Books by Shankar Gopalakrishnan
The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh and its affiliated groups - usually known as the "Sangh Parivar" ... more The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh and its affiliated groups - usually known as the "Sangh Parivar" - are the most powerful organisations in India today. But ask what they stand for, and you will get two very different answers. Critics of the RSS describe them as anti-secular, medieval and anti-democratic; but supporters of the organisation claim that it is a selfless social service group concerned only with genuine nationalism. Starting with the RSS' own texts, and exploring its history and the relationship between its beliefs and Indian politics, this book examines both of these claims. On this basis, it tries to answer two key questions: what do these groups actually stand for, and what does their rise mean for India's future?
This booklet is a brief outline of key aspects of the political economy of seasonal migration for... more This booklet is a brief outline of key aspects of the political economy of seasonal migration for work in India.
This booklet provides a brief "manual" to legal and organising tools for mass organisations worki... more This booklet provides a brief "manual" to legal and organising tools for mass organisations working with migrant workers in India.
This booklet examines the politics of the Sangh Parivar, the family of Hindutva organisations cen... more This booklet examines the politics of the Sangh Parivar, the family of Hindutva organisations centred on the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh. It looks at three particular areas of analysis that are often ignored: the mass base of the Sangh Parivar; its relationship to developments in India's political economy; and its impact on the Indian polity.
Papers by Shankar Gopalakrishnan
Co-authored with Ramendra Kumar, Anita Juneja, Vinod Badoni, Rajendra Lal and MS Selvaraj.
Wor... more Co-authored with Ramendra Kumar, Anita Juneja, Vinod Badoni, Rajendra Lal and MS Selvaraj.
Working class families across India - whether they live in rural or urban areas - lack secure rights to the land they use for housing, agriculture or other forms of livelihood, this study finds. This lack of secure land tenure causes them to face harassment, penalties, and evictions, all of which undermine their economic security. Evictions harm children in particular, leading to generational impacts on poverty. While such actions are justified as being necessary for environmental protection, infrastructure development or to address encroachment of public property, often these objectives do not be achieved. Both Central and state governments have made efforts to address this problem, but so far these efforts have had limited impact and not reached the majority of affected families.
These are some of the findings from a survey of 1,840 working class and small farmer families across four field sites - Tehri Garhwal district and the city of Dehradun in Uttarakhand; the city of Delhi; and the districts of Ramanathapuram and the Nilgiris in Tamil Nadu. In the two urban sites (Delhi and Dehradun) the survey participants faced serious problems around housing - 82% in Dehradun and 66% in Delhi were living on land that was not on their names, mostly on land whose status they did not know or which was government land. Contrary to common impressions, more than half of the families in both cities had paid for the land they were living on, often through a broker in the case of Dehradun. Out of those living on rent across all four areas, the vast majority had no written agreement. Nearly a third (29%) in Dehradun and a tenth (10%) in Delhi had been threatened with eviction and approximately 6-7% in both cities had actually been evicted. Similarly, even though most lived in rural or semi urban areas, an astonishing 81% of respondents in Tamil Nadu had been threatened with eviction, and 19% had actually been evicted. None of those evicted in Dehradun and 90% in Tamil Nadu said they had received no compensation or alternative places to live, but 60% in Delhi had received an alternative place to live, perhaps because of that city's clear rehabilitation policy. Moreover, 100% of those evicted in Dehradun said that there was no change in the use of the land from which they were evicted, while in Delhi a significant number of respondsnts said the land was given to builders or companies (as well as roads and infrastructure projects). This calls into question whether these evictions achieved any public purpose. Finally, those who were not evicted still often suffered from relatively poor quality housing - in a surprising finding, nearly one fifth in Dehradun said they lacked regular electricity connections, and despite being relatively more secure, the majority of respondents in Tehri Garhwal did not have taps within their homes (tap connections, where present, were often outside their homes).
While housing problems were more severe in the cities, rural families faced considerable problems in using the lands they needed for agriculture, kitchen gardens and common purposes (such as firewood). In Tehri Garhwal around 12.5% of respondents said they were using land whose owner they did not know, and over 90% used forests or common lands for some purpose. But in Tehri Garhwal no one had any recorded rights to this use, as a result of which 16% had been fined and almost 4% had been detained or arrested for such uses. In Tamil Nadu around one fifth of respondents had been threatened with eviction from their agricultural lands too, and more than half used forests or common lands, but only 6% had any form of recognised rights.
Government efforts to address these problems have had limited reach. Except for Tamil Nadu the vast majority have not applied under housing schemes. In Dehradun 1.2% said they had paid for benefits from under such schemes but not received any benefits. The Forest Rights Act, which would protect rights to forests and common lands, has barely been implemented in both Tamil Nadu and Uttarakhand.
The study recommends that rights to those using land for housing, agriculture and so on should be recognised as the preferred option, with guaranteed rehabilitation for anyone whose rights cannot be recognised. It also suggests expansion of low cost housing schemes and incorporating rights and working class cooperatives in developing them, and, finally, treatment of both affordable housing and land rights recognition not as ‘welfare schemes’ but as development interventions, intended to enhance purchasing power and economic security.
Research Handbook on Law, Environment and the Global South, 2019
Economic and Political Weekly, Nov 14, 2013
The Anna Hazare-led anti-corruption protests in 2011 and the anti-rape protests of late 2012 typi... more The Anna Hazare-led anti-corruption protests in 2011 and the anti-rape protests of late 2012 typify an increasingly common phenomenon in Indian politics - the media-fuelled protest. These protests have very different characteristics from 'traditional' movements, because of the nature of the organisational process that drives them. They are inherently likely to promote right wing politics (whatever their stated demands), and progressives must respond carefully. Most analyses miss these points as they focus either on the social base of a protest or on its explicit demands, missing the importance of organisational processes.
SEMINAR-NEW DELHI-, 2008
On at least one count this position is correct: the notion of export-oriented industrial zones do... more On at least one count this position is correct: the notion of export-oriented industrial zones does indeed have a long pedigree. But the experience of such zones has been varied, complex and in many respects disturbing. Special zones have come in several kinds, shifting in ...
Man and Development, 2007
Special Economic Zones have been highly controversial since the SEZ Act was passed in 2005. Much ... more Special Economic Zones have been highly controversial since the SEZ Act was passed in 2005. Much of this controversy is based on the assumption that SEZs are a deeper and more numerous version of earlier Export Processing Zones, and hence proceeds on the lines of earlier EPZ debates. This article argues that this line of reasoning is incorrect. Rather than viewing Indian SEZs by assuming them to be zones devoted to exports and attraction of FDI (the EPZ model), they should more accurately be viewed as a response of capital – particularly forms of finance capital – to constraints on rapid accumulation that have emerged in the Indian polity. SEZs are an institutional structure intended to both counter and subvert opposition, particularly opposition to “accumulation through encroachment”. Even if they do not endure in their current form for an extended period, their structure is such that they will empower finance capital through their direct impacts and through their side effects for the rest of the economy. The result is likely to be further economic upheaval and increased political conflict.
Routledge India eBooks, Sep 1, 2022
Economic and Political Weekly, 2006
The advance of neoliberalism is seen to have either resulted from or accompanied the accession to... more The advance of neoliberalism is seen to have either resulted from or accompanied the accession to power of repressive and socially reactionary political forces (as seen in the UK and the US of the 1980s). However, in understanding India of the 1980s and 1990s, the nature of the links between neoliberalism and the Hindu right does not appear entirely obvious. This article explores the deeper, common political goals that neoliberalism and Hindutva share. Such sharing does not represent a complete merger of these forces nor is it a purely opportunistic alliance. On the other hand, such alliances represent common class interests by articulating shared notions of a bounded, unitary and individual-based conception of society, as opposed to a community-based society.
Radical Notes, May, http://radicalnotes. com/content/ …, 2010
As central India&... more As central India's forest belts are swept into an ever-intensifying state offensive and resulting civil war, there has been a strong convergence of left, liberal and progressive arguments on Operation Green Hunt. This line claims that the war is about corporate resource grabbing and people fighting back in &...
Economic and Political Weekly, 2010
The Elephant Task Force's report draws attention to the basic difference between tigers ... more The Elephant Task Force's report draws attention to the basic difference between tigers and elephants in that the latter do not operate in bounded territories. However, India's forest management system, inherited from the British, is still based on the premise that forests cover a specific ...
Rather than being a panacea for Indian agriculture, corporate food provision will likely accelera... more Rather than being a panacea for Indian agriculture, corporate food provision will likely accelerate many key elements of India’s agricultural crisis. It will produce a decline in land productivity, reduce food security, adversely affect price stability and will tend to negatively impact employment and credit relations. This paper explores the changes in class and social relations that come about with the transition to a corporate system of food provisioning. It considers the potential impacts of such changes in the Indian context.
Social Change, 2008
At a time when popular uprisings in places like Nandigram and Jagatsinghpur have made headlines a... more At a time when popular uprisings in places like Nandigram and Jagatsinghpur have made headlines across the country, it is not surprising that the Council for Social Development chose to focus its latest Zndia Social Development Report on issues of forced displacement. The report contains a multifaceted overview of the issues arising from displacement, including some such as health effects, gender implications and cultural dislocation that often do not receive the attention they deserve. It also includes essays on several other issues, such as the health sector, the Employment Guarantee Act and the RTI Act, aside from the main focus on displacement.
Economic and Political Weekly, Jul 4, 2014
The Internal Complaints Committee to deal with sexual harassment cases at workplaces has absolved... more The Internal Complaints Committee to deal with sexual harassment cases at workplaces has absolved the state of its responsibility to uphold workers' rights to form labour unions to demand better working conditions. The gender-labour bifurcation, inherent in the ICCs, is erasing rather than establishing the fact that gender discrimination is embedded within labour relations.
Economic and Political Weekly, Apr 28, 2007
Almost every aspect of the Indian debate on special economic zones (SEZs) is informed by a shared... more Almost every aspect of the Indian debate on special economic zones (SEZs) is informed by a shared impression of the Chinese SEZ “success”. As a member of Parliament argued during the debate on the passage of the Special Economic Zones Act, 2005, “China is a shining ...
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Books by Shankar Gopalakrishnan
Papers by Shankar Gopalakrishnan
Working class families across India - whether they live in rural or urban areas - lack secure rights to the land they use for housing, agriculture or other forms of livelihood, this study finds. This lack of secure land tenure causes them to face harassment, penalties, and evictions, all of which undermine their economic security. Evictions harm children in particular, leading to generational impacts on poverty. While such actions are justified as being necessary for environmental protection, infrastructure development or to address encroachment of public property, often these objectives do not be achieved. Both Central and state governments have made efforts to address this problem, but so far these efforts have had limited impact and not reached the majority of affected families.
These are some of the findings from a survey of 1,840 working class and small farmer families across four field sites - Tehri Garhwal district and the city of Dehradun in Uttarakhand; the city of Delhi; and the districts of Ramanathapuram and the Nilgiris in Tamil Nadu. In the two urban sites (Delhi and Dehradun) the survey participants faced serious problems around housing - 82% in Dehradun and 66% in Delhi were living on land that was not on their names, mostly on land whose status they did not know or which was government land. Contrary to common impressions, more than half of the families in both cities had paid for the land they were living on, often through a broker in the case of Dehradun. Out of those living on rent across all four areas, the vast majority had no written agreement. Nearly a third (29%) in Dehradun and a tenth (10%) in Delhi had been threatened with eviction and approximately 6-7% in both cities had actually been evicted. Similarly, even though most lived in rural or semi urban areas, an astonishing 81% of respondents in Tamil Nadu had been threatened with eviction, and 19% had actually been evicted. None of those evicted in Dehradun and 90% in Tamil Nadu said they had received no compensation or alternative places to live, but 60% in Delhi had received an alternative place to live, perhaps because of that city's clear rehabilitation policy. Moreover, 100% of those evicted in Dehradun said that there was no change in the use of the land from which they were evicted, while in Delhi a significant number of respondsnts said the land was given to builders or companies (as well as roads and infrastructure projects). This calls into question whether these evictions achieved any public purpose. Finally, those who were not evicted still often suffered from relatively poor quality housing - in a surprising finding, nearly one fifth in Dehradun said they lacked regular electricity connections, and despite being relatively more secure, the majority of respondents in Tehri Garhwal did not have taps within their homes (tap connections, where present, were often outside their homes).
While housing problems were more severe in the cities, rural families faced considerable problems in using the lands they needed for agriculture, kitchen gardens and common purposes (such as firewood). In Tehri Garhwal around 12.5% of respondents said they were using land whose owner they did not know, and over 90% used forests or common lands for some purpose. But in Tehri Garhwal no one had any recorded rights to this use, as a result of which 16% had been fined and almost 4% had been detained or arrested for such uses. In Tamil Nadu around one fifth of respondents had been threatened with eviction from their agricultural lands too, and more than half used forests or common lands, but only 6% had any form of recognised rights.
Government efforts to address these problems have had limited reach. Except for Tamil Nadu the vast majority have not applied under housing schemes. In Dehradun 1.2% said they had paid for benefits from under such schemes but not received any benefits. The Forest Rights Act, which would protect rights to forests and common lands, has barely been implemented in both Tamil Nadu and Uttarakhand.
The study recommends that rights to those using land for housing, agriculture and so on should be recognised as the preferred option, with guaranteed rehabilitation for anyone whose rights cannot be recognised. It also suggests expansion of low cost housing schemes and incorporating rights and working class cooperatives in developing them, and, finally, treatment of both affordable housing and land rights recognition not as ‘welfare schemes’ but as development interventions, intended to enhance purchasing power and economic security.
Working class families across India - whether they live in rural or urban areas - lack secure rights to the land they use for housing, agriculture or other forms of livelihood, this study finds. This lack of secure land tenure causes them to face harassment, penalties, and evictions, all of which undermine their economic security. Evictions harm children in particular, leading to generational impacts on poverty. While such actions are justified as being necessary for environmental protection, infrastructure development or to address encroachment of public property, often these objectives do not be achieved. Both Central and state governments have made efforts to address this problem, but so far these efforts have had limited impact and not reached the majority of affected families.
These are some of the findings from a survey of 1,840 working class and small farmer families across four field sites - Tehri Garhwal district and the city of Dehradun in Uttarakhand; the city of Delhi; and the districts of Ramanathapuram and the Nilgiris in Tamil Nadu. In the two urban sites (Delhi and Dehradun) the survey participants faced serious problems around housing - 82% in Dehradun and 66% in Delhi were living on land that was not on their names, mostly on land whose status they did not know or which was government land. Contrary to common impressions, more than half of the families in both cities had paid for the land they were living on, often through a broker in the case of Dehradun. Out of those living on rent across all four areas, the vast majority had no written agreement. Nearly a third (29%) in Dehradun and a tenth (10%) in Delhi had been threatened with eviction and approximately 6-7% in both cities had actually been evicted. Similarly, even though most lived in rural or semi urban areas, an astonishing 81% of respondents in Tamil Nadu had been threatened with eviction, and 19% had actually been evicted. None of those evicted in Dehradun and 90% in Tamil Nadu said they had received no compensation or alternative places to live, but 60% in Delhi had received an alternative place to live, perhaps because of that city's clear rehabilitation policy. Moreover, 100% of those evicted in Dehradun said that there was no change in the use of the land from which they were evicted, while in Delhi a significant number of respondsnts said the land was given to builders or companies (as well as roads and infrastructure projects). This calls into question whether these evictions achieved any public purpose. Finally, those who were not evicted still often suffered from relatively poor quality housing - in a surprising finding, nearly one fifth in Dehradun said they lacked regular electricity connections, and despite being relatively more secure, the majority of respondents in Tehri Garhwal did not have taps within their homes (tap connections, where present, were often outside their homes).
While housing problems were more severe in the cities, rural families faced considerable problems in using the lands they needed for agriculture, kitchen gardens and common purposes (such as firewood). In Tehri Garhwal around 12.5% of respondents said they were using land whose owner they did not know, and over 90% used forests or common lands for some purpose. But in Tehri Garhwal no one had any recorded rights to this use, as a result of which 16% had been fined and almost 4% had been detained or arrested for such uses. In Tamil Nadu around one fifth of respondents had been threatened with eviction from their agricultural lands too, and more than half used forests or common lands, but only 6% had any form of recognised rights.
Government efforts to address these problems have had limited reach. Except for Tamil Nadu the vast majority have not applied under housing schemes. In Dehradun 1.2% said they had paid for benefits from under such schemes but not received any benefits. The Forest Rights Act, which would protect rights to forests and common lands, has barely been implemented in both Tamil Nadu and Uttarakhand.
The study recommends that rights to those using land for housing, agriculture and so on should be recognised as the preferred option, with guaranteed rehabilitation for anyone whose rights cannot be recognised. It also suggests expansion of low cost housing schemes and incorporating rights and working class cooperatives in developing them, and, finally, treatment of both affordable housing and land rights recognition not as ‘welfare schemes’ but as development interventions, intended to enhance purchasing power and economic security.