Papers by Norbert Oettinger
Die Derivationsbasis von idg. *daiwér- (*sh2aiwér-) 'Bruder des Ehemannes' , 2009
Early Indo-European *sh2- probably developed into Late Indo-European *dH- and further into *d-. T... more Early Indo-European *sh2- probably developed into Late Indo-European *dH- and further into *d-. Thus *(s)h2ak'ru 'tear' became *dak'ru, but without s-mobile it became *h2ak'ru (> *ak'ru). Likewise, *daiwér- 'brother of the husband' could have developed from *sh2ai.wér- 'one with attachment'. The same development occurred independently in Luwian: *sh2- > *d-; *sh3- > *d-.
G. Meiser und O. Hackstein (eds.), Sprachkontakt und Sprachwandel, 2005
Es gab im Indogermanischen eine poetische Formulierung, in der neben je zwei anderen Verbalformen... more Es gab im Indogermanischen eine poetische Formulierung, in der neben je zwei anderen Verbalformen einmal der Fortsetzer von *h1ergh-, einem Verbum von sexueller Bedeutung, erscheint. Die Formel wurde vom männlichen Huftier auf den Wettergott, der auf dem Berg die Eichen schüttelt, übertragen. Im Hethitischen scheint die Formel in einen Kontext, der aus hattischer Tradition stammt, eingefügt worden zu sein.
Münchener Studien zur Sprachwissenschaft 75/2,, 2023
Abstract 1: Although no PIE language continues a nominative singular
form *méh1nōs ʻmoonʼ, this ... more Abstract 1: Although no PIE language continues a nominative singular
form *méh1nōs ʻmoonʼ, this reconstruction is confirmed by the fact that
other important names of gods also belong to the same inflectional type,
especially PIE *séh2u̯ōl ʻsun, Sun Godʼ and *h2éu̯s-ōs ‚dawn, Dawn
Goddessʼ with amphikinetic inflection .
The question of where Pre-PGmc . *meh1nṓt- ʻmonthʼ comes from
depends on where Pre-PGmc . *u̯éi̯du̯ōt- ʻwitnessʼ comes from . If
nom .sg . *u̯éi̯du̯ōts is transformed from nom .sg . *u̯éi̯du̯ōs, then
*meh1nōts is transformed from *meh1nōs . The alternative is that both
words are denominal t-stems .
In Europe, the difference in gender between the moon and the sun
depends on the climate. They are inversely related to each other. Abstract 2: Abstract: The development from Middle Hittite tuhhuī- c . (/tuχwī́
-/)
‘smoke’ to New Hittite tuhhuwāi- (/tuχwā́i-/) shows that some āi-stems
are probably reshaped from old oxytone i-stems . Therefore sakuttai
(/sagwtā́i/) ‘thighs’ may stem from older *sogwtī́
. Because of Vedic
sákthi- n. ‘thigh’, Repanšek (2022: 321) reconstructed a neuter dual
*segʷt-íh₁ . Now Hitt . sakuttai (/sagwtā́i/) can be derived from basically
the same dual form, assuming that the transformation *sogwtī́ →
*sogwtṓi is older than the sound law ti > tsi . The neuter dual fell together
with the collective . In analogy to this process, developments like
tuhhuī- → tuhhuwāi- took place . The entire type of “ai-stems” has long
diphthongs.
Tavet Tat Satyam Studies in Honor of Jared S. Klein on the Occasion of His Seventieth Birthday, ed. A.M. Byrd e.a., 2016
Zusammenfassend ergibt sich, dass der Feuergott *Agni- wahrscheinlich bereits in urindoiranischer... more Zusammenfassend ergibt sich, dass der Feuergott *Agni- wahrscheinlich bereits in urindoiranischer Zeit neben seiner Funktion als Gott des Wald- und Steppenbrandes auch diejenige als Gott des Herdfeuers mit übernommen hatte. Der Teil der Indoiranier, der zur Mitte des zweiten Jahrtausends in Obermesopotamien und Nordsyrien das Reich von
Mitanni gründete, brachte den Kult des Gottes dorthin mit. Im 15. Jahrhundert dürfte er dort von Luwiern übernommen worden sein, und zwar wahrscheinlich in Kizzuwatna, der kilikischen Ebene. Dadurch erscheint er als dAgni- in hethitischen Texten, wo er offenbar
mit dem babylonischen Gott Nergal gleichgesetzt ist. Es gibt Hinweise auf seine Funktion als Gott des Steppenbrandes, dagegen nicht als Herdfeuer. Die Möglichkeit, dass die Hethiter oder Luwier den Gott direkt aus dem Urindogermanischen ererbt haben, besteht aus lautlichen Gründen nicht.
Der altindische Mythos von Pururavas und Urvasi im Vergleich mit dem griechischen von Peleus und Thetis., 2006
There are two very different traditons of the Vedic myth of Pururavas and Urvasi in the Satapatha... more There are two very different traditons of the Vedic myth of Pururavas and Urvasi in the Satapatha-Brahmana and the recently new-found vadhula-Anvakhyana. with exception of the beginning of the story, a common vedic proto-myth can be reconstructed out of them. One further riddle rests to be solved: the exposing of children documented in the versions of the Vadhüla-Anväkhyäna and the Baudhäyana-Srautasütra. Here the Greek myth of Thetis and Peleus can be compared for explanation. By doing this we can try to reconstruct a new variant of the predecessor of our Vedic myth, a myth that could well be of common Indo-European origin.
Zurück zur Wurzel Struktur, Funktion und Semantik der Wurzel im Indogermanischen Akten der 15. Fachtagung der Indogermanischen Gesellschaft vom 13. bis 16. September 2016 in Wien, 2022
An attempt is made to show that in Proto-Indo-European there was not
only one adjectival suffix ... more An attempt is made to show that in Proto-Indo-European there was not
only one adjectival suffix *-wVnt- but two. One had possessive meaning while the other one was comparative. The comparative one had o-grade (*wont-/-wnt-, cf. Gr. τέως ‘until’) and was derived from pronominal stems. The PIE suffix *-wo- originally had contrastive function, e. g. *ki-wó- ‘being on this side’ > ved. sivá- ‘intimate, friendly’. When enlarged by individualizing *-(e)nt-, it gave rise to a longer suffix *-wont- of comparative meaning. This comparative suffix is also the origin of the Vedic adverbial zero grade suffix -vat. The possessive suffix *-went-/wnt-, on the other hand, was probably derived from the originally possessive suffix *wen/wn-. It appears also as *-won-. The derivation was made by means of the suffix *-(e)t- that can be found e. g. in Lat. locuples ‘rich’, too. Contrary to this base, the possessive suffix *-went-/wnt- mostly avoided o-grade. The reason for this was possibly to keep it separate from the comparative
suffix *-wont-.
Syntaktikós. Studien zur historischen Syntax, Pragmatik und Etymologie der indogermanischen Sprachen. Gedenkschrift für Heinrich Hettrich , 2022
The meaning of some words is defined more precisely. It is also shown that rivers were always fem... more The meaning of some words is defined more precisely. It is also shown that rivers were always feminine in Proto-Indo-European and were revered as mothers.
Indogermanische Forschungen 122, 2017
The suffix *-wó- was originally denominative and had oppositional function but was normally not u... more The suffix *-wó- was originally denominative and had oppositional function but was normally not used for space terms. After the PIE period, it became productive in the Northwest-Indo-European languages for the purpose of forming color terms.
»dat ih dir it nu bi huldi gibu« Linguistische, germanistische und indogermanistische Studien Rosemarie Lühr gewidmet (ed. S.Neri e.a.), 2016
Sowohl ai. yóni- als auch av. yaona- bedeuten primär ‚Mutterschoß‘.
Münchener Studien zur Sprachwissenschaft 74/1, 2021
The word kunistayalla/i- is probably Luwian and means
‘love affair with a woman of lower social s... more The word kunistayalla/i- is probably Luwian and means
‘love affair with a woman of lower social status’. Its word formation
could have started with *gwnis-tó-, a derivation of *gwén-is n.
‘woman’, built by the same suffix as *h1sér-is n. ‘woman’. The latter
may be the indirect base of Younger Avestan hāirišī- ‘woman’ via
Vr̥ddhi derivation. The original base of the Luwian Kunustalla-goddesses is probably *gwén-us n. ‘woman’.
Münchener Studien zur Sprachwissenschaft 61, 2001
The name Anahita means 'the unbound one' (with T. Goto:). The goddess got her name because of her... more The name Anahita means 'the unbound one' (with T. Goto:). The goddess got her name because of her original nature as a torrential river.
Indo-Iranian Journal 45, 2002
(Zusammen mit Peter Jackson) An attempt is made to reconstruct a Proto-Indo-Iranian legend, mainl... more (Zusammen mit Peter Jackson) An attempt is made to reconstruct a Proto-Indo-Iranian legend, mainly on the basis of a passage in the Avestan Ardvrsur-Yast (Yt. 5,61 f.) and a so fair misinterpreted RVedic verse (1,115,5). The Iegend seems to involve a hero named *Traitana who rescues a devout mortal from water by killing a hostile creature (*da:sa-).
lyuke wmer ra Indo-European Studies in Honor of Georges-Jean Pinault, 2021
svanc- bedeutet 'sich wölben'.
Farbah. Indo-Iranian and Indo-European Studies in Honor of Sasha Lubotsky., 2018
Der Namen stammt per Dissimilation aus einem PPA *Wi-wa-ws-wás- 'welcher (das Opferfeuer) hat auf... more Der Namen stammt per Dissimilation aus einem PPA *Wi-wa-ws-wás- 'welcher (das Opferfeuer) hat aufleuchten lassen'.
Münchener Studien zur Sprachwissenschaft 73/2, 2020
The translation of Vedic śayú- as ‘orphan’ or ‘fatherless’ has not
been widely accepted. An atte... more The translation of Vedic śayú- as ‘orphan’ or ‘fatherless’ has not
been widely accepted. An attempt is made to show that it is still correct. Its preform *ḱei̯-ú- ,literally ‘the lying one’, meant ‘that which is left behind
(lying in the common bed)’; cf. Greek χήρα ‚widow‘ < *ĝhéh1-reh2 ‘she
who is left behind’ from PIE *ĝhéh1- ‘to leave behind’ (ved. jáhāti)
Maiores philologiae pontes. Festschrift für Michael Meier-Brügger, 2020
Die altnordische Runeninschrift von Eggja betrifft das indogermanische Thema 'die Sonne nicht seh... more Die altnordische Runeninschrift von Eggja betrifft das indogermanische Thema 'die Sonne nicht sehen' = 'tot sein'.
Indogermanische Morphologie in erweiterter Sicht (ed. Florian Sommer e.a.), Innsbruck , 2022
The development from the PIE locative plural in *-su to Luwian multiplicative numbers started fro... more The development from the PIE locative plural in *-su to Luwian multiplicative numbers started from elliptic use, e.g. *trisú 'at three places' or 'in three days'. Luwian /saptaminzu/ means 'seven times' and stems from *saptamiyan + su. Luwian *māw-, later māwa-'four' can possibly be derived from older *may-aw-which is identical with the Hitt. week stem mē(y)aw-of the noun mē(y)u-'four' < *méi ̯-u-(adj.) 'diminished'. The underlying form of the root was *mei ̯-, not *mei ̯h 2-. The relationship between *méi ̯-u-'diminished' and PIE *mi-né-u̯-ti 'diminishes' (Lat. minuō) belongs to the PIE type of *d h éb h-u-'few' : *d h b h-né-u-ti 'makes small, deceives'. The formula 'three and four times' is common to Hieroglyphic and Cuneiform Luwian, Homer and Latin poetry.
Etymology and the European Lexicon. Proceedings of the 14th Fachtagung der Indogermanischen Gesellschaft, 17–22 September 2012, Copenhagen, 2016
An attempt is made to show that the inflexion of neuter nouns with nom.acc. *-s and gen. *-s-n-es... more An attempt is made to show that the inflexion of neuter nouns with nom.acc. *-s and gen. *-s-n-es, *-s-n-os, like Vedic dós ‘forearm’ with gen.abl. doṣ-ṇ-áḥ and Proto-Hittite *hars with gen. harsnas ‘head’, is of Proto-Indo-European age. The inflexion of neuter nouns in nom.acc. *-i and gen. *-n-es, *-n-os, like Vedic ásthi with gen.abl. asthnás ‘bone’ and Proto-Hitt. *pḗr-i (or *péri) with gen. parnas ‘house’, is probably inherited,
too.
Thema ist die Funktion der hi-Konjugation im Uranatolischen.
Uploads
Papers by Norbert Oettinger
form *méh1nōs ʻmoonʼ, this reconstruction is confirmed by the fact that
other important names of gods also belong to the same inflectional type,
especially PIE *séh2u̯ōl ʻsun, Sun Godʼ and *h2éu̯s-ōs ‚dawn, Dawn
Goddessʼ with amphikinetic inflection .
The question of where Pre-PGmc . *meh1nṓt- ʻmonthʼ comes from
depends on where Pre-PGmc . *u̯éi̯du̯ōt- ʻwitnessʼ comes from . If
nom .sg . *u̯éi̯du̯ōts is transformed from nom .sg . *u̯éi̯du̯ōs, then
*meh1nōts is transformed from *meh1nōs . The alternative is that both
words are denominal t-stems .
In Europe, the difference in gender between the moon and the sun
depends on the climate. They are inversely related to each other. Abstract 2: Abstract: The development from Middle Hittite tuhhuī- c . (/tuχwī́
-/)
‘smoke’ to New Hittite tuhhuwāi- (/tuχwā́i-/) shows that some āi-stems
are probably reshaped from old oxytone i-stems . Therefore sakuttai
(/sagwtā́i/) ‘thighs’ may stem from older *sogwtī́
. Because of Vedic
sákthi- n. ‘thigh’, Repanšek (2022: 321) reconstructed a neuter dual
*segʷt-íh₁ . Now Hitt . sakuttai (/sagwtā́i/) can be derived from basically
the same dual form, assuming that the transformation *sogwtī́ →
*sogwtṓi is older than the sound law ti > tsi . The neuter dual fell together
with the collective . In analogy to this process, developments like
tuhhuī- → tuhhuwāi- took place . The entire type of “ai-stems” has long
diphthongs.
Mitanni gründete, brachte den Kult des Gottes dorthin mit. Im 15. Jahrhundert dürfte er dort von Luwiern übernommen worden sein, und zwar wahrscheinlich in Kizzuwatna, der kilikischen Ebene. Dadurch erscheint er als dAgni- in hethitischen Texten, wo er offenbar
mit dem babylonischen Gott Nergal gleichgesetzt ist. Es gibt Hinweise auf seine Funktion als Gott des Steppenbrandes, dagegen nicht als Herdfeuer. Die Möglichkeit, dass die Hethiter oder Luwier den Gott direkt aus dem Urindogermanischen ererbt haben, besteht aus lautlichen Gründen nicht.
only one adjectival suffix *-wVnt- but two. One had possessive meaning while the other one was comparative. The comparative one had o-grade (*wont-/-wnt-, cf. Gr. τέως ‘until’) and was derived from pronominal stems. The PIE suffix *-wo- originally had contrastive function, e. g. *ki-wó- ‘being on this side’ > ved. sivá- ‘intimate, friendly’. When enlarged by individualizing *-(e)nt-, it gave rise to a longer suffix *-wont- of comparative meaning. This comparative suffix is also the origin of the Vedic adverbial zero grade suffix -vat. The possessive suffix *-went-/wnt-, on the other hand, was probably derived from the originally possessive suffix *wen/wn-. It appears also as *-won-. The derivation was made by means of the suffix *-(e)t- that can be found e. g. in Lat. locuples ‘rich’, too. Contrary to this base, the possessive suffix *-went-/wnt- mostly avoided o-grade. The reason for this was possibly to keep it separate from the comparative
suffix *-wont-.
‘love affair with a woman of lower social status’. Its word formation
could have started with *gwnis-tó-, a derivation of *gwén-is n.
‘woman’, built by the same suffix as *h1sér-is n. ‘woman’. The latter
may be the indirect base of Younger Avestan hāirišī- ‘woman’ via
Vr̥ddhi derivation. The original base of the Luwian Kunustalla-goddesses is probably *gwén-us n. ‘woman’.
been widely accepted. An attempt is made to show that it is still correct. Its preform *ḱei̯-ú- ,literally ‘the lying one’, meant ‘that which is left behind
(lying in the common bed)’; cf. Greek χήρα ‚widow‘ < *ĝhéh1-reh2 ‘she
who is left behind’ from PIE *ĝhéh1- ‘to leave behind’ (ved. jáhāti)
too.
form *méh1nōs ʻmoonʼ, this reconstruction is confirmed by the fact that
other important names of gods also belong to the same inflectional type,
especially PIE *séh2u̯ōl ʻsun, Sun Godʼ and *h2éu̯s-ōs ‚dawn, Dawn
Goddessʼ with amphikinetic inflection .
The question of where Pre-PGmc . *meh1nṓt- ʻmonthʼ comes from
depends on where Pre-PGmc . *u̯éi̯du̯ōt- ʻwitnessʼ comes from . If
nom .sg . *u̯éi̯du̯ōts is transformed from nom .sg . *u̯éi̯du̯ōs, then
*meh1nōts is transformed from *meh1nōs . The alternative is that both
words are denominal t-stems .
In Europe, the difference in gender between the moon and the sun
depends on the climate. They are inversely related to each other. Abstract 2: Abstract: The development from Middle Hittite tuhhuī- c . (/tuχwī́
-/)
‘smoke’ to New Hittite tuhhuwāi- (/tuχwā́i-/) shows that some āi-stems
are probably reshaped from old oxytone i-stems . Therefore sakuttai
(/sagwtā́i/) ‘thighs’ may stem from older *sogwtī́
. Because of Vedic
sákthi- n. ‘thigh’, Repanšek (2022: 321) reconstructed a neuter dual
*segʷt-íh₁ . Now Hitt . sakuttai (/sagwtā́i/) can be derived from basically
the same dual form, assuming that the transformation *sogwtī́ →
*sogwtṓi is older than the sound law ti > tsi . The neuter dual fell together
with the collective . In analogy to this process, developments like
tuhhuī- → tuhhuwāi- took place . The entire type of “ai-stems” has long
diphthongs.
Mitanni gründete, brachte den Kult des Gottes dorthin mit. Im 15. Jahrhundert dürfte er dort von Luwiern übernommen worden sein, und zwar wahrscheinlich in Kizzuwatna, der kilikischen Ebene. Dadurch erscheint er als dAgni- in hethitischen Texten, wo er offenbar
mit dem babylonischen Gott Nergal gleichgesetzt ist. Es gibt Hinweise auf seine Funktion als Gott des Steppenbrandes, dagegen nicht als Herdfeuer. Die Möglichkeit, dass die Hethiter oder Luwier den Gott direkt aus dem Urindogermanischen ererbt haben, besteht aus lautlichen Gründen nicht.
only one adjectival suffix *-wVnt- but two. One had possessive meaning while the other one was comparative. The comparative one had o-grade (*wont-/-wnt-, cf. Gr. τέως ‘until’) and was derived from pronominal stems. The PIE suffix *-wo- originally had contrastive function, e. g. *ki-wó- ‘being on this side’ > ved. sivá- ‘intimate, friendly’. When enlarged by individualizing *-(e)nt-, it gave rise to a longer suffix *-wont- of comparative meaning. This comparative suffix is also the origin of the Vedic adverbial zero grade suffix -vat. The possessive suffix *-went-/wnt-, on the other hand, was probably derived from the originally possessive suffix *wen/wn-. It appears also as *-won-. The derivation was made by means of the suffix *-(e)t- that can be found e. g. in Lat. locuples ‘rich’, too. Contrary to this base, the possessive suffix *-went-/wnt- mostly avoided o-grade. The reason for this was possibly to keep it separate from the comparative
suffix *-wont-.
‘love affair with a woman of lower social status’. Its word formation
could have started with *gwnis-tó-, a derivation of *gwén-is n.
‘woman’, built by the same suffix as *h1sér-is n. ‘woman’. The latter
may be the indirect base of Younger Avestan hāirišī- ‘woman’ via
Vr̥ddhi derivation. The original base of the Luwian Kunustalla-goddesses is probably *gwén-us n. ‘woman’.
been widely accepted. An attempt is made to show that it is still correct. Its preform *ḱei̯-ú- ,literally ‘the lying one’, meant ‘that which is left behind
(lying in the common bed)’; cf. Greek χήρα ‚widow‘ < *ĝhéh1-reh2 ‘she
who is left behind’ from PIE *ĝhéh1- ‘to leave behind’ (ved. jáhāti)
too.