Este artículo analiza 207 entrevistas a trabajadores públicos de Venezuela sobre sus condiciones ... more Este artículo analiza 207 entrevistas a trabajadores públicos de Venezuela sobre sus condiciones de vida, enmarcado en la literatura sobre capacidad estatal. Argumentamos que la burocracia venezolana se ha visto afectada por la pérdida del valor del salario y la dependencia en remuneraciones extrasalariales. Evidenciamos la reducción y deterioro de la prestación de servicios en las instituciones, la reducción de los beneficios de seguridad social y la disminución de la formación profesional de los trabajadores.
In this chapter, we will give a face to the individual groups in our study, each of which present... more In this chapter, we will give a face to the individual groups in our study, each of which presents a different pattern of internationalization and diversification. They are also among the strongest and most emblematic in the different national contexts. We follow the evolution of the groups from the establishment of the first companies to the creation of the current large, diversified conglomerates. This evolution is related to shifts in the global political economy, but also to the home countries’ political and economic history. It is striking that the majority of the groups did not grow out of the 19th and early 20th century agro-export elites, but rather originated from European immigrants arriving in the early 20th century and setting up small businesses in commerce, services, or industry. Another striking feature is that most of the groups have had leaders that in one way or another have been involved in politics — whether as members of government, as advisors, or by setting up their own political parties, think tanks or other kinds of organization.
This series is published by ODI, an independent non-profit policy research institute, with financ... more This series is published by ODI, an independent non-profit policy research institute, with financial support from the Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency, Sida. Opinions expressed do not necessarily reflect the views of either ODI or Sida. Overseas Development Institute ODI is the UK's leading independent think tank on international development and humanitarian issues.
1. Environmental governance and sustainable development in Latin America 2. Elites, classes and e... more 1. Environmental governance and sustainable development in Latin America 2. Elites, classes and environmental governance: Conceptual and theoretical challenges Part 1: Agriculture and biotechnology 3. El Salvador: The challenge to entrenched elites and the difficult road to a sustainable development model 4. Bolivia: Emerging and traditional elites and the governance of the soy sector 5. Argentina: Government-agribusiness elite dynamics and its consequences for environmental governance 6. Ecuador: Changing biosafety frames and new political forces in Correa's governmenet Part 2: Mining 7. New elites around South America's strategic resources 8. Staying the same: Transnational elites, mining and environmental governance in Guatemala 9. Elite views on the use of water and energy in mining in Argentina, Chile, Colombia and Ecuador Part 3: Forestry 10. REDD+ and forest governance in Latin America: The role of science-policy networks 11. State governments and forest policy: A new elite in the Brazilian Amazon? 12. Conclusion
INTRODUCTION___________________________________________________ 1. Background, purpose and resear... more INTRODUCTION___________________________________________________ 1. Background, purpose and research questions_____________________________________ 2. Mandate, method and limitations _______________________________________________ 3. Key concepts ________________________________________________________________ 3.1. Defining privatization and liberalization _______________________________________________ 3.2. Defining conditionality_____________________________________________________________ 4. Introduction to the debates ____________________________________________________ 4.1. The "old" conditionality debate______________________________________________________ 4.2. The World Bank and the IMF's response to critique______________________________________ The IMF response __________________________________________________________________ The World Bank response____________________________________________________________ 4.3. The "new" conditionality debate _________________________________________________ PART II: REVIEW OF EXISTING STUDIES __________________________________ 11 5. Recent studies on the World Bank and the IMF's use of conditionality _______________ 5.1. Have conditionality practices changed? _______________________________________________ 5.2. Has the content of conditionality changed? ____________________________________________ 5.3. Is there real ownership of the programs? ______________________________________________ 5.4. Evaluation of main studies _________________________________________________________ PART III: STUDIES UNDERTAKEN FOR THIS REPORT ______________________ 22 6. A quantitative study of IMF's recent PRGFs_____________________________________ 7. Sector reviews______________________________________________________________ 7.2. Utilities ________________________________________________________________________ From state ownership to privatization _______________________________________________ Critique and changes in the utility agenda ____________________________________________ Changes in strategy _____________________________________________________________ Conclusion ____________________________________________________________________ 7.2. Social sectors ___________________________________________________________________ The "user fee" debate____________________________________________________________ Critique and changes in IFI practice ________________________________________________ New perspectives on the financing of basic social services _______________________________ 7.3. Trade__________________________________________________________________________ Structural adjustment and the rise of the trade liberalization agenda________________________ Critique and changes in the 1990s __________________________________________________ The return of the trade agenda in a new context _______________________________________ Conclusion: Consensus and contention on the role of trade in development __________________ 8. The case studies _____________________________________________________________ 8.1. Introduction to the case studies______________________________________________________ 8.2. The role of the IFIs in encouraging policy change _______________________________________ 8.3. The issue of ownership ____________________________________________________________ 8.4. General changes in practices _______________________________________________________ 9. Concluding remarks: Balancing sovereignty, influence and control-the way forward for donor conditionality ___________________________________________________________
This book provides a comparative study of the telecommunication reform process in three Central A... more This book provides a comparative study of the telecommunication reform process in three Central American countries – Costa Rica, Guatemala and Honduras – focusing on the roles of the local private sector and international financial institutions.
Existen diversas opiniones en la literatura sobre cómo repercuten las pandemias en la desigualdad... more Existen diversas opiniones en la literatura sobre cómo repercuten las pandemias en la desigualdad de los ingresos. Mientras que en la literatura económica se sostiene que las pandemias aumentan la desigualdad, la literatura histórica y de las ciencias políticas señala que las pandemias podrían ocasionar quiebres institucionales y, en un contexto de cambios a nivel de las élites y de presiones desde los estratos más bajos, mantener las desigualdades. Tras examinar los datos actuales sobre las repercusiones de la enfermedad por coronavirus (COVID-19), hemos constatado que se están produciendo transferencias de los ingresos hacia las clases más altas y determinados cambios a nivel de las élites en la región. Sin embargo, dado que las élites han controlado las medidas económicas que se han adoptado para mitigar y enfrentar la crisis, hay pocos indicios de que se esté produciendo un quiebre institucional.
Iberoamericana – Nordic Journal of Latin American and Caribbean Studies, 2020
Introducción La ciencia política se ha preguntado sobre los mecanismos que darían continuidad a l... more Introducción La ciencia política se ha preguntado sobre los mecanismos que darían continuidad a los regímenes populistas una vez que el líder carismático, que por definición lo sustenta, termina su gobierno. En algunos casos, el sostenimiento se logra asumiendo rasgos autoritarios (De La Torre 2013); pero, como aquí planteamos, una condición necesaria para la continuidad de esos regímenes es la formación de élites alternativas en lo económico y en lo político, pues éstas contribuyen a consolidar el control del poder y la gestión del Estado. A pesar de la proliferación de estudios sobre populismo, la explicación de la relación entre líder y élites se ha centrado en el antielitismo-como se verá más adelante-y por ello destaca el aporte de Di Tella (1965) que explica el surgimiento del populismo como resultado del aparecimiento de "élites incongruentes", es decir, colectivos cuyo poder político no se correspondía con los recursos acumulados en distintos campos, que se suman a una
The literature is divided on the impact of pandemics on income inequality. The economic literatur... more The literature is divided on the impact of pandemics on income inequality. The economic literature points to an increase in inequality as a result of pandemics, whereas historical and political science literature argue that pandemics may create breakdowns of institutions, maintaining inequality due to elite shifts and pressure from below. We review current data on the impact of COVID-19 and find that there is evidence of an upward income transfer as well as some elite shifts in the region. However, elites have controlled the economic measures to alleviate and confront the crisis and there is little evidence of a resultant institutional breakdown.
Abstract Guatemala is one of the most mining conflict prone countries in the world, with dispropo... more Abstract Guatemala is one of the most mining conflict prone countries in the world, with disproportionately high levels of violence accompanying the sector. Starting in the early 2000's, the rapid spread of mining projects throughout the country’s rural areas engendered widespread popular opposition among affected communities. Anti-mining activism in turn elicited a reaction from the government and the mining sector that was overwhelmingly characterised by violence, repression and criminalisation, making Guatemala one of the most dangerous countries in the world per capita for environmental activists. Drawing on fieldwork carried out between 2013 and 2017, this article examines why mining – an industry of relatively limited economic importance in Guatemala - is accompanied by such high levels of violence and repression. We suggest that mining, rather than having a high economic value, holds strategic value to the country’s powerful elite, and that violence is part of securing control over land more generally and operationalising the mining sector in particular. In recent years, Guatemala has witnessed the entrance of new transnational elites associated with multinational mining corporation. While these new elites control access to international markets and technology, they remain in a subordinate position vis-a-vis the old, local elites because the latter still exercise control over crucial political resources, networks of information and land. By forming alliances with and providing services to transnational mining corporations, a faction of the economic elite strengthens and secures its position as a powerful political actor and its access to profitable business, i.e., infrastructure development or selling energy to mining companies.
Decision-making on issues related to trade and the environment has presented the Costa Rican poli... more Decision-making on issues related to trade and the environment has presented the Costa Rican political system with serious challenges since the mid-1980s. The Costa Rican debt crisis of the early 1980s intensified the problems of the old state-led development model, and left Costa Rica vulnerable to pressure to join the international free trade regime. From the early 1980s, Costa Rica has undergone a profound process of liberalization of the economy, but it has at the same time established a framework for the development of environmental policies. However, the process of adjustment has not occurred without resistance, most profoundly expressed through the opposition against the third structural adjustment programme (SAP III) and the massive protests against the privatization of the national energy and telephone company, ICE, in April 2000.
Este artículo analiza 207 entrevistas a trabajadores públicos de Venezuela sobre sus condiciones ... more Este artículo analiza 207 entrevistas a trabajadores públicos de Venezuela sobre sus condiciones de vida, enmarcado en la literatura sobre capacidad estatal. Argumentamos que la burocracia venezolana se ha visto afectada por la pérdida del valor del salario y la dependencia en remuneraciones extrasalariales. Evidenciamos la reducción y deterioro de la prestación de servicios en las instituciones, la reducción de los beneficios de seguridad social y la disminución de la formación profesional de los trabajadores.
In this chapter, we will give a face to the individual groups in our study, each of which present... more In this chapter, we will give a face to the individual groups in our study, each of which presents a different pattern of internationalization and diversification. They are also among the strongest and most emblematic in the different national contexts. We follow the evolution of the groups from the establishment of the first companies to the creation of the current large, diversified conglomerates. This evolution is related to shifts in the global political economy, but also to the home countries’ political and economic history. It is striking that the majority of the groups did not grow out of the 19th and early 20th century agro-export elites, but rather originated from European immigrants arriving in the early 20th century and setting up small businesses in commerce, services, or industry. Another striking feature is that most of the groups have had leaders that in one way or another have been involved in politics — whether as members of government, as advisors, or by setting up their own political parties, think tanks or other kinds of organization.
This series is published by ODI, an independent non-profit policy research institute, with financ... more This series is published by ODI, an independent non-profit policy research institute, with financial support from the Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency, Sida. Opinions expressed do not necessarily reflect the views of either ODI or Sida. Overseas Development Institute ODI is the UK's leading independent think tank on international development and humanitarian issues.
1. Environmental governance and sustainable development in Latin America 2. Elites, classes and e... more 1. Environmental governance and sustainable development in Latin America 2. Elites, classes and environmental governance: Conceptual and theoretical challenges Part 1: Agriculture and biotechnology 3. El Salvador: The challenge to entrenched elites and the difficult road to a sustainable development model 4. Bolivia: Emerging and traditional elites and the governance of the soy sector 5. Argentina: Government-agribusiness elite dynamics and its consequences for environmental governance 6. Ecuador: Changing biosafety frames and new political forces in Correa's governmenet Part 2: Mining 7. New elites around South America's strategic resources 8. Staying the same: Transnational elites, mining and environmental governance in Guatemala 9. Elite views on the use of water and energy in mining in Argentina, Chile, Colombia and Ecuador Part 3: Forestry 10. REDD+ and forest governance in Latin America: The role of science-policy networks 11. State governments and forest policy: A new elite in the Brazilian Amazon? 12. Conclusion
INTRODUCTION___________________________________________________ 1. Background, purpose and resear... more INTRODUCTION___________________________________________________ 1. Background, purpose and research questions_____________________________________ 2. Mandate, method and limitations _______________________________________________ 3. Key concepts ________________________________________________________________ 3.1. Defining privatization and liberalization _______________________________________________ 3.2. Defining conditionality_____________________________________________________________ 4. Introduction to the debates ____________________________________________________ 4.1. The "old" conditionality debate______________________________________________________ 4.2. The World Bank and the IMF's response to critique______________________________________ The IMF response __________________________________________________________________ The World Bank response____________________________________________________________ 4.3. The "new" conditionality debate _________________________________________________ PART II: REVIEW OF EXISTING STUDIES __________________________________ 11 5. Recent studies on the World Bank and the IMF's use of conditionality _______________ 5.1. Have conditionality practices changed? _______________________________________________ 5.2. Has the content of conditionality changed? ____________________________________________ 5.3. Is there real ownership of the programs? ______________________________________________ 5.4. Evaluation of main studies _________________________________________________________ PART III: STUDIES UNDERTAKEN FOR THIS REPORT ______________________ 22 6. A quantitative study of IMF's recent PRGFs_____________________________________ 7. Sector reviews______________________________________________________________ 7.2. Utilities ________________________________________________________________________ From state ownership to privatization _______________________________________________ Critique and changes in the utility agenda ____________________________________________ Changes in strategy _____________________________________________________________ Conclusion ____________________________________________________________________ 7.2. Social sectors ___________________________________________________________________ The "user fee" debate____________________________________________________________ Critique and changes in IFI practice ________________________________________________ New perspectives on the financing of basic social services _______________________________ 7.3. Trade__________________________________________________________________________ Structural adjustment and the rise of the trade liberalization agenda________________________ Critique and changes in the 1990s __________________________________________________ The return of the trade agenda in a new context _______________________________________ Conclusion: Consensus and contention on the role of trade in development __________________ 8. The case studies _____________________________________________________________ 8.1. Introduction to the case studies______________________________________________________ 8.2. The role of the IFIs in encouraging policy change _______________________________________ 8.3. The issue of ownership ____________________________________________________________ 8.4. General changes in practices _______________________________________________________ 9. Concluding remarks: Balancing sovereignty, influence and control-the way forward for donor conditionality ___________________________________________________________
This book provides a comparative study of the telecommunication reform process in three Central A... more This book provides a comparative study of the telecommunication reform process in three Central American countries – Costa Rica, Guatemala and Honduras – focusing on the roles of the local private sector and international financial institutions.
Existen diversas opiniones en la literatura sobre cómo repercuten las pandemias en la desigualdad... more Existen diversas opiniones en la literatura sobre cómo repercuten las pandemias en la desigualdad de los ingresos. Mientras que en la literatura económica se sostiene que las pandemias aumentan la desigualdad, la literatura histórica y de las ciencias políticas señala que las pandemias podrían ocasionar quiebres institucionales y, en un contexto de cambios a nivel de las élites y de presiones desde los estratos más bajos, mantener las desigualdades. Tras examinar los datos actuales sobre las repercusiones de la enfermedad por coronavirus (COVID-19), hemos constatado que se están produciendo transferencias de los ingresos hacia las clases más altas y determinados cambios a nivel de las élites en la región. Sin embargo, dado que las élites han controlado las medidas económicas que se han adoptado para mitigar y enfrentar la crisis, hay pocos indicios de que se esté produciendo un quiebre institucional.
Iberoamericana – Nordic Journal of Latin American and Caribbean Studies, 2020
Introducción La ciencia política se ha preguntado sobre los mecanismos que darían continuidad a l... more Introducción La ciencia política se ha preguntado sobre los mecanismos que darían continuidad a los regímenes populistas una vez que el líder carismático, que por definición lo sustenta, termina su gobierno. En algunos casos, el sostenimiento se logra asumiendo rasgos autoritarios (De La Torre 2013); pero, como aquí planteamos, una condición necesaria para la continuidad de esos regímenes es la formación de élites alternativas en lo económico y en lo político, pues éstas contribuyen a consolidar el control del poder y la gestión del Estado. A pesar de la proliferación de estudios sobre populismo, la explicación de la relación entre líder y élites se ha centrado en el antielitismo-como se verá más adelante-y por ello destaca el aporte de Di Tella (1965) que explica el surgimiento del populismo como resultado del aparecimiento de "élites incongruentes", es decir, colectivos cuyo poder político no se correspondía con los recursos acumulados en distintos campos, que se suman a una
The literature is divided on the impact of pandemics on income inequality. The economic literatur... more The literature is divided on the impact of pandemics on income inequality. The economic literature points to an increase in inequality as a result of pandemics, whereas historical and political science literature argue that pandemics may create breakdowns of institutions, maintaining inequality due to elite shifts and pressure from below. We review current data on the impact of COVID-19 and find that there is evidence of an upward income transfer as well as some elite shifts in the region. However, elites have controlled the economic measures to alleviate and confront the crisis and there is little evidence of a resultant institutional breakdown.
Abstract Guatemala is one of the most mining conflict prone countries in the world, with dispropo... more Abstract Guatemala is one of the most mining conflict prone countries in the world, with disproportionately high levels of violence accompanying the sector. Starting in the early 2000's, the rapid spread of mining projects throughout the country’s rural areas engendered widespread popular opposition among affected communities. Anti-mining activism in turn elicited a reaction from the government and the mining sector that was overwhelmingly characterised by violence, repression and criminalisation, making Guatemala one of the most dangerous countries in the world per capita for environmental activists. Drawing on fieldwork carried out between 2013 and 2017, this article examines why mining – an industry of relatively limited economic importance in Guatemala - is accompanied by such high levels of violence and repression. We suggest that mining, rather than having a high economic value, holds strategic value to the country’s powerful elite, and that violence is part of securing control over land more generally and operationalising the mining sector in particular. In recent years, Guatemala has witnessed the entrance of new transnational elites associated with multinational mining corporation. While these new elites control access to international markets and technology, they remain in a subordinate position vis-a-vis the old, local elites because the latter still exercise control over crucial political resources, networks of information and land. By forming alliances with and providing services to transnational mining corporations, a faction of the economic elite strengthens and secures its position as a powerful political actor and its access to profitable business, i.e., infrastructure development or selling energy to mining companies.
Decision-making on issues related to trade and the environment has presented the Costa Rican poli... more Decision-making on issues related to trade and the environment has presented the Costa Rican political system with serious challenges since the mid-1980s. The Costa Rican debt crisis of the early 1980s intensified the problems of the old state-led development model, and left Costa Rica vulnerable to pressure to join the international free trade regime. From the early 1980s, Costa Rica has undergone a profound process of liberalization of the economy, but it has at the same time established a framework for the development of environmental policies. However, the process of adjustment has not occurred without resistance, most profoundly expressed through the opposition against the third structural adjustment programme (SAP III) and the massive protests against the privatization of the national energy and telephone company, ICE, in April 2000.
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