Chiara Diana
I am Postdoc Research Fellow at Recherche et Études en Politique Internationale (REPI) and Observatoire des Mondes Arabes et Musulmans (OMAM) and Assistant Professor at Université Libre de Bruxelles (Belgium). I obtained my PhD at Aix-Marseille University in 2015. In 2017, I received a Thesis Dissertation Award by the Louis Cros-CUIP Foundation and Académie des Sciences Morales et Politiques (Institute of France, Paris).
Since my undergraduate studies, I studied and worked in various academic institutions in Italy, Egypt, France, USA, Lebanon, Portugal, Belgium and Tunisia. In 2014, she was a Guest Lecturer at University of Illinois (USA). I worked as Teaching Assistant at University of Sorbonne Nouvelle and Aix-Marseille University. I was Postdoc Visiting Research Fellow at Institute of Social Sciences (Lisbon), Centre d’Études Maghrébines and Institut de Recherche sur le Maghreb Contemporain (IRMC) (Tunis), Institut Français du Proche Orient (Beirut). I has disseminated my research findings at many international conferences in Australia, UK, Turkey, USA, Morocco, Tunisia, Jordan, Italy, Spain, France. A number of my public presentations have turned into individual and collective publications. I has also worked for international agencies and NGOs (Plan International Ireland, World Bank, UNESCO, COSPE Egypt).
My current research interests include childhood and youth, civil society, education, political socialization, memory of 2010-2011 revolution in Tunisia and in Egypt. I am currently project manager of the artistic project Mémoires intimes d’une révolution (with the photographer Hugo Albignac) and founder member of the Association of Middle East Children’s and Youth Studies (AMECYS). ORCID ID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-8151-768X
Since my undergraduate studies, I studied and worked in various academic institutions in Italy, Egypt, France, USA, Lebanon, Portugal, Belgium and Tunisia. In 2014, she was a Guest Lecturer at University of Illinois (USA). I worked as Teaching Assistant at University of Sorbonne Nouvelle and Aix-Marseille University. I was Postdoc Visiting Research Fellow at Institute of Social Sciences (Lisbon), Centre d’Études Maghrébines and Institut de Recherche sur le Maghreb Contemporain (IRMC) (Tunis), Institut Français du Proche Orient (Beirut). I has disseminated my research findings at many international conferences in Australia, UK, Turkey, USA, Morocco, Tunisia, Jordan, Italy, Spain, France. A number of my public presentations have turned into individual and collective publications. I has also worked for international agencies and NGOs (Plan International Ireland, World Bank, UNESCO, COSPE Egypt).
My current research interests include childhood and youth, civil society, education, political socialization, memory of 2010-2011 revolution in Tunisia and in Egypt. I am currently project manager of the artistic project Mémoires intimes d’une révolution (with the photographer Hugo Albignac) and founder member of the Association of Middle East Children’s and Youth Studies (AMECYS). ORCID ID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-8151-768X
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Working papers by Chiara Diana
After highlighting how Egypt got involved in the global system by the application of new economic and neoliberal policies, the paper will focus on the dilemma of the Education affair, on islamized attitudes of the educational staff and on new educational policies aimed at contrasting with the rise of Islamization of all the public education system. By this, two opposing forces are being in action in Egypt today: on the one hand, a ‘local’ inner force which pushes a part of society toward a radicalization of religious references and on the other hand, a ‘global’ international force which supports the Egyptian government to enforce laws, projects, programmes enabling to guarantee an apparent and precarious balance in the country.
Entries by Chiara Diana
Commissioned Reports by Chiara Diana
The guidance note was produced by a core team led by Bojana Naceva (Task Team Leader) and Marijana Jasarevic (Task Team Leader) and Dessislava Kuznetsova (Education Specialist), Chiara Diana (Consultant) and Zdenka Milivojevic (consultant).
Blogs by Chiara Diana
In this framework, youth quickly come to be addressed as objects of concern but rarely as subjects of decision-making and aware action. Our study seeks to unpack international NGOs’ discourses about children’s vulnerability and protection, which are generally formulated according to universalized conceptions of childhood. This research is aimed at understanding the space between global security agendas, child protection, and humanitarian action. Finally, our study shows the controversial character of humanitarian agencies that alternate between depoliticizing younger generations and complying with the social order established by local power holders.
Au VIe siècle, l’arabe était parlé par des groupes de population dans la péninsule Arabique et dans les régions avoisinantes. La conquête arabe (632-750) et l’expansion de l’empire islamique (VIIe-XIIIe siècles) ont ensuite permis une expansion géographique très significative de cette langue, qui s’est officiellement imposée dans l’appareil d’État de toutes les régions conquises....
Au VIe siècle, l’arabe était parlé par des groupes de population dans la péninsule Arabique et dans les régions avoisinantes. La conquête arabe (632-750) et l’expansion de l’empire islamique (VIIe-XIIIe siècles) ont ensuite permis une expansion géographique très significative de cette langue, qui s’est officiellement imposée dans l’appareil d’État de toutes les régions conquises...
La famille est la plus petite structure d’une société. De ce fait, elle en reflète toutes les transformations et ne peut évoluer que si la société, de manière globale, change. Le cas du monde arabe est très révélateur à ce point de vue. Même s’il y existe plusieurs sociétés différentes, en fonction de critères géographiques, religieux ou de richesses, et même si les normes sociales ne cessent de se modifier, on peut relever plusieurs tendances communes....
Book Reviews by Chiara Diana
"
After highlighting how Egypt got involved in the global system by the application of new economic and neoliberal policies, the paper will focus on the dilemma of the Education affair, on islamized attitudes of the educational staff and on new educational policies aimed at contrasting with the rise of Islamization of all the public education system. By this, two opposing forces are being in action in Egypt today: on the one hand, a ‘local’ inner force which pushes a part of society toward a radicalization of religious references and on the other hand, a ‘global’ international force which supports the Egyptian government to enforce laws, projects, programmes enabling to guarantee an apparent and precarious balance in the country.
The guidance note was produced by a core team led by Bojana Naceva (Task Team Leader) and Marijana Jasarevic (Task Team Leader) and Dessislava Kuznetsova (Education Specialist), Chiara Diana (Consultant) and Zdenka Milivojevic (consultant).
In this framework, youth quickly come to be addressed as objects of concern but rarely as subjects of decision-making and aware action. Our study seeks to unpack international NGOs’ discourses about children’s vulnerability and protection, which are generally formulated according to universalized conceptions of childhood. This research is aimed at understanding the space between global security agendas, child protection, and humanitarian action. Finally, our study shows the controversial character of humanitarian agencies that alternate between depoliticizing younger generations and complying with the social order established by local power holders.
Au VIe siècle, l’arabe était parlé par des groupes de population dans la péninsule Arabique et dans les régions avoisinantes. La conquête arabe (632-750) et l’expansion de l’empire islamique (VIIe-XIIIe siècles) ont ensuite permis une expansion géographique très significative de cette langue, qui s’est officiellement imposée dans l’appareil d’État de toutes les régions conquises....
Au VIe siècle, l’arabe était parlé par des groupes de population dans la péninsule Arabique et dans les régions avoisinantes. La conquête arabe (632-750) et l’expansion de l’empire islamique (VIIe-XIIIe siècles) ont ensuite permis une expansion géographique très significative de cette langue, qui s’est officiellement imposée dans l’appareil d’État de toutes les régions conquises...
La famille est la plus petite structure d’une société. De ce fait, elle en reflète toutes les transformations et ne peut évoluer que si la société, de manière globale, change. Le cas du monde arabe est très révélateur à ce point de vue. Même s’il y existe plusieurs sociétés différentes, en fonction de critères géographiques, religieux ou de richesses, et même si les normes sociales ne cessent de se modifier, on peut relever plusieurs tendances communes....
Indeed, the modern history of the Muslim and the Arab world offers several examples of young participation to revolutions and insurrections, among others: the young Islamist mobilization and the Palestinian uprisings Intif…ÿah, well-known also as “the uprising of children” because they were the leaders - in the first moment - of the uprising. Concerning the Islamist militant, earlier studies on the first militant groups elaborated an ideal type of the Islamist militant: it was a university student or a young graduate usually studying engineering or medicine; as far as the Intif…ÿah, is concerned, it’s main figure was the so called “stones thrower” which were in fact Palestinian children under 14 and young people 14 to 19 years who defended themselves and their community launching stones against Israeli tanks.
Therefore, as it had already happened in previous historical events, young people today are yet the drive from beneath, protagonist of irremovable political changes in the countries of the region, as in Egypt. Thanks to technological communication tools and social networks, they have been able to organize a large anti-government popular movement and to mobilize half-million people - adults, families and children - for the first mass demonstration on January 25th 2011 in the most historically important square of Cairo: Tahrir Square.
This square revived the meaning of the public forum where the Habermas’ concept of public sphere intended as “a realm of our social life in which something approaching public opinion can be formed” finds its ideal expression. As it was the case during Habermasian times, all the way through the Egyptian January 25th revolution, the whole of the media as well as all the social networks - Facebook, Twitter - new technological tools of communication - satellite phones, SMS, blogs, YouTube videos - were the media through which the public sphere was given opportunity to shape a public and political opinion even though in so doing they challenged their oppressive and violent regime.
In this revolutionary and changeable context and by these technological medias Egyptian children are developing a deep sense of belonging to their homeland, a high political consciousness and responsible social and environmental commitment: all these elements are useful for instilling citizenship dispositions in young generations of the post-revolutionary Egypt. These notions of political socialisation - expression used by Hyman for the title of his work but firstly by Durkheim in Education et Sociologie - have been revealed by the results of recent and first children’s opinion poll in Egypt conducted on children aged from 6-14 years old in months following the revolution.
Moreover, we know about their implications in current political events by pictures on Facebook pages, journal reports and their messages videos posted on YouTube website. On the web, they talk about their fears for violence in demonstrations, they address messages directly to the President and they also incite by slogans and songs friends and families to participate to demonstrations - as various videos posted on the web show on.
Having taken in consideration the new modern technological communication tools and the current political changes, various questions as to children political dispositions are raised:
- How could Egyptian children develop their univers politique ?
- In which way - and if - could Egyptian education be able to transmit solid values of civic education and prepare children for becoming future citizens?
- Could family group contribute to the development of their children’s political consciousness?
- How could violent and peaceful demonstration experiences shared with adults, affect children’s political behaviour?
- Is it possible for digital tools and technological connections to help improve children’s civic and political commitment for the future of their country?
-to underline the different actors involved in the fulfilment of these new policies (the local agencies, the international organizations, the donors countries)
-to analyse the interaction between these actors
-to determine the nature of their action
I focused my attention on the new reforms concerning the early childhood education, in particular the kindergarten step, which started to be applied in the end of the 90s, when the report First Decade of the Egyptian Child: protection and care (1990-2000) was published. Some of the principles of the report will coincide afterwards with the goals aimed at by the UNESCO project Education for All (EFA) approved during the Dakar’s World Education Forum in 2000.
The main beneficiaries of the new educational policies are children aged from 0 to 6 years old. According to the last census in 2006, this population group represents 14.1%. The group being one of the largest age group in the Egyptian pyramid, the EG and the IC (including agencies and organisations like World Bank, UNESCO, UNICEF, EU and NGOs) have been investing in developing policies in its favour.
My critical analysis will therefore focus on the nature of the EG and the IC interests: does the EG’s attention towards the social educational affaires arise from a sincere conscientiousness of the Mubarak government (expressed also through the social activities led by Mrs Mubarak)? Might it be triggered by the pressure made by the IC, manifold involved in Egypt on different levels as political, economic or social level.
The concept of childhood and the place of children’s rights in the Egyptian society are important issues that have been highlighted by national social policies at the end of the 1980s, within Childhood being at the core of the Egyptian president Hosni Mubarak’s policy. His main political action resulted in the declaration of the First Decade of the Egyptian Child 1989-99.
2. The goal of the research
The reflexion I wish to present in this panel deals with the means set up by Mubarak’s policy to guarantee the protection of the child’s rights in his society, and the impact of new reforms concerning childhood care and education on the young generations.
3. The methodology
The use of qualitative social-science methods - such as participatory fieldwork in kindergartens, and free as well as recorded interviews to some political and social actors - to enquire on some of the political initiatives meant at improving Egyptian children’s conditions; also to discover their limitations as well as benefits on nowadays society.
4. Some findings
In spite of international aids, today a quarter of the Egyptian children (seven million) are deprived of one or more of their rights guaranteed by the Convention on the Rights of the Child (1989) ratified by Egypt in 1990. Development programmes, including in a global movement framework, appear to be a solution to enhance awareness of the child’s status and rights in nowadays societies, nevertheless they are far from being successful.
As Egypt is strongly involved in the globalization movement, developing a system of early childhood care and education becomes one of the priorities for Mubarak governments and for the First Lady Suzanne Mubarak. Egyptian political decisions for implementation of education reforms as well as social initiatives for strengthening protection of children and mothers, embrace international statements for fulfillment of basic learning, respect of children’s rights and attainment of international development indicators.
How do Mubarak governments formulate child-centered political discourse in relation with that of international experts? Which are the local actions implemented in response of the global appeal? Do they have any concrete social and/or educational impact on children, families and whole society?
In the light of historical events occurred recently in Egypt, I will analyze missing and/or successful national policies and requests for social change and justice that merge both into implementation of an efficient system of protection and education for the Egyptian youngest generations."
Within an interdisciplinary framework, this panel invites research on political socialization in order to explore the formation of political subjectivities and political orientations at macro, meso and micro levels. Firstly, we are interested in contributions focussing on how polities in authoritarian, revolutionary, counterrevolutionary, transitional, democratic contexts transmit and inculcate political norms in their young citizens. Secondly, we look forward to studies that unveil community-and group-based alternative and political practices aiming at rising collective social action and political consciousness. Thirdly, we would welcome contributions tackling individual pathways intertwined with intergenerational relationships and legacies, family background, regime context, collective (a)political practices, and unifying political events. Lastly, the panel intends to enrich discussion about how do (young) people understand politics or "the political" in MENA societies, and which are the most important spaces for experiencing it? In which circumstances do they acquire political culture and respective orientations? Which are the most important agents, places, and events for political socialization, and at which junctures of the life course to they occur?
Individuals who wish to contribute can send a short bio and a 300-word abstract (including: description of the topic; research questions; theoretical framework; empirical data; research methods; findings) to: chiara.diana@ulb.ac.be and schwarz@em.uni-frankfurt.de
Abstracts will be accepted until 22 June 2020
The panel will be sponsored by the Association of Middle East Children and Youth Studies AMECYS (https://amecys.wordpress.com/)
In this framework, play and sports, which do not necessarily complement each other, are deployed as vehicles to address broad societal issues, such as marginalisation, war recruitment and economic or political vulnerabilities.
Drawing on the experiences of (un)forced migrations and development or humanitarian practices, this panel seeks to contribute to those debates that maintain play activities and sport are an end per se or to frame them as catalysts for political, cultural or religious formation processes.
The panel is particularly interested in contributions tackling the intersection between development/humanitarian action, migration flows and play/sports activities in Middle Eastern and other societies that have become home to Arab background diasporas.
Lastly, it seeks to provide a terrain of discussion regarding what ludic and physical activities do to the agency of children and youth, particularly in light of the economic and existential uncertainties and opportunities that human mobility entails. In an attempt to move beyond the definition of development and humanitarian agendas, how do children and youth on the move make sense of ludic and sports activities?
Individuals who wish to contribute can send a 200-word abstract to estella.carpi@gmail.com and dianachiara3@gmail.com.
Panel convenors: Dr Estella Carpi, Postdoctoral Research Associate at the University College London; and Dr Chiara Diana, Research Associate at IREMAM-CNRS, Aix-Marseille Université.
Abstracts will be accepted until 20 November 2017. The selected contributors will participate in the WOCMES 2018 conference which will take place in Sevilla (Spain) from July 16 to July 20.
The convenors are planning to edit an anthology of articles focusing on play and sports that are meant as development and humanitarian tools in migration, to be published in 2019.
However, investigating political socialization might allow apprehending the process by which individuals in a given society become acquainted with political norms; understanding which patterns individuals engage in political learning, which relationships they construct with the political context where they live. It might also help to establish the role of changing experiences during childhood, youth, and throughout the life course in the process of learning about politics and shaping political subjectivity. Within an interdisciplinary framework, this panel invites research on political socialization in order to explore the formation of political subjectivities and political orientations at macro, meso and micro levels. Firstly, we are interested in contributions focussing on how polities in authoritarian, revolutionary, counterrevolutionary, transitional, democratic contexts transmit and inculcate political norms in their young citizens. Secondly, we look forward to studies that unveil community-and group-based alternative and political practices aiming at rising collective social action and political consciousness. Thirdly, we would welcome contributions tackling individual pathways intertwined with intergenerational relationships and legacies, family background, regime context, collective (a)political practices, and unifying political events. Lastly, the panel intends to enrich discussion about how do (young) people understand politics or "the political" in MENA societies, and which are the most important spaces for experiencing it? In which circumstances do they acquire political culture and respective orientations? Which are the most important agents, places, and events for political socialization, and at which junctures of the life course to they occur?
Individuals who wish to contribute can send a short bio and a 300-word abstract (including: description of the topic; research questions; theoretical framework; empirical data; research methods; findings) to: chiara.diana@ulb.ac.be and schwarz@em.uni-frankfurt.de Abstracts will be accepted until 22 June 2020
Specifically, the authors explore the construction of the people’s legitimacy through revolutionary slogans, the emergence of the political subjectivity of child martyrs, and the way in which political actors used this notion during the 2011 elections.