1961. South Africa withdraws from the Commonwealth after it is criticised by many
members for its apartheid policies, enforcing racial segregation through the Natives Land
Act.
1965. Commonwealth Secretariat set up in London.
1971. Singapore Declaration of shared principles is adopted; it includes commitments to
individual liberty, freedom from racism, peace, economic and social development, and
international cooperation
1972. Pakistan leaves the Commonwealth in protest at the latter’s recognition of Bangladeshi
independence. Rejoins in 1989.
1977. Adoption of Gleneagles Agreement discouraging sporting contacts with South Africa
because of its apartheid policies.
1979. Lusaka Declaration on Racism and Racial Prejudice issued.
1987. Fiji suspended from Commonwealth following the overthrow of its government.
1989. Pakistan rejoins.
1991. Harare Declaration adds democracy, good government and human rights to the
Commonwealth’s shared principles.
1994. South Africa rejoins the Commonwealth following the end of apartheid.
1995. Commonwealth Ministerial Action Group (CMAG) set up to deal with persistent
and serious violators of the Commonwealth’s shared principles; Nigeria suspended from the
Commonwealth after it sentenced to death environmentalist and writer Ken SaroWiwa and
a group of fellow activists – they were hanged.
1997. Fiji reinstated after it adopts new constitution more in line with Commonwealth’s
shared principles.
1999 May. Nigeria reinstated after its return to civilian rule.
1999 October. Pakistan suspended because of military take-over.
2000. Fiji suspended again after a coup by rebel leader George Speight. It is readmitted in
December 2001.
2001 October. Commonwealth ministers visiting Zimbabwe say they think the government
has done little to honour commitments to end a crisis over seizures of white-owned land.
2002 March. Zimbabwe is suspended for a year over President Robert Mugabe’s
controversial re-election. A Commonwealth observer group had strongly condemned the
conduct of the poll, though observers from other African countries endorsed the elections
as “trans-parent, free and fair”.
2003 March. Zimbabwe’s suspension extended to December 2003.
2003 December. Zimbabwe’s suspension extended indefinitely. Zimbabwean government
responds by announcing country is pulling out of Commonwealth for good.
2004 May. Pakistan readmitted.
2006 December. Fiji suspended from attending Commonwealth meetings over a military coup.
2007 November. Pakistan is suspended for a second time after President Musharraf declares
a state of emergency and sacks top judges.
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2008 May. Pakistan’s suspension is lifted; Commonwealth Ministerial Action Group says
the government has taken positive steps to fulfil its obligations.
2009 September. Fiji fully suspended from membership after military ruler refuses to
schedule elections for 2010.
2009 November. Rwanda joins the Commonwealth after applying for membership in 2008.
Despite having no historical ties to Britain the country was allowed in as recognition of its
“tremendous progress” since the genocide of 1994, the Commonwealth Secretariat said.
2011 November. The British parliament’s foreign affairs select committee recommends
better representation for Crown Dependencies such as the Channel Islands in the
Commonwealth.
2012 January. The Commonwealth calls for credible elections in Fiji, after military ruler
Voreqe Bainimarama announces plans to end martial law and hold elections in 2014. Fiji
remains suspended from the Commonwealth and is the subject of international sanctions.
2012 December. The Commonwealth adopts its first-ever formal charter, committing
members to 16 core values of democracy, gender equality, sustainable development and
international peace and security
2013 October. Gambia announces its withdrawal from the Commonwealth.
2013 November. Member countries are urged to boycott the Commonwealth Heads of
Government Meeting (CHOGM) in Sri Lanka in November because of the host’s human
rights record. At the summit, Sri Lanka and Britain clash over how to deal with allegations
of war crimes at the end the Sri Lankan civil war but a final statement makes no mention
of the controversy.
2014 April. Canada says it is suspending twenty million dollars in funding to the
Commonwealth while Sri Lanka chairs the group, because of human rights concerns in
that country.
2014 July-August. The 20th Commonwealth Games are held in Glasgow, Scotland.
2014 September. Fiji re-instated as a member after holding parliamentary elections.
2015 November. The 24th Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting convenes in
Malta.
2016 October. The Maldives withdrew from the Commonwealth. Gambia began the process
of returning to the Commonwealth under the new Gambian Government of President
Adama Barrow.
2018 February. Gambia was readmitted to the Commonwealth
2018 April. The 25th Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting convenes in London,
United Kingdom.
2018 May. Zimbabwe applied to rejoin the Commonwealth.
2020 February. The Maldives returns to the Commonwealth.
2020 November. Barbados becomes a republic but remains in the Commonwealth
2020 June. Togo and Gabon join the Commonwealth.
2022 July. The 2022 Commonwealth Games take place in Birmingham.
2022 September. Queen Elizabeth dies. Charles III becomes new head of the Commonwealth.
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∆ The Commonwealth flag
2. Queen’s death leaves Commonwealth with uncertain

future
https://www.courthousenews.com/queens-death-leaves-commonwealth-with-uncertain-future/
The death of Queen Elizabeth II, after 70 years on the throne, is likely to spark profound
questions for the global reach and reputation of the British monarchy. As the United Kingdom
conducts its eighth day of national mourning following the death of Queen Elizabeth II last
week, political debate in the country remains silenced and international tributes continue
to flood in. However, following the popular queen’s funeral on Monday, there is a growing
recognition that the British monarchy’s global reach is likely to reduce without her presence.
The Commonwealth of Nations – an organization of 56 nation states that were formerly
colonial possessions of the British Empire – faces an increasingly uncertain future without
the figurehead that helped to maintain and modernize the monarchy throughout the turbulent
process of decolonization. It becomes the job of the new king, Charles III, to forge a new
sense of purpose and common identity for an organization that is increasingly viewed by
many member states as outdated, listless and enmeshed in a broader reevaluation of the British
Empire’s problematic legacy.
Nowhere is this shift more apparent than in the realms of the Commonwealth – the 15
nation states which retain the British monarch as their head of state. Through the realms the
British royal family continues to provide a monarch for more than 150 million people around
the world, though consent for such an arrangement is seen as increasingly shaky. Debate over
the future of the constitutional status of the realms was ignited in 2021 when Barbados –
previously thought of as so staunchly monarchist that it was dubbed “Little England” – became
a republic. At the time, Barbados Prime Minister Mia Mottley directly linked her country’s
constitutional monarchy with the history of imperialism, stating that “the time has come to
fully leave our colonial past behind.” “This is the ultimate statement of confidence in who we
are and what we are capable of achieving,” she added.
The decision sparked a fresh wave of discussion in the Caribbean over the appropriateness
of retaining the monarchy. In March, a high-profile visit to Jamaica by the then-Duke and
Dutchess of Cambridge – William and Catherine – backfired when the royal couple were
met by protests demanding reparations for slavery. In a PR blunder, the couple were publicly
informed by Prime Minister Andrew Holness that the country intended to move on from the
monarchy. The Jamaican government subsequently stated their intention to become a republic
no later than 2025. That republican sentiment was on the rise even before the death of the
queen will ring alarm bells in Buckingham Palace. For decades, discussion regarding abolition
of the monarchy was generally thought to be on hold until the end of Elizabeth II’s reign. And
indeed the death of the monarch has immediately fired a starting gun on further republican
movements. Last Sunday, the prime minister of Antigua and Barbuda, Gaston Browne,
announced that he planned to hold a referendum on becoming a republic in the next three
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years, pending his reelection in 2023. And on Thursday the prime minister of the Bahamas,
Phillip Davis, reaffirmed his commitment to a republican referendum in the near future after
signing a book of condolences for the late queen.
There is also high-level discussion between political parties over the possibility of a
republican referendum in Saint Vincent and the Grenadines after Prime Minister Ralph
Gonsalves proposed as much in July. Other realms in which republican sentiment is thought
to be high include Grenada, Saint Kitts and Nevis, and Saint Lucia. But it is not just the
Caribbean where the monarchy faces an uncertain future. The new prime minister of Australia,
Anthony Albanese, is a lifelong republican. Albanese has ruled out a referendum during the
current electoral term, but his republican sentiments seem likely to become more prominent if
he wins a second term, in a country which only narrowly voted to retain the monarchy back in
1999. Similarly, Prime Minster of New Zealand Jacinda Ardern is another republican who has
ruled out a referendum for the time being, though she stated her belief that New Zealand would
break with the monarchy and that such a development “is likely to occur in my lifetime.”
The British monarchy can rely on greater levels of support in the Pacific island nations of
Papua New Guinea, the Solomon Islands and Tuvalu, while a republican movement doesn’t
appear likely to change Canada’s constitutional arrangements any time soon. But beyond simply
the realms, the wider Commonwealth is also under question. With an unclear mission, limited
resources and loose institutional arrangements, the purpose and benefits of Commonwealth
membership are increasingly unclear for many member states – particularly as the U.K.’s role
in global leadership appears to have diminished since leaving the European Union.
The Commonwealth received only passing reference in the king’s inaugural address. Instead
the king’s focus has been squarely on the unity of the domestic union since his ascension to
the throne. Charles III has delivered impassioned speeches in the capital cities of Scotland,
Northern Ireland and Wales, in which he has emphasized the personal importance of each
nation to his family. He spoke in Edinburgh of how Scotland provided the queen with her
true home, in Belfast of how she prayed for peace in Northern Ireland throughout her reign,
and in Cardiff delivered an address starting in fluent Welsh. The interventions are politically
significant at a time of peril for the union, with the Scottish government launching a renewed
push for independence and reunification sentiment on the rise in Northern Ireland. It may well
be the case that the king’s focus on domestic unity takes greater priority than holding together
an apparently waning international club of nations.
In her first Christmas address after her coronation, in 1953, Queen Elizabeth II said of the
Commonwealth that it “bears no resemblance to the empires of the past. It is an entirely new
conception, built on the highest qualities of the spirit of man: friendship, loyalty and the desire
for freedom and peace.” “To that new conception of an equal partnership of nations and races I
shall give myself heart and soul every day of my life,” she added. It remains to be seen whether
this vision of the Commonwealth can long outlive the figurehead upon whom, for so long, it
appeared to depend.
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3. The United Kingdom European Union membership
referendum
∆ How the country voted
∆ A disunited Kingdom
Why Brexit Britain is as divided as Europe in 1914.

adapted from The Telegraph, Antony Seldom, 26 June 2016.
This weekend, Britain is more disunited than at any point in living memory. The EU
referendum did not create these divisions – but it has put them in stark and frightening relief.
The ‘One Nation’ that a defeated Prime Minister spoke about on the steps of Downing
Street on Friday morning now faces the imminent prospect of break-up, as he had warned it
would if Britain voted for Brexit. David Cameron will be wondering whether the country has
any idea of the forces that have been unleashed by its decision to leave the EU, about what
must now be done to prevent the Union’s disintegration – and how on earth we as a nation can
redefine ourselves, which we now must.
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[…] Great Britain was formed over many years, with Wales absorbed by England in
1536, Scotland with the Union of Crowns in 1603 and the Act of Union in 1707, and Ireland
joining in 1801. Only southern Ireland has ever broken away, in 1922.
But within hours of the Brexit declaration, Nicola Sturgeon (had called for a second
Referendum on Scottish independence, and Martin McGuinness suggested there was a
“democratic imperative” for similar in Northern Ireland. Even without demagogues whipping
up Welsh nationalist feeling, centuries of British history are on the brink of being ripped apart.
The Brexit reveals how deeply divided our supposed ‘One Nation’ has become, with
Scotland voting 62 per cent to Remain, Northern Ireland 56 per cent. England – which voted
overwhelmingly for Brexit – itself is deeply torn, with the North, the countryside, older people,
and those who did not attend university, determined to leave, with only the cities, parts of the
South East, the young and graduates favouring remaining in the EU.
[…] Britain is now as divided as Europe was in 1914. The referendum revealed the extent
of the gulf between the haves and the have-nots, a divide that has existed throughout history,
but that has never been more present than now. Trust in the bastions of the British status quo,
politicians, the police, media, judiciary and business, has been rocked by a series of scandals,
with the most damaging of all being the MPs expenses scandal in 2009. A belief has grown that
they, the bureaucrats, bankers and politicians, all have their noses in the trough while ordinary
folk are left out in the cold. Divisions within our political parties are so severe that even they
may split […].
The Conservative Party, too, is more divided today than at any point since the split over
the repeal of the Corn Laws during the 1840s. Many Tory MPs, disgusted at certain tactics
deployed by the Brexiteers, will never forgive the likes of Boris Johnson and Michael Gove
for coming out in opposition to Cameron, without which the referendum would never have
been lost. The likelihood of a party split is far greater if either Johnson or Gove is elected as
Cameron’s successor, and it is an open question whether […] Theresa May will be able to hold
both wings of her party together.
But, more important than all that, what of our Disunited Kingdom? What does it mean
to be British – as opposed to English, Welsh, Scottish or Northern Irish – after a divisive
referendum? Have we lost for ever the notions that have long united us?
The monarchy unites us still, certainly – for now. The Queen’s […] birthday in April reminded
us both of her remarkable achievements, and that she will not be with us forever. Her successor
would be unable to draw on a folk memory of having reigned for more than 60 years. The
Prince of Wales has many gifts, but appealing across all parties, ages and regions is not notably
one of them. Christianity no longer unites the nation, as once it divided it between Protestant
and Catholic. Prince Charles, when he is king, wants to be known as the “Defender of Faiths”,
rather than just the Protestant denomination. […].
It is almost exactly 100 years since the poet WB Yeats wrote: “Things fall apart; the centre
cannot hold; / Mere anarchy is loosed upon the world.” Ironically, those who voted for Brexit
to bolster British cohesion may have facilitated its dismemberment.
We must not, however, be defeatist. Much more unites British people […]. We may talk
with radically different accents and dialects, but we share a common language which many
countries including China, India and even the United States do not. Many of the greatest writers
in the world were British to their fingertips, and wrote sublimely in the English language, none
more so than William Shakespeare […]. We share a common history, never more so than the
experience of fighting during the two World Wars, side by side. We need to do much more in
our schools to teach British history, because a nation’s identity is grounded in an understanding
of a collective past.
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We share a common geography. We may be a nation of islands, but over 95 per cent of
British people live on one mainland. The BBC unites the nation, with its record of quality and
impartiality, without parallel across the world over the 90 years since its formation. The armed
forces and the National Health Service are similar shared institutions, which is why we should
look after them more carefully.
But above all, regardless of our views on Brexit, we share a common set of values, a belief
in the rule of law, a sense of fair play and decency. To these, we must now cling […].
4. Results of the May 2019 European elections
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Chapter 9: further reading - other current
issues in the UK
• Johnson hopes Putin’s war will save him, but don’t be

fooled – ‘Partygate’ still matters
www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2022/mar/29/boris-johnson-putins-war-partygate-
ukraine-no-10
It is said that compared to the crisis in Ukraine, N0 10’s offences were trivial. But the PM
must pay for this abuse of power. Issued 20 fines to government officials for violating the
Covid rules they were tasked with drawing up, there are two things we can conclude about
Boris Johnson. Either, when he declared less than four months ago that “all the guidelines were
observed”, he was completely ignorant about the laws he was directly responsible for – or
he repeatedly and shamelessly lied. There is a third possibility – he had no idea what was going
on in the prime minister’s official residence – that is too insulting to anyone’s intelligence to
even bother indulging.
Which of the two options is true is interesting as an academic debate, but both provide the
same answer to the basic question: “Regardless of your political standpoint, is this person fit
for high office?” Let’s indulge it anyway. Johnson is, notoriously, not known as a details man.
Oxbridge does not, unfortunately, lack his type: mediocre youngsters ensconced in privilege,
whose pretentious vocabulary and unnecessary use of Latin disguises a lack of depth and
knowledge.
As foreign secretary, his civil servants privately briefed that he had “the attention span of a
gnat”, and that submissions to him “needed to be short, and they needed to be clear about what
he was being asked to do”. His public statement that Nazanin Zaghari-Ratcliffe was training
journalists in Iran, rather than visiting relatives on holiday, was one example of how his lack
of attention to details produces dreadful real-world consequences. That Johnson reportedly
leaves top-secret papers strewn across a flat that he shares with his wife, Carrie – who is
known to be close friends with British journalists who visit their residence – shows that he is a
fundamentally unserious, lazy man who thinks consequences are for other people.
It is so clearly a matter of public record that the prime minister is a liar that the very act of
claiming he is not a liar is itself a deception: he was, after all, sacked twice, as journalist and
politician, for not telling the truth. His former employee the journalist Peter Oborne compiled
an entire book, The Assault on Truth, dedicated to documenting his lies, but there wasn’t
enough space to include them all so he set up a sprawling website to finish the task. The only
leeway that could be given is that men so pathologically obsessed with lying lose their grasp
of the difference between fact and fiction, and so can lie without even being conscious of it.
The likely conclusion, therefore, is that Johnson is both a liar and someone who cannot
absorb very clear and basic information, unlike the millions of ordinary people who fully
understood and complied with laws that he was ultimately responsible for designing and
communicating. You wouldn’t trust a man with this combination of qualities with the most
rudimentary responsibilities – and yet he is running your entire country.
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As Vladimir Putin’s forces continue to unleash barbarism on the people of Ukraine, the
prime minister’s acolytes’ argument will be tediously predictable. Does the war not put a few
boozy gatherings in No 10 in perspective? Must we obsess over such trivialities while children
are being slaughtered? Don’t fall for it: moral clarity demands that the horror in Ukraine must
not be used to smother objections to the corruption of our democracy, which is what this is.
Yes, Johnson’s team believe that Putin’s tanks have rescued their man, and they can wave
polling statistics that suggest their Teflon-coated conman has crawled from the electoral abyss.
Labour’s consistent failure to offer an inspiring alternative, relying instead on their opponents’
fetish for self-immolation to win by default, has certainly helped the Tories. But this really
does matter. It’s not just that so many citizens could not hold the hands of dying loved ones, or
endured crippling extended loneliness, and therefore feel righteous fury at their rulers. It’s that
if our government gets away with rampantly disobeying laws that were used to victimise the
powerless – including arresting homeless people and fining children – then they will, rightly,
believe that they can get away with other abuses of power.
Many understood that “one rule for them, another rule for us” was a key guiding principle
in British society, but it has now been erected in big, flashing neon lights over the heart of
government.
• Boris Johnson fined by police over partygate – what

happens next? (12 April 2022)
www.theconversation.com/boris-johnson-fined-by-police-over-partygate-what-happens-
next-181215 /
After months of dodging the issue, it appears that British Prime Minister Boris Johnson
did in fact break his own emergency laws during COVID restrictions. The police have fined
Johnson, his wife Carrie and – in a new twist to the story – Chancellor Rishi Sunak in relation
to the partygate affair, which saw staff socialising in government buildings while the rest of the
country was living under severe restrictions on their movements. A No 10 spokesperson said:
“The prime minister and Chancellor of the Exchequer have today received notification that the
Metropolitan police intend to issue them with fixed penalty notices.”
In a video statement issued shortly after the announcement from the police, Johnson
revealed that he has already paid the fine, which relates to a gathering on his birthday on June
19 2020 in the Cabinet Room of 10 Downing Street. He said he did not think, at the time, that it
broke the rules. After months of dodging the issue, it appears that British Prime Minister Boris
Johnson did in fact break his own emergency laws during COVID restrictions. The police have
fined Johnson, his wife Carrie and – in a new twist to the story – Chancellor Rishi Sunak in
relation to the partygate affair, which saw staff socialising in government buildings while the
rest of the country was living under severe restrictions on their movements.
A few weeks ago, when the police first announced it was investigating partygate, it really
did look like Johnson’s future was hanging in the balance. Since then a number of events, not
least Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, have shifted the political spotlight away from the prime
minister’s predilection for partying. This fresh scandal is undoubtedly bad news that the prime
minister could have done without. It is unprecedented to have the holders of the top two great
offices of state – prime minister and chancellor – subject to police-mandated penalties.
It’s not so much the fines that matter in this case, but the principles that have been broken
to make the police fines necessary. This story of birthday cakes and Christmas quizzes has
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become a constitutional matter. Ever since news first broke of government staff partying during
the darkest moments of the pandemic, Johnson has consistently refused to admit that the law
was broken. In recent weeks, he has been able to refer to an ongoing police investigation as
cover for failing to engage with questions on the matter. He couldn’t possibly comment, he
insisted, before the official inquiries reach their conclusion. The announcement that the prime
minister is among dozens of people being fined removes that defensive shield, however. It now
seems almost impossible for Johnson to claim that no criminality was committed. He may well
be a politician with remarkable skills but surely it’s beyond even his wily ways to somehow
convince the public that a police fine is anything other than a very firm signal of criminal guilt.
Never knowingly caught on. It is at this point that the conventions written into the
Ministerial Code come into play. This document sets out various expectations about the conduct
of government ministers when in office, including – crucially in this case – the expectation
that any minister who knowingly misleads parliament will be expected to resign. Multiple
government ministers have fallen foul of this rule over the years but it is yet to take down a
prime minister. Attention during the next hours and days is likely to turn almost exclusively
to this point. The key question is whether on all of those occasions when the prime minister
has previously denied that any rules were broken he was knowingly misleading parliament.
The prime minister has never spoken in parliament about the June 19 event specifically but
has told MPs on several occasions that no rules were broken at other key moments – and often
in terms that implied no rules were ever broken. He has, for example, insisted to parliament
that he believed one of the most controversial Downing Street gatherings to be a “work event”
– suggesting that if rules were broken, he was an unwitting participant in the breach. Asked
about a Christmas party in December 2020, he said “all guidance was followed completely in
No. 10”. Both leave the prime minister on difficult ground. Nor has the Metropolitan Police
ruled out issuing further fines in relation to events on dates other than June 19.
The strategy. It is, in practice, highly unlikely that Johnson will admit to having lied.
Saying sorry has never been his style, and an admission of treating parliament with such
contempt is almost unthinkable. Denial and detachment are by far the most likely responses.
Denial will come in the form of promoting a sense of confusion around whether the fines
relate to rules, laws or regulations. Expect bluff and bluster until the wind has blown out of the
issue – and perhaps another surprise trip to Ukraine. Detachment will mean trying to shift the
blame onto someone else. Johnson will continue to claim that he did not knowingly mislead
the House and was simply following the essence of the advice that he himself received from
officials and advisers. If he isn’t willing to accept blame, there remain plenty of other staff
among those being fined who can carry the can.
Is partygate going to be the issue that brings Johnson down? At the end of the day, ousting
the prime minister would require a large number of Tory backbenchers to rebel and support a
vote of no confidence in him. While there is embarrassment and frustration within his party,
there does not appear to be an appetite for total capitulation. Not yet. Bar all the noise and
shouting, the partygate moment has probably passed.
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• ‘Humbled and deeply touched’: Queen thanks nation as
four-day jubilee ends
www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2022/jun/05/humbled-and-deeply-touched-queen-thanks-
nation-as-four-day-jubilee-ends
In a message at the climax of celebrations, monarch acknowledges her fragility but commits to continue
her reign
The Queen crowned her historic platinum jubilee celebrations with a last-minute appearance
on the balcony of Buckingham Palace on Sunday, bringing to a close four days of festivities that
revealed not only the contents of her handbag, but a nation’s undiminished appetite for a party.
The 96-year-old monarch waved to cheering crowds gathered in the Mall for the carnival
climax of the four-day bank holiday weekend. She was accompanied only by those closest to
the throne, a tableau of the future of Britain’s monarchy, with the Prince of Wales, the Duchess
of Cornwall, the Duke and Duchess of Cambridge and their children; an image incorporating
three future kings, and two future queens. This was the people’s day of the jubilee, as thousands
of street parties were held across the UK. In London it did not, as threatened, rain on the
Queen’s parade, as a carnival extraordinaire featured a two mile-long pageant dedicated to the
only monarch most of us have ever known.
It was initially uncertain whether the Queen, whose mobility issues had caused her to miss
so much of the jubilee, would be fit enough to attend. The first indication came when the royal
standard was raised above Buckingham Palace at 4.30pm, meaning she had arrived. Later,
in a written message of thanks to the nation, she seemed to acknowledge her fragility, but
committed to continue as monarch, saying: “When it comes to how to mark 70 years as your
Queen, there is no guidebook to follow. It really is a first. But I have been humbled and deeply
touched that so many people have taken to the streets to celebrate my platinum jubilee. “While
I may not have attended every event in person, my heart has been with you all; and I remain
committed to serving you to the best of my ability, supported by my family. “I have been
82
inspired by the kindness, joy and kinship that has been so evident in recent days, and I hope
this renewed sense of togetherness will be felt for many years to come.”
Along the route from Whitehall to Buckingham Palace, retracing her coronation procession,
more than 6,000 participants – celebrities, costumed performers and colourful characters on
extravagant floats – paraded through central London. The procession, telling the story of the
Queen’s seven-decade reign, was led by the gold state coach, more than 250 years old and
a poignant symbol of the coronation. The monarch appeared as a hologram, projected on
its windows in archive footage of her as a young sovereign waving to crowds. The pageant
marked the end of a four-day, flag-waving orgy of patriotism; military ceremonials; crowds
thronging the Mall; beacons and bunting; Buckingham Palace transformed by light shows and
a spectacular drone display.
An average of 11.2 million TV viewers – reaching a peak of 13.4 million – tuned in to
watch Saturday’s Platinum Party at the Palace and the unveiling of the biggest secret of all,
the Queen demonstrating her capacity to still surprise, and her superb comic timing, in a small
cameo having tea with Paddington Bear, and revealing – after seven decades – the marmaladey
contents of her famous handbag. Earlier on Sunday, Charles, who had paid tribute to “Her
Majesty – Mummy”, and Camilla joined a Big Jubilee Lunch at The Oval, in south London.
His hope was that the spirit of togetherness, engendered over the weekend, would endure,
telling guest Sarah Friar, CEO of neighbourhood app Nextdoor: “When it comes to Monday,
are we going to go back to all the bickering again? Let’s hope we don’t do that.” Gemma
Snow, from the Eden Project, who also spoke to Charles, said he talked about “keeping that
togetherness going”.
There were royals aplenty in the royal box, but the Duke and Duchess of Sussex, who flew
in from California last week with children Archie, three, and Lilibet, one, were not present.
Absent from the palace balcony on Thursday, the couple have only been seen in public on
one occasion when they appeared with other members of the royal family at Friday’s service
of thanksgiving. The final carnival act of the jubilee took place around the Queen Victoria
Memorial outside Buckingham Palace, as the £15m pageant concluded in a finale with Ed
Sheeran performing his hit Perfect, followed by a mass rendition of the national anthem. A
roll call of British stars, from TV, film, music and sport from each era of the Queen’s reign
had travelled the route in eight open-top buses. They included Idris Elba, Alan Titchmarsh,
Sir Cliff Richard, fashion royalty Kate Moss and Naomi Campbell, as well as the puppet
Basil Brush. There were dames in vintage cars, including Joan Collins, Darcey Bussell, Prue
Leith, Twiggy and Zandra Rhodes. A peloton of 300 cyclists, on vintage bikes, was led by
Sir Chris Hoy, Dame Laura Kenny and husband Sir Jason Kenny. A nod to Britain’s history
was provided by parades of classic motorbikes, scooters, Morris Minors and vintage Land
Rovers, with dancers performing the Lambeth Walk. A fleet of Aston Martins represented
James Bond. There were hippies, hula-hoopers, energetic space hoppers, Daleks, ice-cream
vans, a towering cake with corgi toppers, and giant puppets – all accompanied by a cacophony
of musical hits from decades past.
More than 85,000 Big Jubilee lunches were held, according to organisers. In reality, it was
a jubilee without its leading lady for much of the time, as she missed the thanksgiving service,
the Epsom Derby and the pop concert. The Queen was on public view in person for just over
27 minutes throughout the weekend.
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• Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth II has died at the age of 96
The Queen was the model constitutional monarch
https://www.spectator.co.uk/article/her-majesty-queen-elizabeth-ii-dies-at-the-age-of-96/
The Queen has died. Buckingham Palace has just confirmed that Her Majesty passed away
at Balmoral this afternoon.
It was clear Her Majesty was most unwell when the cancelling of the privy council yesterday
was followed by a rare bulletin from Buckingham Palace on her health. The Speaker informed
the House of Commons of the Queen’s ill-health this morning and since then the nation has
been braced for the worse.
The Queen was the model constitutional monarch. The Queen has reigned for seventy
years. She worked until the very end. Just on Monday, she invited her 15th Prime Minister, Liz
Truss, to form a government. In private, she will have dispensed the wisdom and advice that every
prime minister came to value. She had, after all, an unparalleled knowledge of Britain’s recent political
history. Her first prime minister was Winston Churchill, her last was her — and Britain’s — third female
prime minister. She presided over a period of remarkable social and technological change. She remained
throughout a link between the past, present and future. It is testament to her skill and dedication that
despite all the changes that have occurred in Britain in the last 70 years, republicanism has never become
a serious force.
When anyone dies at 96, one should be grateful for a long life. But it is a sign of how much
she means to so many that there is such a profound sense of loss today. On her 21st birthday,
she promised that her life would be dedicated to our service and to her dying day she fulfilled
that vow.
Today, this country lost a sovereign whose sense of duty was immense. We now enter a
period of national mourning.
• The world is in mourning

https://www.independent.co.uk/voices/queen-elizabeth-death-mourning-london-bridge-
protocol-b2162721.html
Queen Elizabeth has died at the age of 96. Her son Charles, the Prince of Wales, is now
King. The news came earlier today: “London Bridge is Down.” The message that reverberated
around Westminster and Whitehall – and filtered into the Commons during the debate on the
energy crisis – wasn’t quite the worst, but it was grim enough. The end was not far away, and
with it the coded message decided on some decades ago to alert the authorities to the imminent
end of the reign. Now we know, as the royal family dashed to Balmoral, that this terribly sad
news is true.
Even so, the Queen ruled to the last – and as her health must have been failing, made sure
that she was still in a position to accept the resignation of Boris Johnson and invite Liz Truss
to form a government in her name. She also discussed with the new British leader the state of
the nation, as she did with Winston Churchill in 1952 and with every one of her other prime
ministers. It’s striking to reflect that, when Churchill resigned and held a dinner for the Queen
at 10 Downing Street in 1955, he proposed a toast to her and reminded those present that he had
also toasted the life of her great-great-grandmother, Queen Victoria, when he was the subaltern at
the Battle of Omdurman in 1898. Churchill, by the way, was born in 1874, and the Queen’s last
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prime minister, Ms Truss, was born in 1975. The life of Elizabeth II spanned a considerable time
period. Not unexpected, therefore, but still a shock, given that the Queen, like her mother and her
late husband, had enjoyed relatively robust health well into extreme old age.
And although the vaguely described “mobility issues” and her increasing frailty meant that
she hadn’t been out in public since 16 July, we still expected her, irrationally, to be around for
ever. There were intimations of mortality, but we didn’t dwell on them. She had survived Covid,
after all, not to mention various minor ailments over many decades; she seemed indestructible,
if not immortal. Her motto was always “I must be seen to be believed,” and no monarch in
British history, or perhaps globally, had travelled more, or been filmed and photographed more
frequently. On the stamps, the banknotes, E II R on the pillar boxes and the coppers’ helmets,
on television and at big state occasions – hers has been a ubiquitous presence. It’s quite tough
to think that her 2021 Christmas broadcast was her last.
During all the bitter social divisions – through terrorism, political threats to the union,
family joys and traumas, good times and bad – the Queen has been a symbol of unity and
continuity. Lately, she has rarely been glimpsed even taking part in Zoom calls, or in still
photographs, such as the one taken when she received Ms Truss at Balmoral. Her dedication to
duty, performed to the limits of her physical ability, was demonstrated once again. But despite
her fading from the scene, knowing she was there, in place and still going, was comforting
enough. She was still “believed”.
Elizabeth II was the exemplar of a constitutional monarch, rarely committing a faux pas,
and scrupulously following the advice of all her premiers, in the UK and the Commonwealth
(wise or otherwise). As a representative of the nation at home and abroad, and with the prestige
built up over decades of service, she was an irreplaceable asset to the nation. She was not just
diplomat-in-chief, incomparable international asset and head of state, but also informally “head
of the nation”. That is whence the sense of loss derives. It’s ridiculous, of course, because very
few people have met the Queen, and still fewer could be said to have known her, but somehow,
many people felt an almost spiritual or personal connection with her, though she was, strictly
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speaking, a stranger. Not everyone in public life is able to engender that kind of response, and
certainly not to maintain it for 70 years.
She was a symbol of the nation, and latterly the nation’s “granny”, and obviously much
loved. Even ardent republicans concede her record of public service, and her private and
public morality. Whatever else was going wrong around her, she was incorruptible. She
always tried to embody the nation’s values, and moreover, the Christian values of tolerance
and understanding. She succeeded. Rather subtly, by word and deed, she made the case for a
multicultural nation and Commonwealth.
Here is just one example, from her 2004 Christmas message – at a time, then as now, of
anxiety about migration. Drawing on the New Testament story of the good Samaritan, she
said: “Everyone is our neighbour, no matter what race, creed or colour. The need to look after
a fellow human being is far more important than any cultural or religious differences. “There
is certainly much more to be done and many challenges to be overcome. Discrimination still
exists. Some people feel that their own beliefs are being threatened. Some are unhappy about
unfamiliar cultures. They all need to be reassured that there is so much to be gained by reaching
out to others; that diversity is indeed a strength and not a threat.”
There may be tears. Of mourning, yes, but also from those who are filled with trepidation
about the future. Constitutionally and politically, it’s unjustified, as there should be no great
change. The “transition” to her son is seamless and automatic. We will get used to the new
King, just as the nation became accustomed to the young Queen after her father passed away at
the relatively young age of 56. He’d been in poor health, and the nation went into a profound
period of mourning for George VI, who had seen us through the war. King Charles and Camilla,
Queen Consort, should also attract the same loyalty – but Elizabeth II and Prince Philip were
always going to be a hard act to follow.
This is “a moment” – you’ll always remember where you were when you heard the news.
It is a pause, a time to take stock, and to consider the future without the familiar figure that
the nation has grown so fond of, so respected and been so proud of. We will miss that smile.
Somehow, the nation feels diminished.
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• King Charles: oldest new monarch ever. How will he
handle his reign?
https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2022/sep/10/king-charles-monarchy-safe-in-his-hands
King Charles III has been waiting his whole life for this moment. At his birth 73 years
ago he became second in line to the throne and for the past six decades, ever since his mother
ascended the throne in 1952 when he was three, he has been the heir apparent.
[…] How he handles his reign will shape the future of the monarchy – and, indeed, determine
whether it has one at all. His great-great grandfather Edward VII came to the throne (aged
only 59) in 1901, after the 64-year-reign of Queen Victoria, with a reputation as an amiable
but talentless and feckless wastrel – that’s certainly what his mother thought – and yet when
he died nine years later was regarded as a monarch who had been a success, enhancing the
institution, improving its popularity and making it more accessible in a democratising nation.
So can Charles accomplish something similar? Can an older sovereign, succeeding an
elderly one, engage the monarchy with a country whose population is mostly much younger
than he is and whose future is with a coming generation, not a departing one? Particularly one
whose politicians, business leaders, generals, police chiefs are decades his junior: 20, or 30
years younger, a whole generation with different experiences and skills.
[…] Unlike his predecessors, especially Edward VII, he has been trained in the requirements
and expectations of monarchy: he has seen the state papers, sat in on the meetings, and stood
in for his mother at royal events. He is as prepared as anyone could be for the role of head of
state, and has been for more than half a century. He is the oldest as well as the longest-waiting
heir to the throne and Prince of Wales. Now his hour has come.
The outline of Charles’s life has been scrutinised in great detail ever since the November
evening in 1948 when the notification that the Princess Elizabeth had been safely delivered of
an heir was posted on the railings at Buckingham Palace to the cheers of the waiting crowd
(who were asked to keep quiet to avoid waking the baby). […]
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He has sat, uncomfortably, on the cusp of the monarchy’s modernisation project: the first
heir to the throne to receive an education at school, with his contemporaries. But it was of
a rare and privileged kind, surrounded by the sons (but not the daughters) of the wealthy, at
private schools and university.
Throughout his life he has listened almost entirely only to people who agree with him:
argument, or debate, does not come easily, particularly for one who stands so firmly on his
dignity.
There have been decades of dutiful public engagements, meeting “ordinary” people, but
scarcely engaging with them, or appreciating what their lives are really like by doing a nine-
to-five, wage-earning job himself. It never seems to have occurred to him that it might have
increased his grasp of the realities of daily life for his future subjects and accordingly he has
never really stepped outside the gilded life of large estates and a retinue of servants. Other
royal families have been prepared to do this, but not Charles: his imagination seems strictly
limited and unadventurous.
[…] His charity, the Prince’s Trust, has performed valuable work in helping disadvantaged
youngsters to claw themselves out of the ghettos, but it still carries the whiff of noblesse
oblige. And the tales leaching out about his keen sense of his own dignity: not the apocryphal
toothpaste-squeezing valet, or even the range of soft to hard boiled eggs laid out for his
delectation each morning, but the large personal entourage of butlers and flunkeys and the
occasionally peevish and self-pitying outbursts tell their own story.
[…] The prince has had some grounds for complaint – but equally brought many of his
difficulties on himself. He did not ask for his first marriage to crumble in the full glare of the
media, but the story the tabloids reported about his infidelity and thoughtlessness towards
his wife was, after all, largely true. It was the photographers who first spotted his envy of her
celebrity and her heedlessness of his ingrained obsession with protocol and sense of his own
importance. The royals depend on public exposure and they can hardly complain if they get
burned by its glare as, in Bagehot’s famous phrase, daylight is let in on the magic. The fairytale
wedding to Diana fell apart and he had no one to blame but himself.
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Charles has experienced at first hand the evolving nature of the media, from the fawning
deference and discretion of the 1950s, through ridicule to raucous intrusiveness in the 1980s
and 1990s. It has become a loathe-hate relationship: he does not like the media and treats it
with disdain and it doesn’t like him, for his pomposity and superciliousness.
[…] The royal family has probably learned its lesson […], but one constitutional problem
is now solved. Camilla will be known as Queen Consort. It is clearly what Charles has always
wanted and as the wife of the sovereign she is rightly queen. Nevertheless copious testing of
public opinion went on at Clarence House: did the British people mind? How much did they
care? However Camilla is a permanent reminder of the old backstory, and a considerable irony
for a man so bound by convention and precedent. After long years of treading cautiously about
her status, it is clear that the public accepts her: Camilla is personable and friendly, plenty of
people these days have experiences of adulterous partnerships and second marriages, either in
their own lives or those of their relatives, and are not noticeably censorious about them.
Even the established church, founded by a much-married monarch, sustained by and
sustaining the monarchy, has come to terms with the situation. It just about managed to bless
Charles and Camilla’s marriage in 2005 but it has long finessed its privileged, jealously guarded
position and will of course conduct the coronation albeit this time with the participation of
other faith groups.
The Church of England had conniptions when Charles announced many years ago that
he rather fancied becoming “defender of faiths” rather than defender of the faith, and the
coronation oath with its ponderous rubric about maintaining the laws of God, the Protestant
reformed religion and the preservation inviolate of the settlement of the Church of England
and the doctrine, worship, discipline and government thereof will be updated. But that may
be a minor difficulty compared with that of the Commonwealth, whose countries Charles
and other members of the royal family have visited so regularly for many years. He is not
only King of Great Britain and Northern Ireland but de facto of 14 other countries, including
Australia, New Zealand, Canada as well as, among others, the Solomon Islands, St Lucia,
Tuvalu and St Vincent and the Grenadines.
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[…] Charles begins as king with a large legacy of public goodwill, bequeathed him by his
mother, as well as institutional inertia, which he will have to be careful not to squander. He
may feel that it is, at long last, his turn, after all these years. But will he be an old man in a
hurry? How otherwise will he make his mark on history? And what if that mark is to bring the
whole house tumbling down?
• Liz Truss resigns: PM’s exit kicks off another Tory

leadership race
https://www.bbc.com/news/uk-politics-63332037
Liz Truss has resigned as prime minister after 45 days in office marked by turmoil,
triggering the second Tory leadership election in four months. Ms Truss said her successor
would be elected by next week after a rebellion by Tory MPs forced her to quit. Boris Johnson
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is among MPs said to be considering bids but Chancellor Jeremy Hunt has ruled himself out.
Tory MPs revolted against Ms Truss after a series of U-turns on her economic plan sapped her
of authority. In a brief speech outside Downing Street, Ms Truss said the Conservative Party
had elected her on a mandate to cut taxes and boost economic growth.
But given the situation, Ms Truss said: “I recognise that I cannot deliver the mandate on which
I was elected by the Conservative Party.” Labour leader Sir Keir Starmer and other opposition
parties called for an immediate general election following Ms Truss’s resignation speech.
Ms Truss said she would remain in post until a successor formally takes over as party
leader and is appointed prime minister by King Charles. While Mr Hunt - who was appointed
chancellor last week - will not challenge for the leadership, none of the candidates who stood
against Ms Truss in the previous contest have indicated whether they would stand. However,
Conservative sources have told the BBC that Business Secretary Jacob Rees-Mogg has been
encouraging colleagues to back Mr Johnson in the race. Sir Graham Brady, the chairman of the
1922 committee of backbench Conservative MPs, said a new leader could be chosen by next
Friday. Under party rules, leadership hopefuls will need to secure the support of 100 MPs in
order to enter the contest - this means a maximum of three candidates can stand.
A first ballot will be held among MPs and the person with the lowest number of votes will
be eliminated, if there are three candidates. If a second ballot is needed, MPs will be able to
signal who they prefer through an indicative vote. And if both candidates opt to stay in the
race, the final decision will go to party members via an online vote. Ms Truss will become the
shortest-serving PM in British history when she stands down.
Leaders of allied nations thanked Ms Truss for her co-operation, including US President
Joe Biden and French President Emmanuel Macron, who said he wanted “stability” from the
next UK prime minister.
In her speech, Ms Truss said she entered “office at a time of great economic and international
instability”, as war rages in Ukraine and living costs skyrocket.
The prime minister said her government delivered on providing support for energy bills
and reversing a rise in National Insurance, a tax on workers and companies. But Ms Truss’s
resignation comes after a period of political and economic turbulence, which forced her
government to ditch tax cuts that sent financial markets into a tailspin. The prime minister
sacked close political ally Kwasi Kwarteng as chancellor and appointed Mr Hunt as his
successor as she attempted to calm the markets.
At Prime Minister’s Questions on Wednesday, Ms Truss insisted she was a “fighter, not
a quitter” after Labour’s leader asked her why she had not resigned. But more instability
followed, when Suella Braverman quit as home secretary and a vote on fracking fell into
disarray, with some Tory MPs accused of bullying.
Ms Truss’s resignation sets off a scramble to find a successor to lead a deeply divided party,
which is lagging behind Labour in the polls after 12 years in power. Candidates who contested
the last leadership election earlier this year included Ms Braverman, International Trade
Secretary Kemi Badenoch, Commons Leader Penny Mordaunt, and former Chancellor Rishi
Sunak. Their supporters are talking them up as potential candidates in the contest to succeed
Ms Truss, but none have confirmed their position on standing. Nor has former Prime Minister
Boris Johnson, whose supporters have not denied reports that he is considering standing again
for the Conservative leadership.
A source close to Mr Johnson told the BBC they were “not saying anything either way” at
the moment.
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In a tweet, another former prime minister, Theresa May said “MPs must now be prepared to
compromise. “It is our duty to provide sensible, competent government at this critical moment
for our country,” she wrote.
As Tories assessed their chances of winning the leadership, opposition parties poured scorn
on the idea of another prime minister taking office without having a general election. Sir
Keir said the Conservative Party “no longer has a mandate to govern”, saying “the British
people deserve so much better than this revolving door of chaos”. Scotland’s First Minister
Nicola Sturgeon said a general election was a “democratic imperative” following Ms Truss’s
resignation. Liberal Democrat leader Sir Ed Davey said his party would be willing to work with
Labour to “get the general election our country needs to let the British people have their say”.
The next general election is not due to take place until at least 2024, after the Conservatives
won a landslide majority in the last one in 2019. The Liberal Democrats have also urged Ms
Truss to turn down an allowance, worth up to the £115,000 per year, to which former prime
ministers are entitled. The money, called the Public Duty Costs Allowance, is to help with
“necessary office costs and secretarial costs arising from their special position in public life”.
The Liberal Democrats’ cabinet office spokesperson Christine Jardine said: “Liz Truss will
forever be known as the 50-day prime minister - there is no way that she should be permitted to
access the same £115,000-a-year for life fund as her recent predecessors - all of whom served
for well over two years.”
• New Prime Minister Rishi Sunak ‘feart’ of voters and

“running scared of democracy
https://www.scotsman.com/news/politics/new-prime-minister-rishi-sunak-feart-of-voters-
and-running-scared-of-democracy-snp-3892972
92
Rishi Sunak took office on Tuesday following the resignation of Liz Truss, who was the
shortest serving prime minister in history. As Mr Sunak – the third Prime Minister since early
September – moves into Number 10, calls from opposition parties for an election to be called
grow.
Ian Blackford claimed Mr Sunak is scared of going to the country, with polls suggesting
a substantial Labour majority could be returned. The Prime Minister is said to have ruled out
calling an election when he spoke to MPs on Monday. Mr Blackford said: “Rishi Sunak is
running scared of democracy by refusing to hold an election. “He is feart of voters and too
afraid to face their verdict, after the
Tories plunged the UK into economic chaos.
Rishi Sunak vows to fix ‘mistakes’ of Liz Truss and warns of ‘economic crisis’. “People
are paying through their teeth for Tory mistakes as mortgages rise, pensions fall, and inflation
soars. “No-one voted for this – and the Tories have no mandate to impose the devastating
cuts they are now planning. “Rishi Sunak shares the blame for the Tory economic crisis. “He
cannot present himself as the answer to a problem he created as chancellor when he imposed
a hard Brexit, slashed universal credit, and raised taxes on everyone else while his own family
avoided them.”
Meanwhile, SNP Westminster deputy leader Kirsten Oswald criticised Ms Truss for failing
to use her final speech in office to apologise for the economic turmoil that took place during
her tenure.
Her short time in No 10 was marred by economic issues, some of which were caused by
policy announcements such as unfunded tax cuts. The Bank of England was forced to step
in and buy up Government bonds to steady the economy, while the International Monetary
Fund was among the voices from around the world urging a rethink. Ms Truss U-turned on
some of the tax measures, before sacking then chancellor Kwasi Kwarteng and bringing in
Jeremy Hunt, who axed the majority of her economic plans. Ms Oswald said: “It beggars
belief that Liz Truss couldn’t bring herself to apologise – or utter a single word of regret – for
the catastrophic damage she has done to the UK economy.”
Scottish Tory leader Douglas Ross said Mr Sunak had been “frank and honest” as he
addressed the nation before entering No 10 for the first time as Prime Minister, adding that he
didn’t “try to sugar coat the fact that tough decisions lie ahead”. “But the country – like the
financial markets – can be reassured that our new Prime Minister is uniquely qualified and
will work day and night to steer Scotland and the UK through this period,” Mr Ross added.
“Rishi is a tried and tested leader in turbulent economic times and he made it clear he will
approach the current economic challenges with the same compassion that we saw from him
during the pandemic. “What came across loud and clear from his address was that our new
Prime Minister is a man of calm authority and integrity who won’t be daunted by the hurdles
he faces. Rishi Sunak is a serious leader for serious times.”
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• King Charles III and Queen Camilla crowned at
Westminster Abbey
h t t p s : / / w w w. t h e g u a rd i a n . c o m / u k - n e w s / 2 0 2 3 / m a y / 0 6 /
king-charles-iii-crowned-at-westminster-abbey-coronation
King Charles III and Queen Camilla have been crowned at Westminster Abbey, marking
the symbolic beginning of a new royal era in Britain, and an extraordinary moment for a man
who has spent more than seven decades in waiting. In an elaborate and archaic ritual not seen
in Britain since 1953, the king was anointed with holy oil and swore the oath of kings, before
the archbishop of Canterbury, Justin Welby, placed St Edward’s crown on his head, to a cry of
“God save the king”.
In front of 2,300 guests including more than 100 heads of state, the king also vowed to
maintain the Protestant religion in the UK, and to preserve the rights of the Church of England,
as set out in an act of parliament.
Tens of thousands of people crammed into the Mall and along a procession route from
Buckingham Palace to the abbey, many camping overnight to secure a good view of the parade.
It involved 4,000 armed forces personnel and 19 military bands, the most at any state occasion
since the coronation of Queen Elizabeth II.
However, there were accusations of police heavy-handedness after a number of anti-royalist
protesters, including the head of the UK’s leading anti-monarchy campaign group, Republic,
were arrested before the beginning of the procession. Graham Smith had been collecting
drinks and placards for demonstrators at the main site of the protest when he was detained by
police on the Strand at about 7.30am. Up to 2,000 people gathered in Trafalgar Square beneath
a statue of Charles I, who was executed in 1649, as they chanted and held yellow placards
reading “not my king”. One sign read: “Don’t you think this is a bit silly?” Peter Tatchell,
94
the human rights campaigner, tweeted a video showing a large barrier erected in front of
the protesters to shield them from the royal couple during the procession. “This is not a free
country when we do not have the right to freely protest,” he said.
In his oath, the king promised to govern the UK and the 15 Commonwealth countries where
he is also head of state according to the law, and to “cause law and justice, in mercy, to be
executed”.
But in an acknowledgment the palace and Church of England had misjudged the public
mood, there was a last-minute change to the wording of the controversial homage of the
people, which had been included for the first time in the ceremony, but which the king’s friend
Jonathan Dimbleby said he would find “abhorrent”. Rather than calling on “all persons of
goodwill” in the abbey and at home watching on television to swear to “pay true homage … to
their undoubted king”, Welby changed the wording to stress it was a voluntary and personal act.
“I now invite those who wish to offer their support to do so, with a moment of private
reflection, by joining in saying ‘God save King Charles’ at the end or, for those with the words
before them, to recite them in full,” he said. There was a small moment of hesitancy as Welby
placed the crown on the king’s head, the archbishop checking the crown, which weighs 2.25kg
(5lb), was securely placed before letting go.
95
Glossary
Accountability: responsibility of executive government for their acts and omissions. In

electoral terms it also means accountability to voters, but in the United Kingdom, the
executive is also accountable to Parliament.
Act of Parliament: a law passed as primary legislation by Parliament.
Bill: a legislative proposal submitted to Parliament for discussion and voting.
Public bills: are introduced by members of the government.
Private Members’ bills: introduced by opposition MPs or majority MPs who are not members
of the government, that is to say by backbench MPs. Such bills have very little prospect of
becoming law because of the inadequate parliamentary time devoted to debating them.
By-election: an election that is held to fill a political office that has become vacant between two
general elections.
Cabinet: the committee of senior government ministers at the heart of executive government
and the supreme decision-maker in government.
Civil Service: a branch of public service entrusted with the administration of the state and
for providing advice to government.
Civil servant: a member of the Civil Service; synonymous with public officer
Confidence and supply agreement (C & S): an agreement between political parties that is
less formal than a full-blown coalition but one that allows a minority party to hold power.
Under “C&S”, as it is sometimes called, a smaller party, or parties, agree to support a larger
party on its budget and any votes other parties propose to bring it down.
Constituency: an electoral area that elects an MP to the House of Commons.
Single-member constituency: a constituency that returns one elected candidate to
Parliament.
Multi-member constituency: a constituency that returns more than two candidates to
Parliament.
Constituent: a constituent is a voter in a given constituency.
Constitution: a device setting out the role and functions of the branches of government.
Constitutions may be written or unwritten, but all modern democracies, except the United
Kingdom, New Zealand and Israël, have written constitutions.
Unwritten constitution: a constitution where the rules by which society is organized,
including the institutions of Government, have not been codified. In this sense the UK does
have an unwritten constitution since the roles and functions of government are contained in
various different sources, including informal constitutions conventions.
Constitutional convention: a set of agreed or generally accepted political standards or
practices, which are binding.
96
Salisbury convention: a constitutional convention preventing the House of Lords from
vetoing the second or third reading of any government legislation promised in the governing
party’s electoral manifesto.
Constitutional documents: a term sometimes used to refer to the documents that make up
the informal and uncodified constitution of the United Kingdom. The documents referred to
in this phrase include Magna Carta (1215), the Bill of Rights (1689), the Act of Settlement
(1701), the Acts of Union 1707 and 1800, the Great Reform Act 1832, the Parliament Acts
1911 and 1949, the European Communities Act 1972 and the Human Rights Act 1998.
Constitutional monarchy: a monarchy in which the political power of the monarch is
limited by the existence of a parliament.
Democracy: a system of government in which citizens govern directly or, more commonly,
which is conducted by elected representatives of the people.
Representative democracy: a system of government in which citizens elect individuals to
represent them in government.
Devolution: the granting of power by central government at a local level. In the United
Kingdom there have been significant devolution reforms leading to the establishment of
the Scottish Parliament, and the Welsh and Northern Ireland Assemblies, which exercise, in
different ways, “devolved power” formerly exercised by central government in Westminster.
Elective dictatorship: a phrase used by the former Lord Chancellor, Lord Hailsham, to
describe the dominance of the executive over Parliament, reflecting the fact that once
elected on a general political manifesto, the government of the day will usually be able to
pass whatever legislation it wishes.
European Charter of Human Rights: an international document which introduces many
economic and social rights not included in the European Convention on Human Rights. It is
referred to in the Treaty of Lisbon, which came into force on December 1 2009. However
the Charter applies only to the implementation of EU law, and is not a general charter of
rights.
European Union: a group of 28 Member States - Croatia was the 28th state that joined
in 2013- regulated by a number of international treaties which are designed primarily to
ensure economic integration.
EU law is a system of law operated directly by the institutions of the EU (the EU Commission,
the EU Parliament and the European Court of Justice sitting in Luxembourg) and was
incorporated into UK law by the European Communities Act 1972. It has supremacy in
each of the Member States - thus affecting the UK principle of parliamentary sovereignty,
since EU laws override laws enacted by the UK Parliament.
Expenses scandal: the name given to the political scandal and crisis triggered in 2009
when it was discovered, following disclosures under the Freedom of Information Act, that
MPs had in a great many cases misused their permitted allowances and expenses. The
crisis came to light when the Daily Telegraph leaked on a day-to-day basis the names of
particular MPs who had apparently exaggerated their expenses claims.
First Past The Post (FPTP): the electoral system currently used for general elections in
the United Kingdom according to which the candidate with a simple majority of votes in
each constituency with more votes than any of the other candidates, but not necessarily
more than50 per cent - is elected to Parliament.
97
Fixed-term parliament: a system in which general elections are called within a stipulated
time, as is the case now in the UK as a result of the Fixed-Term Parliaments Act 2011, as
opposed to the previous system where the prime minister was free to decide the date of the
next general election.
General election: the election as a result of which MPs are elected to the House of Commons
in each of the constituencies of the United Kingdom. General elections in the United
Kingdom now take place at fixed dates: every five years.
Hereditary peer: a person who is a member of the House of Lords by inheritance. Only
92hereditary peers sit in the House of Lords as a result of the House of Lords Act in 1999.
Peeress is the feminine form.
Peerage is the state of being a peer - it also refers to the system of peers and peeresses that
exists in the United Kingdom.
International treaties: are not part of UK law unless incorporated into national law by an
Act of Parliament. That is true of EU treaties and the ECHR as it is of any other international
treaty.
Judiciary: the system of judges and courts in charge of interpreting and applying the law.
Legislation: laws passed by a legislature.
Primary legislation: laws passed by Parliament in the form of Acts of Parliament. Prior to
being enacted, the draft legislation is called a bill.
Secondary legislation: also called subordinate or delegated legislation, secondary
legislation is a law made under authority contained in primary legislation.
Legislature: the law-making body in a state. In the United Kingdom, Parliament is the
exclusive law-making body.
Bicameral legislature: the practice of having two legislative bodies. In the United Kingdom,
the bicameral legislature consists of the elected House of Commons and the unelected
House of Lords.
MP/Member of Parliament: a person elected to the House of Commons to represent his/
her constituency.
Backbench MP: members who do not have official positions in the government or in
the Opposition shadow cabinet, who therefore sit on the back benches in the House of
Commons. The expression is synonymous with “ordinary” or grass-roots MPs.
Frontbench MP: leading members of the government and of the main Opposition party
(shadow cabinet) who actually sit on the two front rows on each side of the House of Commons.
Monarch: hereditary Head of State, also referred to as the Sovereign.
Parliament: the legislative body of the United Kingdom, made up of the House of
Commons and the House of Lords.
Parliament Acts: the generic name for two Acts of Parliament (1911 and 1949) which
limited the former legislative veto of the House of Lords and the ability of the House of
Lords to delay bills passing into law.
98
Parliamentary sovereignty: a constitutional doctrine that provides for the absolute
legislative supremacy of Parliament - Parliament may, with no constitutional restraint at
all, make whatever laws it chooses, and may change or repeal earlier Acts of Parliament.
Political party: a body that seeks to attain and maintain political power in government on
the basis of a political manifesto.
Proportional Representation (PR): an electoral system designed to ensure a close
approximation between the percentage of votes and the number of seats allocated.
Alternative Vote (AV): an electoral system designed for single-winner elections in which
voters rank candidates in order of preference. A candidate with over 50 per cent of the votes
wins. If there is no such candidate, the second-preference votes of the candidate finishing
last are redistributed. This process continues until there is one candidate with more than 50
per cent of the votes. This system is not a form of proportional representation, though it is
often confused with it - it gives approsimately the same sort of results as the French scrutin
uninominal majoritaire à deux tours.
Alternative Vote +: a combination of AV and diluted proportional representation. It involves
electing most MPS from constituencies in the normal way. However, constituents also
elect 15-20% of MPs from regions containing “top-up” lists of parties determined by the
vote share of parties. AV+ was recommended when electoral reform was envisaged in the
United Kingdom in 1998, but was never implemented.
Party List: a form of proportional representation in which a list of candidates is prepared
by each of the political parties in a multi-member constituency with seats being allocated
to each party in proportion to the number of votes received, which may, depending on the
type of list system employed, be cast for a party, for candidates or for a list.
Single Transferable Vote (STV): a system of proportional representation used in multi-
member constituencies in which voters have only one vote but can rank the candidates
in order of preference. Their vote may be transferred to another candidate - their second
preference - when their first preference candidate has too few votes to be elected or where
their first choice candidate does not need their vote.
Prorogation: Prorogation marks the end of a parliamentary session. It is the formal name
given to the period between the end of a session of Parliament and the State Opening of
Parliament that begins the next session. The parliamentary session may also be prorogued
when Parliament is dissolved and a general election called. For instance, Parliament was
prorogued/dissolved on March 30, 2015 for the general election of May 7 2015 to be
organized.
Queen in Parliament: a term referring to the Crown in its legislative capacity acting with
the advice and consent of Parliament - to be enacted, all bills must receive the Royal Assent.
Referendum: a vote by the electorate on a specific proposal, usually of a significant or a
constitutional nature - sometimes called a plebiscite.
Royal prerogative: the formal powers of the monarch such as declaring war or appointing
ministers. Those powers are non-statutory, i.e. not regulated by legislation (Acts of
Parliament), and many are outside the control of the courts. Nowadays, the prerogative
powers have been delegated to central government, but are still exercised on a non-statutory
basis.
99
Rule of law: a principle that all citizens are subject to the law and that the law is publicly
and prospectively promulgated and publicly administered in the courts.
Second ballot: a run-off electoral system whereby, if no candidate receives an absolute
majority of votes, only the two candidates with the most votes go forward and a second
round of voting takes place.
Select committee: a committee composed of MPs appointed to deal with specific issues.
(You can find the full list of House of Commons and House of Lords select committees at
www.parliament.uk)
Separation of powers: a constitutional doctrine that divides governmental power into separate
organs of state so that no one branch acquires a monopoly of power over another. There is
no such separation of powers in the United Kingdom, but rather a fused system in which
the executive and legislative branches of government are not truly separate and in which
central government increasingly dominates the legislature from which it is selected.
Shadow cabinet: The Shadow Cabinet is made up of frontbench MPs and Members of
the Lords from the second largest party, or official Opposition party. The Opposition party
appoints an MP to “shadow” (= follow closely) each of the members of the Cabinet. In this
way the Opposition can make sure that it looks at every part of the Government and can
question them thoroughly. It also means that the Opposition has MPs and Lords that are
ready to take specific jobs in the Cabinet if they win at the next General Election.
Standing committee, also called General committee: a committee composed of MPs
appointed to examine bills in detail.
Statute of Westminster: this Act established equality between self-governing dominions of
the British Empire and the United Kingdom. It set the basis for the continuing constitutional
relationship between the Commonwealth States and the United Kingdom.
Supreme Court: the highest court possessing final jurisdiction to hear appeals. A Supreme
Court was established in the United Kingdom in October 2009, to replace the former
Judicial Committee of the House of Lords.
West Lothian question: an apparent anomaly whereby Welsh, Scottish, and Northern
Ireland MPs can vote on issues affecting England, whereas English MPs cannot vote on
issues affecting Scotland, Wales or Northern Ireland.
Whip: a role in party politics designed to ensure control over attendance by MPs at votes
and compliance with the party’s directives as to the votes cast.
adapted and extended from Richard Gordon, Repairing British Politics - A Blueprint for
Constitutional Change, Hart Publ., 2010
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Anglais juridique

Document de travail établi par Thomas Velasquez

Introduction to the Political Institutions of the United Kingdom

Les étudiants ont à leur disposition plusieurs types de supports de cours.

Présentation générale du cours . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6

Modalités du contrôle de connaissances

Un seul examen sanctionne l’acquisition des connaissances en anglais. Le but de cet

55 and 54 BC: Julius Caesar’s expeditions to Britain

The Union Jack

1. The Constitution of the United Kingdom

Sources of the British Constitution:

Constitutional conventions are a particularly important source of the UK constitution and

∆ Cabinet government and collective responsibility

∆ Individual ministerial responsibility

Cabinet manual not “first step” to written constitution

BBC News, 7 March 2011

Yes – Elliot Bulmer:

5. Press release from Prime Ministers’ Office, 22 March

1. How the UK General Election works

∆ Dissolution and throwing out the MPs

∆ Voter registration deadlines

∆ Results and forming a government

∆ Could there be two elections?

∆ Return of parliament and the state opening

4. Sunak reshuffles UK government, naming new

∆ History of the Labour Party

∆ How the Labour Party began

∆ First Government, 1924

∆ Second Government, 1929

Five years later, following the election in May

6. Keir Starmer, Labour leader

7. The Liberal Democrats / LibDems

Ed Davey, New Lib Dem leader - August 2020

8. The Scottish National Party

Nicola Sturgeon resigns as Scotland’s First Minister, saying it is ‘not

Humza Yousaf succeeds Nicola Sturgeon as SNP leader

Mary Lou McDonald Carla Denyer and Adrian Ramsay

Prime Ministers since 1979

1. Roles and Powers of the Prime Minister

∆ Role of the Prime Minister

∆ Power of the Prime Minister

∆ The British Cabinet:

∆ The work of the Cabinet involves:

∆ “The Institution of Prime Minister”

Sir Robert Walpole and the origins of the premiership:

The institution of Prime Minister is entrenched:

Turning points and phases:

∆ Subsequent key moments have been identified by the historian Peter

3. What do [government] reshuffles achieve?

∆ From bill to Act of Parliament

2. The Question Time

3. Composition of Parliament: General Elections Results 2019

Conservatives win overall majority [326 seats needed to win]

• Conservatives: 365 (+47) // 43.6% vote share

∆ Reforms of the House of Lords

1. Parliament: MPs and Lords

∆ The Work of a Backbench MP (and Lay-out of the House of Commons)

∆ Lords by party, type of peerage and gender (latest update, 2020)

How much are peers paid?