Scientia Militaria: South African Journal of Military Studies, 2024
Norwich University, the oldest private military college in the United States, aims to prepare fut... more Norwich University, the oldest private military college in the United States, aims to prepare future military and civilian leaders to navigate leadership and educational challenges successfully. One method of preparing leaders is through academic centres. Drawing on seven years of data from the John and Mary Frances Patton Peace and War Center and six years at the Center for Global Resilience and Security at Norwich University, this article shows how this task is accomplished by formally establishing research centres that exist outside of regular academic programming. The centres are uniquely positioned to understand the priorities of the US Reserve Officer Training Corps Cadet Command and the US Department of Defense to prepare future junior military leaders to be prepared for twenty-first-century security challenges. Particular attention is given to how experiential learning, leadership laboratories, and research have prepared cadets to be effective junior military leaders. For each core area, we apply Bloom's hierarchical models to maximise cognitive, affective, and sensory learning objectives. Examples are provided to elucidate the paradigm and outlined objectives further. The article concludes by highlighting the impact of centres across the Norwich community.
Peace and War Studies (JPWS) aims to promote and disseminate high quality research on peace and w... more Peace and War Studies (JPWS) aims to promote and disseminate high quality research on peace and war throughout the international academic community. It also aims to provide policy makers in the United States and many other countries with in-depth analyses of contemporary issues and policy alternatives. JPWS encompasses a wide range of research topics covering peacekeeping/peacebuilding, interstate reconciliation, transitional justice, international security, human security, cyber security, weapons of mass destruction developments, terrorism, civil wars, religious/ethnic conflicts, and historical/territorial disputes around the world. JPWS is an annual peerreviewed journal published by the John and Mary Frances Patton Peace and War Center (PAWC) at Norwich University-America's first private military college and birthplace of the Reserve Officers' Training Corps (ROTC).
This study aims to analyze a reshaping of the geopolitical dynamics in the East Asian region duri... more This study aims to analyze a reshaping of the geopolitical dynamics in the East Asian region during the 2009-2015 period, which was mainly derived from the rapid growth of Chinese power. What strategies did the three major powers in East Asia-the U.S., China, and South Korea-adopt to maintain and promote their own and their collective interests? What impact did these strategies bring to East Asian international relations? What implications do these strategies have for the future East Asian regional order? In response to these questions, this article mainly argues that during the 2009-2015 period, the U.S., China, and South Korea took three geostrategic choices-rebalancing, wedge strategy, and hedging, respectively. In particular, this study creates the concept of a historical alliance between China and South Korea against their former common adversary, Japan. As part of China's wedge strategy, the formation of such historical alliance played a role in weakening the U.S.-ROK-Japan security triangle. These clashing strategies have produced unstable conditions in East Asia, including intensifying U.S.-China rivalry, continuity of China-Japan and Japan-ROK tensions, and an ambivalent South Korean stance. A most important measure to alleviate these volatile conditions is for the U.S. and China to not intensify their rivalry, and instead maximize mutual cooperation in dealing with various challenging global issues, such as pandemics, global economic/ financial instability, climate change, nuclear proliferation, and war on terror. This article also suggests that under the condition of the intensifying U.S.-China rivalry, South Korea should
Abstract:What changes has the Cheonan incident brought about in the Northeast Asian region? How a... more Abstract:What changes has the Cheonan incident brought about in the Northeast Asian region? How and to what extent have those changes shifted as time goes by? I find that the Cheonan sinking has played a key role in deepening the ideological chasm in South Korea between conservatives and progressives. It has also become a serious obstacle to the improvement of South Korea-North Korea relations, and has been the catalyst for the emergence of a Cold War-like rivalry between the US-South Korea-Japan and the China-North Korea-Russia blocs. However, relations among neighboring countries in Northeast Asia have shifted over time, including significant improvement in China-Republic of Korea relations and worsening of relations between China and North Korea and South Korea and Japan.
When and why does a perpetrator state take a contrite stance on its past wrongs? More specificall... more When and why does a perpetrator state take a contrite stance on its past wrongs? More specifically, why do Japanese behaviors differ over time in addressing apology and compensation with regard to the comfort women issue? In this article I address these questions by testing two hypotheses, utilizing an instrumentalist approach and a transnational-political activism model. The former posits a perpetrator state is more likely to take a contrite stance on its past misdeeds when it calculates such action is in its security and/or economic interests. The latter hypothesizes that when transnational activism is powerful and a perpetrator state is led by a progressive ruling coalition, the state is more likely to adopt conciliatory policies toward historical issues. I find that the transnational-political activism model possesses more explanatory power than instrumentalism for within-case variations in Japanese behavior toward the comfort women issue. The two approaches are not, however, mu...
How and to what extent did both transnational activist networks and Japanese conservative forces ... more How and to what extent did both transnational activist networks and Japanese conservative forces affect Japanese historical narrative and textbook policy during the period of 1995–2010? Addressing this question, this article first establishes the concepts of Type I and II transnational activism regarding history textbooks. The article argues that starting in the late 1990s, a positive trend of Japanese historical narrative and textbook policy was reversed by a systematic conservative campaign, despite the presence of strong Type I and II transnational activism. Nevertheless, Type I transnational activism – pushing for a perpetrator state to change its policy – played a pivotal role in lowering the adoption rate of Japan's nationalistic history textbooks at the local level, although not reversing the conservative direction of Japan's historical narrative and textbook policy at the state level. In the long run, with vibrant Type I transnational activism it would be necessary to strengthen Type II transnational activism – textbook cooperation and historians' dialogue – in order to resolve the issue of biased Japanese historical textbooks.
Using the framework of centripetal and centrifugal force, this article analyzes alternating perio... more Using the framework of centripetal and centrifugal force, this article analyzes alternating periods of peace and conflict in South Korea-Japan mutual perceptions since 1998 when the two nations took unprecedented conciliatory actions. Centripetal force is comprised of political leaders' reconciliation initiatives, restrained historical/territorial disputes, and common security threats. Centrifugal force incorporates heated historical/territorial disputes, political leaders' use of those disputes for their political purposes, and divergent security priorities. This article suggests that top political leaders in both nations can play a significant role in improving or aggravating mutual perceptions between the two neighbors. However, political leaders' conciliatory initiatives are a necessary but insufficient condition in reconciling the two former adversary states.
In this special edition, authors provide unique insights regarding how to educate future military... more In this special edition, authors provide unique insights regarding how to educate future military leaders facing a variety of security challenges derived from growing great power competition, climate change, pandemics, rapid social and cultural changes, cutting-edge technological advancement such as virtual reality and artificial intelligence, and so on.
Norwich's Peace and War Center has published the 2022 edition of the Journal of Peace and War Stu... more Norwich's Peace and War Center has published the 2022 edition of the Journal of Peace and War Studies (JPWS) regarding RUSSIA. A group of prominent scholars analyze various RUSSIA-related issues and provide unique insights in this special edition. Here is the link to the journal edition www.norwich.edu/pawc/journal
Rather than maintaining antagonistic policies, the Biden administration should actively engage Py... more Rather than maintaining antagonistic policies, the Biden administration should actively engage Pyongyang in order to induce the hermit kingdom to change from the inside. Washington’s relentless military pressure, economic sanctions, and forced infiltration of external information into North Korea could cause Pyongyang to further raise tensions on the Korean peninsula, resulting in more suffering inflicted on North Koreans.
The optimal solution to North Korea’s nuclear and missile challenges will require a middle ground... more The optimal solution to North Korea’s nuclear and missile challenges will require a middle ground between stronger deterrence and maximal engagement.
This dissertation could not have been completed without the generous help of many people. I want ... more This dissertation could not have been completed without the generous help of many people. I want to first express my special gratitude to Professor Mike Mochizuki, who served both as my academic advisor and dissertation director with intellectual and personal generosity. His advice, balanced between warm encouragement and insightful comment, always kept me on the right track throughout the entire research and writing process. I am also indebted to committee members Harvey Feigenbaum and Holger Schmidt, and to reviewers J.J. Suh and Lily Gardner Feldman. They offered helpful comments and suggestions on a number of earlier drafts. Professor Youngshik Bong of American University often provided me with his valuable insights on East Asian historical issues. Professors Cheolhee Park of Seoul National University and Wondeog Lee of Kookmin University helped make my field research in South Korea and Japan fruitful. Pastor Mikang Yang also introduced numerous interview subjects, particularly civil activists in both South Korea and Japan. Professor Unsuk Han of Korea University helped me to find important research materials regarding the German-Polish History Textbook Commission at the Georg-Eckert Institute in Germany. Several institutions also contributed to my field research in South Korea, Japan, and Germany. I received generous financial assistance from the Korea Foundation; the
Since the 2008–2009 financial crisis, the international community has witnessed an escalation of ... more Since the 2008–2009 financial crisis, the international community has witnessed an escalation of the U.S.-China rivalry. Moreover, the present-day COVID-19 pandemic, which began in China in late 2019, seems to have transformed the two great powers’ strategic and economic rivalry into an ideological one. Such intensification of the U.S.-China rivalry is likely to bear largely on the world community, as did the Cold War between the U.S. and the Soviet Union. Reflecting on these circumstances for our 2020 issue, seven strategic thinkers scrutinize various dimensions of the U.S.-China rivalry and share their insights.
Min Ye closely examines central discourses regarding the U.S.-China rivalry in the academic and policy communities, such as the Thucydides Trap, clash of civilizations, and divided peace. Based on her critical assessment of such preexisting approaches, she provides an alternative lens on the roles domestic and international agencies have played in reducing tensions between the two superpowers. While presenting the detailed empirical evidence of the increasing China-Russia military cooperation, Lyle Goldstein and Vitaly Kozyrev offer a number of practical policy recommendations for U.S. national security to deter the strengthening of China-Russia military ties and maintain a certain level of cooperation with the two nations on such global issues as climate change and nuclear non-proliferation. Krista Wiegand and Hayoun Ryou-Ellison analyze U.S. and Chinese strategies concerning the South China Sea through an international law framework, illuminating that both powers have often utilized their own legal interpretations to support their claims on the area, as opposed to simply resorting to military force. By exploring policy positions of Israel, one of America’s closest allies, vis-à-vis the U.S. and China, Zhiqun Zhu reveals a common dilemma that many world nations have faced—i.e. they want to work with both great powers for their security and economic interests, rather than choosing either the U.S. or China, but the rising U.S.-China rivalry tends to force the latter option. Dawn Murphy thoroughly traces the evolution of U.S.-China economic competition during the Trump administration, implying that it might be difficult for the current trend to get reversed considering the transition of economic rivalry to strategic and ideological realms after the COVID-19 pandemic. On top of these scholarly articles, four Norwich University students—John Hickey, Shayla Moya, Kathryn Preul, and Faith Privett—explain America’s foreign policy blunders in Afghanistan utilizing the Just War theory. They also suggest political, economic, and military approaches that could bring stability in conflict-stricken Eastern Ukraine.
This study aims to analyze a reshaping of the geopolitical dynamics in the East Asian region duri... more This study aims to analyze a reshaping of the geopolitical dynamics in the East Asian region during the 2009-2015 period, which was mainly derived from the rapid growth of Chinese power. What strategies did the three major powers in East Asia—the U.S., China, and South Korea—adopt to maintain and promote their own and their collective interests? What impact did these strategies bring to East Asian international relations? What implications do these strategies have for the future East Asian regional order? In response to these questions, this article mainly argues that during the 2009-2015 period, the U.S., China, and South Korea took three geostrategic choices—rebalancing, wedge strategy, and hedging, respectively. In particular, this study creates the concept of a historical alliance between China and South Korea against their former common adversary, Japan. As part of China’s wedge strategy, the formation of such historical alliance played a role in weakening the U.S.-ROK-Japan security triangle. These clashing strategies have produced unstable conditions in East Asia, including intensifying U.S.-China rivalry, continuity of China-Japan and Japan-ROK tensions, and an ambivalent South Korean stance. A most important measure to alleviate these volatile conditions is for the U.S. and China to not intensify their rivalry, and instead maximize mutual cooperation in dealing with various challenging global issues, such as pandemics, global economic/ financial instability, climate change, nuclear proliferation, and war on terror. This article also suggests that under the condition of the intensifying U.S.-China rivalry, South Korea should maintain a strategic ambiguity as opposed to hastily siding with one side.
The inaugural issue of the Journal of Peace and War Studies (JPWS) consists of five scholarly art... more The inaugural issue of the Journal of Peace and War Studies (JPWS) consists of five scholarly articles by authors from five different institutions within the U.S. regarding American, Chinese, South Korean, and Japanese perspectives on the North Korean nuclear/missile program and one standout Norwich University student’s research article addressing the role of the U.S. in the modern era. For this journal project, the Peace and War Center held the inaugural Peace and War Summit on the Norwich campus on September 17-18, 2018. At the Summit, eight external scholars and policy experts were invited to present their research on the issue of North Korean nuclear/missile challenges, and they discussed and debated over how to deal with such a pressing issue. In the wake of the Summit, the Peace and War Center’s editorial board underwent double-blinded peer reviews, author revisions, and editorial process, finally publishing the inaugural issue of the Journal of Peace and War Studies on March 27th, 2019.
Using a synthesized model with system-and individual-level variables, this article explains how p... more Using a synthesized model with system-and individual-level variables, this article explains how policy makers in the Park Geun-hye administration produced a series of abrupt foreign policy decisions on the issues of comfort women, the Kaesong Industrial Complex, and THAAD deployment. The article finds that President Park and her aides were confronted with external challenges that encompassed increased DPRK's provocations, China's lukewarm responses to those provocative actions, and US pressure to strengthen the US-ROK-Japan security triangle. In responding to such challenges, the ROK's decision makers abruptly made foreign policy decisions which had many negative consequences due to the lack of institutionalized discussions among policy makers, their insensitivity to public opinion, and the influence of a secret advisory group led by Choi Soon-sil.
Since the end of the Korean War (1950-1953), North Korea has tenaciously sought to develop nuclea... more Since the end of the Korean War (1950-1953), North Korea has tenaciously sought to develop nuclear capabilities despite harsh external pressure and sanctions, and thus it poses a serious threat to the international community. What has motivated North Korea to persistently develop nuclear weapons? Under what conditions has North Korea been able to obtain them? How should the US resolve the North Korean nuclear problem? In responding to these questions, this article first articulates the key external and internal reasons behind North Korea’s nuclear development, including US military threats, distrust toward the Soviet Union (later Russia) and China, lessons on regime survival deriving from the cases of Iraq, Libya, and Ukraine, weak conventional forces, and unstable domestic conditions. The article then looks into how systemic elements, such as a weak Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty (NPT) system and the US-China rivalry have indirectly helped the economically fragile nation to manufacture nuclear weapons. The article concludes by delineating several policy implications for North Korea’s denuclearization.
Using the framework of centripetal and centrifugal force, this article analyzes alternating perio... more Using the framework of centripetal and centrifugal force, this article analyzes alternating periods of peace and conflict in South Korea-Japan mutual perceptions since 1998 when the two nations took unprecedented conciliatory actions. Centripetal force is comprised of political leaders' reconciliation initiatives, restrained historical/territorial disputes, and common security threats. Centrifugal force incorporates heated historical/territorial disputes, political leaders' use of those disputes for their political purposes, and divergent security priorities. This article suggests that top political leaders in both nations can play a significant role in improving or aggravating mutual perceptions between the two neighbors. However, political leaders' conciliatory initiatives are a necessary but insufficient condition in reconciling the two former adversary states.
Scientia Militaria: South African Journal of Military Studies, 2024
Norwich University, the oldest private military college in the United States, aims to prepare fut... more Norwich University, the oldest private military college in the United States, aims to prepare future military and civilian leaders to navigate leadership and educational challenges successfully. One method of preparing leaders is through academic centres. Drawing on seven years of data from the John and Mary Frances Patton Peace and War Center and six years at the Center for Global Resilience and Security at Norwich University, this article shows how this task is accomplished by formally establishing research centres that exist outside of regular academic programming. The centres are uniquely positioned to understand the priorities of the US Reserve Officer Training Corps Cadet Command and the US Department of Defense to prepare future junior military leaders to be prepared for twenty-first-century security challenges. Particular attention is given to how experiential learning, leadership laboratories, and research have prepared cadets to be effective junior military leaders. For each core area, we apply Bloom's hierarchical models to maximise cognitive, affective, and sensory learning objectives. Examples are provided to elucidate the paradigm and outlined objectives further. The article concludes by highlighting the impact of centres across the Norwich community.
Peace and War Studies (JPWS) aims to promote and disseminate high quality research on peace and w... more Peace and War Studies (JPWS) aims to promote and disseminate high quality research on peace and war throughout the international academic community. It also aims to provide policy makers in the United States and many other countries with in-depth analyses of contemporary issues and policy alternatives. JPWS encompasses a wide range of research topics covering peacekeeping/peacebuilding, interstate reconciliation, transitional justice, international security, human security, cyber security, weapons of mass destruction developments, terrorism, civil wars, religious/ethnic conflicts, and historical/territorial disputes around the world. JPWS is an annual peerreviewed journal published by the John and Mary Frances Patton Peace and War Center (PAWC) at Norwich University-America's first private military college and birthplace of the Reserve Officers' Training Corps (ROTC).
This study aims to analyze a reshaping of the geopolitical dynamics in the East Asian region duri... more This study aims to analyze a reshaping of the geopolitical dynamics in the East Asian region during the 2009-2015 period, which was mainly derived from the rapid growth of Chinese power. What strategies did the three major powers in East Asia-the U.S., China, and South Korea-adopt to maintain and promote their own and their collective interests? What impact did these strategies bring to East Asian international relations? What implications do these strategies have for the future East Asian regional order? In response to these questions, this article mainly argues that during the 2009-2015 period, the U.S., China, and South Korea took three geostrategic choices-rebalancing, wedge strategy, and hedging, respectively. In particular, this study creates the concept of a historical alliance between China and South Korea against their former common adversary, Japan. As part of China's wedge strategy, the formation of such historical alliance played a role in weakening the U.S.-ROK-Japan security triangle. These clashing strategies have produced unstable conditions in East Asia, including intensifying U.S.-China rivalry, continuity of China-Japan and Japan-ROK tensions, and an ambivalent South Korean stance. A most important measure to alleviate these volatile conditions is for the U.S. and China to not intensify their rivalry, and instead maximize mutual cooperation in dealing with various challenging global issues, such as pandemics, global economic/ financial instability, climate change, nuclear proliferation, and war on terror. This article also suggests that under the condition of the intensifying U.S.-China rivalry, South Korea should
Abstract:What changes has the Cheonan incident brought about in the Northeast Asian region? How a... more Abstract:What changes has the Cheonan incident brought about in the Northeast Asian region? How and to what extent have those changes shifted as time goes by? I find that the Cheonan sinking has played a key role in deepening the ideological chasm in South Korea between conservatives and progressives. It has also become a serious obstacle to the improvement of South Korea-North Korea relations, and has been the catalyst for the emergence of a Cold War-like rivalry between the US-South Korea-Japan and the China-North Korea-Russia blocs. However, relations among neighboring countries in Northeast Asia have shifted over time, including significant improvement in China-Republic of Korea relations and worsening of relations between China and North Korea and South Korea and Japan.
When and why does a perpetrator state take a contrite stance on its past wrongs? More specificall... more When and why does a perpetrator state take a contrite stance on its past wrongs? More specifically, why do Japanese behaviors differ over time in addressing apology and compensation with regard to the comfort women issue? In this article I address these questions by testing two hypotheses, utilizing an instrumentalist approach and a transnational-political activism model. The former posits a perpetrator state is more likely to take a contrite stance on its past misdeeds when it calculates such action is in its security and/or economic interests. The latter hypothesizes that when transnational activism is powerful and a perpetrator state is led by a progressive ruling coalition, the state is more likely to adopt conciliatory policies toward historical issues. I find that the transnational-political activism model possesses more explanatory power than instrumentalism for within-case variations in Japanese behavior toward the comfort women issue. The two approaches are not, however, mu...
How and to what extent did both transnational activist networks and Japanese conservative forces ... more How and to what extent did both transnational activist networks and Japanese conservative forces affect Japanese historical narrative and textbook policy during the period of 1995–2010? Addressing this question, this article first establishes the concepts of Type I and II transnational activism regarding history textbooks. The article argues that starting in the late 1990s, a positive trend of Japanese historical narrative and textbook policy was reversed by a systematic conservative campaign, despite the presence of strong Type I and II transnational activism. Nevertheless, Type I transnational activism – pushing for a perpetrator state to change its policy – played a pivotal role in lowering the adoption rate of Japan's nationalistic history textbooks at the local level, although not reversing the conservative direction of Japan's historical narrative and textbook policy at the state level. In the long run, with vibrant Type I transnational activism it would be necessary to strengthen Type II transnational activism – textbook cooperation and historians' dialogue – in order to resolve the issue of biased Japanese historical textbooks.
Using the framework of centripetal and centrifugal force, this article analyzes alternating perio... more Using the framework of centripetal and centrifugal force, this article analyzes alternating periods of peace and conflict in South Korea-Japan mutual perceptions since 1998 when the two nations took unprecedented conciliatory actions. Centripetal force is comprised of political leaders' reconciliation initiatives, restrained historical/territorial disputes, and common security threats. Centrifugal force incorporates heated historical/territorial disputes, political leaders' use of those disputes for their political purposes, and divergent security priorities. This article suggests that top political leaders in both nations can play a significant role in improving or aggravating mutual perceptions between the two neighbors. However, political leaders' conciliatory initiatives are a necessary but insufficient condition in reconciling the two former adversary states.
In this special edition, authors provide unique insights regarding how to educate future military... more In this special edition, authors provide unique insights regarding how to educate future military leaders facing a variety of security challenges derived from growing great power competition, climate change, pandemics, rapid social and cultural changes, cutting-edge technological advancement such as virtual reality and artificial intelligence, and so on.
Norwich's Peace and War Center has published the 2022 edition of the Journal of Peace and War Stu... more Norwich's Peace and War Center has published the 2022 edition of the Journal of Peace and War Studies (JPWS) regarding RUSSIA. A group of prominent scholars analyze various RUSSIA-related issues and provide unique insights in this special edition. Here is the link to the journal edition www.norwich.edu/pawc/journal
Rather than maintaining antagonistic policies, the Biden administration should actively engage Py... more Rather than maintaining antagonistic policies, the Biden administration should actively engage Pyongyang in order to induce the hermit kingdom to change from the inside. Washington’s relentless military pressure, economic sanctions, and forced infiltration of external information into North Korea could cause Pyongyang to further raise tensions on the Korean peninsula, resulting in more suffering inflicted on North Koreans.
The optimal solution to North Korea’s nuclear and missile challenges will require a middle ground... more The optimal solution to North Korea’s nuclear and missile challenges will require a middle ground between stronger deterrence and maximal engagement.
This dissertation could not have been completed without the generous help of many people. I want ... more This dissertation could not have been completed without the generous help of many people. I want to first express my special gratitude to Professor Mike Mochizuki, who served both as my academic advisor and dissertation director with intellectual and personal generosity. His advice, balanced between warm encouragement and insightful comment, always kept me on the right track throughout the entire research and writing process. I am also indebted to committee members Harvey Feigenbaum and Holger Schmidt, and to reviewers J.J. Suh and Lily Gardner Feldman. They offered helpful comments and suggestions on a number of earlier drafts. Professor Youngshik Bong of American University often provided me with his valuable insights on East Asian historical issues. Professors Cheolhee Park of Seoul National University and Wondeog Lee of Kookmin University helped make my field research in South Korea and Japan fruitful. Pastor Mikang Yang also introduced numerous interview subjects, particularly civil activists in both South Korea and Japan. Professor Unsuk Han of Korea University helped me to find important research materials regarding the German-Polish History Textbook Commission at the Georg-Eckert Institute in Germany. Several institutions also contributed to my field research in South Korea, Japan, and Germany. I received generous financial assistance from the Korea Foundation; the
Since the 2008–2009 financial crisis, the international community has witnessed an escalation of ... more Since the 2008–2009 financial crisis, the international community has witnessed an escalation of the U.S.-China rivalry. Moreover, the present-day COVID-19 pandemic, which began in China in late 2019, seems to have transformed the two great powers’ strategic and economic rivalry into an ideological one. Such intensification of the U.S.-China rivalry is likely to bear largely on the world community, as did the Cold War between the U.S. and the Soviet Union. Reflecting on these circumstances for our 2020 issue, seven strategic thinkers scrutinize various dimensions of the U.S.-China rivalry and share their insights.
Min Ye closely examines central discourses regarding the U.S.-China rivalry in the academic and policy communities, such as the Thucydides Trap, clash of civilizations, and divided peace. Based on her critical assessment of such preexisting approaches, she provides an alternative lens on the roles domestic and international agencies have played in reducing tensions between the two superpowers. While presenting the detailed empirical evidence of the increasing China-Russia military cooperation, Lyle Goldstein and Vitaly Kozyrev offer a number of practical policy recommendations for U.S. national security to deter the strengthening of China-Russia military ties and maintain a certain level of cooperation with the two nations on such global issues as climate change and nuclear non-proliferation. Krista Wiegand and Hayoun Ryou-Ellison analyze U.S. and Chinese strategies concerning the South China Sea through an international law framework, illuminating that both powers have often utilized their own legal interpretations to support their claims on the area, as opposed to simply resorting to military force. By exploring policy positions of Israel, one of America’s closest allies, vis-à-vis the U.S. and China, Zhiqun Zhu reveals a common dilemma that many world nations have faced—i.e. they want to work with both great powers for their security and economic interests, rather than choosing either the U.S. or China, but the rising U.S.-China rivalry tends to force the latter option. Dawn Murphy thoroughly traces the evolution of U.S.-China economic competition during the Trump administration, implying that it might be difficult for the current trend to get reversed considering the transition of economic rivalry to strategic and ideological realms after the COVID-19 pandemic. On top of these scholarly articles, four Norwich University students—John Hickey, Shayla Moya, Kathryn Preul, and Faith Privett—explain America’s foreign policy blunders in Afghanistan utilizing the Just War theory. They also suggest political, economic, and military approaches that could bring stability in conflict-stricken Eastern Ukraine.
This study aims to analyze a reshaping of the geopolitical dynamics in the East Asian region duri... more This study aims to analyze a reshaping of the geopolitical dynamics in the East Asian region during the 2009-2015 period, which was mainly derived from the rapid growth of Chinese power. What strategies did the three major powers in East Asia—the U.S., China, and South Korea—adopt to maintain and promote their own and their collective interests? What impact did these strategies bring to East Asian international relations? What implications do these strategies have for the future East Asian regional order? In response to these questions, this article mainly argues that during the 2009-2015 period, the U.S., China, and South Korea took three geostrategic choices—rebalancing, wedge strategy, and hedging, respectively. In particular, this study creates the concept of a historical alliance between China and South Korea against their former common adversary, Japan. As part of China’s wedge strategy, the formation of such historical alliance played a role in weakening the U.S.-ROK-Japan security triangle. These clashing strategies have produced unstable conditions in East Asia, including intensifying U.S.-China rivalry, continuity of China-Japan and Japan-ROK tensions, and an ambivalent South Korean stance. A most important measure to alleviate these volatile conditions is for the U.S. and China to not intensify their rivalry, and instead maximize mutual cooperation in dealing with various challenging global issues, such as pandemics, global economic/ financial instability, climate change, nuclear proliferation, and war on terror. This article also suggests that under the condition of the intensifying U.S.-China rivalry, South Korea should maintain a strategic ambiguity as opposed to hastily siding with one side.
The inaugural issue of the Journal of Peace and War Studies (JPWS) consists of five scholarly art... more The inaugural issue of the Journal of Peace and War Studies (JPWS) consists of five scholarly articles by authors from five different institutions within the U.S. regarding American, Chinese, South Korean, and Japanese perspectives on the North Korean nuclear/missile program and one standout Norwich University student’s research article addressing the role of the U.S. in the modern era. For this journal project, the Peace and War Center held the inaugural Peace and War Summit on the Norwich campus on September 17-18, 2018. At the Summit, eight external scholars and policy experts were invited to present their research on the issue of North Korean nuclear/missile challenges, and they discussed and debated over how to deal with such a pressing issue. In the wake of the Summit, the Peace and War Center’s editorial board underwent double-blinded peer reviews, author revisions, and editorial process, finally publishing the inaugural issue of the Journal of Peace and War Studies on March 27th, 2019.
Using a synthesized model with system-and individual-level variables, this article explains how p... more Using a synthesized model with system-and individual-level variables, this article explains how policy makers in the Park Geun-hye administration produced a series of abrupt foreign policy decisions on the issues of comfort women, the Kaesong Industrial Complex, and THAAD deployment. The article finds that President Park and her aides were confronted with external challenges that encompassed increased DPRK's provocations, China's lukewarm responses to those provocative actions, and US pressure to strengthen the US-ROK-Japan security triangle. In responding to such challenges, the ROK's decision makers abruptly made foreign policy decisions which had many negative consequences due to the lack of institutionalized discussions among policy makers, their insensitivity to public opinion, and the influence of a secret advisory group led by Choi Soon-sil.
Since the end of the Korean War (1950-1953), North Korea has tenaciously sought to develop nuclea... more Since the end of the Korean War (1950-1953), North Korea has tenaciously sought to develop nuclear capabilities despite harsh external pressure and sanctions, and thus it poses a serious threat to the international community. What has motivated North Korea to persistently develop nuclear weapons? Under what conditions has North Korea been able to obtain them? How should the US resolve the North Korean nuclear problem? In responding to these questions, this article first articulates the key external and internal reasons behind North Korea’s nuclear development, including US military threats, distrust toward the Soviet Union (later Russia) and China, lessons on regime survival deriving from the cases of Iraq, Libya, and Ukraine, weak conventional forces, and unstable domestic conditions. The article then looks into how systemic elements, such as a weak Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty (NPT) system and the US-China rivalry have indirectly helped the economically fragile nation to manufacture nuclear weapons. The article concludes by delineating several policy implications for North Korea’s denuclearization.
Using the framework of centripetal and centrifugal force, this article analyzes alternating perio... more Using the framework of centripetal and centrifugal force, this article analyzes alternating periods of peace and conflict in South Korea-Japan mutual perceptions since 1998 when the two nations took unprecedented conciliatory actions. Centripetal force is comprised of political leaders' reconciliation initiatives, restrained historical/territorial disputes, and common security threats. Centrifugal force incorporates heated historical/territorial disputes, political leaders' use of those disputes for their political purposes, and divergent security priorities. This article suggests that top political leaders in both nations can play a significant role in improving or aggravating mutual perceptions between the two neighbors. However, political leaders' conciliatory initiatives are a necessary but insufficient condition in reconciling the two former adversary states.
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Papers by Yangmo Ku
Min Ye closely examines central discourses regarding the U.S.-China rivalry in the academic and policy communities, such as the Thucydides Trap, clash of civilizations, and divided peace. Based on her critical assessment of such preexisting approaches, she provides an alternative lens on the roles domestic and international agencies have played in reducing tensions between the two superpowers. While presenting the detailed empirical evidence of the increasing China-Russia military cooperation, Lyle Goldstein and Vitaly Kozyrev offer a number of practical policy recommendations for U.S. national security to deter the strengthening of China-Russia military ties and maintain a certain level of cooperation with the two nations on such global issues as climate change and nuclear non-proliferation. Krista Wiegand and Hayoun Ryou-Ellison analyze U.S. and Chinese strategies concerning the South China Sea through an international law framework, illuminating that both powers have often utilized their own legal interpretations to support their claims on the area, as opposed to simply resorting to military force. By exploring policy positions of Israel, one of America’s closest allies, vis-à-vis the U.S. and China, Zhiqun Zhu reveals a common dilemma that many world nations have faced—i.e. they want to work with both great powers for their security and economic interests, rather than choosing either the U.S. or China, but the rising U.S.-China rivalry tends to force the latter option. Dawn Murphy thoroughly traces the evolution of U.S.-China economic competition during the Trump administration, implying that it might be difficult for the current trend to get reversed considering the transition of economic rivalry to strategic and ideological realms after the COVID-19 pandemic. On top of these scholarly articles, four Norwich University students—John Hickey, Shayla Moya, Kathryn Preul, and Faith Privett—explain America’s foreign policy blunders in Afghanistan utilizing the Just War theory. They also suggest political, economic, and military approaches that could bring stability in conflict-stricken Eastern Ukraine.
Min Ye closely examines central discourses regarding the U.S.-China rivalry in the academic and policy communities, such as the Thucydides Trap, clash of civilizations, and divided peace. Based on her critical assessment of such preexisting approaches, she provides an alternative lens on the roles domestic and international agencies have played in reducing tensions between the two superpowers. While presenting the detailed empirical evidence of the increasing China-Russia military cooperation, Lyle Goldstein and Vitaly Kozyrev offer a number of practical policy recommendations for U.S. national security to deter the strengthening of China-Russia military ties and maintain a certain level of cooperation with the two nations on such global issues as climate change and nuclear non-proliferation. Krista Wiegand and Hayoun Ryou-Ellison analyze U.S. and Chinese strategies concerning the South China Sea through an international law framework, illuminating that both powers have often utilized their own legal interpretations to support their claims on the area, as opposed to simply resorting to military force. By exploring policy positions of Israel, one of America’s closest allies, vis-à-vis the U.S. and China, Zhiqun Zhu reveals a common dilemma that many world nations have faced—i.e. they want to work with both great powers for their security and economic interests, rather than choosing either the U.S. or China, but the rising U.S.-China rivalry tends to force the latter option. Dawn Murphy thoroughly traces the evolution of U.S.-China economic competition during the Trump administration, implying that it might be difficult for the current trend to get reversed considering the transition of economic rivalry to strategic and ideological realms after the COVID-19 pandemic. On top of these scholarly articles, four Norwich University students—John Hickey, Shayla Moya, Kathryn Preul, and Faith Privett—explain America’s foreign policy blunders in Afghanistan utilizing the Just War theory. They also suggest political, economic, and military approaches that could bring stability in conflict-stricken Eastern Ukraine.