Nicea andata e ritorno. Traiettorie di un Concilio a cura di C. Curzel - M. Girolami, in "Studia Patavina" 71, 2 , 2024
Pro-Nicene lay parrhesia. The dispute between the layman Heraclian and his bishop. The translatio... more Pro-Nicene lay parrhesia. The dispute between the layman Heraclian and his bishop. The translation of the quarrel between the pro-Nicene layman Heraclian and Germinius bishop of the Illyrian Sirmium gives a view of militant biblical exegesis and Trinitarian theology beside being a picturesque and embarrassing document of ecclesial chronicle where we can find the paradigmatic substance of similar episodes happening in the Illyrian area during the Arian controversy. An example is the paradigmatic protest of Martin of Sabaria. Here the laypeople became charismatic witnesses of a sincere Nicene spirituality thanks to their simplicity and the rusticity of their faith and nature. This sincere Nicene spirituality is like the one defended in Aquileia by the bishop Fortunatianus with Athanasius.
La traduzione della disputa fra il laico filoniceno Eracliano e il vescovo della illirica Sirmium, Germinio, divulga un pittoresco documento di cronaca ecclesiale – ma anche di esegesi biblica e teologia trinitaria militanti – dal quale si può ricavare la sostanza paradigmatica di episodi analoghi durante la controversia ariana specialmente in area illirica, come per esempio le contestazioni fatte da Martino da Sabaria, dove questi laici, in forza della loro “semplicità” – ovvero “rusticità” – dottrinale e di indole, si rendevano carismaticamente trasparenti di una spiritualità cristiana incompatibile con dottrine diverse dalla nicena, difesa in Aquileia – con Atanasio – dal vescovo Fortunaziano.
Recensione al volume di poesie in lingua friulana "Secuence di scrituris" di don Pietro Biasatti ... more Recensione al volume di poesie in lingua friulana "Secuence di scrituris" di don Pietro Biasatti (ed. Ribis, Basaldella), parroco di S. Giorgio Maggiore in borgo Grazzano a Udine (Friuli, Italia).
BRATOŽ, R., Scontri e incontri di popoli fra Aquileia e Illirico nel Tardoantico (Studi e ricerche per la storia della Chiesa in Friuli, 4), Udine (Istituto Pio Paschini - Forum) 2021 (1ère réimpression, 2022), 896 pp., 2022
Soin et adaptation du texte et des notes pour l’édition italienne par Alessio PERSIC et Sandro PI... more Soin et adaptation du texte et des notes pour l’édition italienne par Alessio PERSIC et Sandro PIUSSI
Benedizione dell'acqua nella vigilia dell'Epifania, Udine (Centro di Pastorale liturgica - Arcidiocesi di Udine), 1990
Rituale rinnovato della benedizione dell'acqua e del sale praticata in Friuli nella vigilia dell'... more Rituale rinnovato della benedizione dell'acqua e del sale praticata in Friuli nella vigilia dell'Epifania secondo la tradizione liturgica patriarcale aquileiese (con succinta introduzione storica).
Renewed ritual of the blessing of water and salt practiced in Friuli on the eve of the Epiphany according to the Aquileian patriarchal liturgical tradition (with a short historical introduction).
G. CUSCITO (ed.), Aquileia e l’Oriente mediterraneo quarant’anni dopo (XLVII Settimana di Studi aquleiesi, 5-7 maggio 2016) (Antichità Alto Adriatiche, 86), Trieste, pp. 203 - 216, 2017
Negli ultimi quarant’anni molti progressi nella conoscenza della teologia, liturgia e spiritualit... more Negli ultimi quarant’anni molti progressi nella conoscenza della teologia, liturgia e spiritualità di Aquileia cristiana si devono all’acquisizione di nuove fonti letterarie e alla conseguente possibilità di supporre precisi influssi dall’oriente asiano, siriaco ed egiziano fin dal s. II, la cui persistenza appare chiaramente riconoscibile fin oltre il s. IV, quando l’interscambio culturale con il Vicino Oriente è vivacemente nutrito dalla presenza in quei luoghi di personalità aquileiesi innovative e internazionalmente influenti, nonché da relazioni intrattenute dall’episcopato aquileiese con i centri e gli esponenti di maggiore spicco della complessa realtà delle Chiese di lingua greca.
In the recent forty years many advances in knowledge of theology, liturgy and spirituality of Christian Aquileia are due to the discovery of new literary sources and to the consequent identification of specific influences from Asia Minor, Syria and Egypt up from the second century: their persistence is clearly recognizable until after the fourth century, when the cultural exchange with the Near East is briskly nourished by the presence there of innovative and internationally influential Aquileian personalities, as well as by the relations entertained by the bishops of Aquileia with the centers and the most outstanding exponents of the complex reality of the Churches of Greek language.
P. BOUCHERON, S. GIOANNI (éds.), La mémoire d'Ambroise de Milan. Usages politiques et sociaux d’une autorité patristique en Italie (Ve-XVIIIe siècle) (coll. Histoire ancienne et médiévale), Rome – Paris (Publications de la Sorbonne - École Française de Rome), pp. 261-297 [ISBN: 978-2-7283-1131-6], 2015
Ambrose’s Nachleben in the writers of Aquileia is here shown as in a diptych: on one side, Rufinu... more Ambrose’s Nachleben in the writers of Aquileia is here shown as in a diptych: on one side, Rufinus of Aquileia in his Expositio Symboli mounts a polite but frank defence of some differences in wording and concepts of the local Creed from Roman Creed against the rejection of them that the bishop of Milan declared in his Explanatio Symboli; on the other, the Carolingian hymn writer Pauline of Aquileia imitates – but like in a recantation – the authoritative Ambrosian hymn in honour of Sts. Peter and Paul, in order to mitigate the pre-eminent exaltation of Peter and so to get around the hot topic of judicial supremacy at that time claimed by the Roman Pope on the secular power.
A.Z. KIŠ, I. SABOTIČ, Putovima europske nematerijalne baštine u 21. Stoljeću: sv. Martin, simbol dijeljenja – Sur les chemins européens du patrimoine immatériel au XXIème siècle: Sain Martin, symbole du partage, Zagreb, pp. 75-95, 2016
Monasticism of Aquileia: the little known Illyrian side of Saint Martin from Sabaria bishop of To... more Monasticism of Aquileia: the little known Illyrian side of Saint Martin from Sabaria bishop of Tours.
Hints of Aquileian Historiography from Sts. Felix and Fortunatus’s « Most Reliable » Passio: Pre-... more Hints of Aquileian Historiography from Sts. Felix and Fortunatus’s « Most Reliable » Passio: Pre-martyrdom Monasticism and Judeo-Christian Devotion to Archangel Michael. The Passion of the Aquileian martyrs Felix and Fortunatus provides documentary evidence to the beginnings of monasticism in Western Europe with a good historical reliability as other literary sources both older and coeval can testify. It betrays a Christian spirituality characterized by firm and tenacious ties with the Jewish matrix which has determined its ways of ritual prayer and its feelings against idolatry.
B. JUDIC, R. BECK, Chr. BOUSQUET-LABOUÉRIE, E. LORANS (éds.), Un Nouveau Martin. Essor et renouveaux de la figure de saint Martin (IVe-XXIe siècle) (Perspectives historiques), Tours, 63-84, 2019
La découverte d’une tradition illyrienne indépendante sur St. Martin nous amène à souligner que l... more La découverte d’une tradition illyrienne indépendante sur St. Martin nous amène à souligner que la «patrie» que Martin a reconnu comme sa propre était en fait la région illyrienne-pannonienne, exposée à la mission chrétienne d’Aquilée et au moins depuis le milieu du IIIe siècle touchée par le phénomène fréquent de ceux qui quittaient la compagnie des hommes et devenaient ermites: ces sécessions dans les campagnes incultes étaient conçues comme une préparation au martyre. Martin subissait leur attrait déjà à Sabaria, dans les années de sa conversion à l’Évangile de l’Église selon la tradition d’Aquilée, comme il est démontré par les traits caractéristiques de sa spiritualité. Quand alors il commença sa vie d’anachorète en dehors des murs de Milan, pour en promouvoir finalement l’imitation en Gaule, son style monastique perpétua le modèle archaïque des ‘monastères’ / ‘tabernacles’ préconstantiniens qui l’avaient ravi dans la patrie de son adolescence.
The evidence of an independent Illyrian tradition about Martin leads us to point out that the homeland (patria) recognized by Martin himself as his own was in fact the Illyrian-Pannonian region, exposed to the evangelizing action of Aquileia and affected – at least since the mid-third century – by the widespread phenomenon of hermitical secessions from urban civilization, with the purpose of a preparation for martyrdom. St. Martin felt drawn to them already as a young boy during his stay in Sabaria, while adhering to Christianity preached according to the tradition of Aquileia, as it is revealed by some characteristic features of his spirituality; so when, returning from his patria, he undertook outside the walls of Milan the anachoresis that finally he propagated in Gaul, his monastic style, however, perpetuated the archaic model of these pre-Constantinian monasteria / tabernacula he had admired in his own region of birth, not far from Aquileia.
P.F. BEATRICE, A. PERŠIČ (éds.), Chromatius of Aquileia and his Age. Proceedings of the International Conference held in Aquileia, 22-24 May 2008 (Instrumenta Patristica et Mediaevalia, 57), Turnhout, 517-645., 2011
Focolai di ‘eresia’ in Aquileia a metà del secolo V. Il Libellus fidei aquileiese del 418. Rufino... more Focolai di ‘eresia’ in Aquileia a metà del secolo V. Il Libellus fidei aquileiese del 418. Rufino ‘pelagiano’ ante litteram? Elementi di plausibilità dell’accusa geronimiana nel contesto mentale del suo antiorigenismo. Libero arbitrio e battesimo nelle 'Recognitiones' di Rufino. Una rete aquileiese di accondiscendenze ‘propelagiane’… La spiritualità ‘misericordiosa’ di Martino da Sabaria, monaco e vescovo di Tours. Da Ireneo a Cromazio: il paradigma antropologico e soteriologico di Adamo, che da soggetto di colpa si fa oggetto di misericordia. Cromazio: il tratto spirituale della ‘condiscendenza’. Da Cromazio a Pelagio…
Hotbeds of ‘heresy’ in Aquileia in the mid-fifth century. The Aquileian Libellus fidei of 418. Rufinus ‘Pelagian’ ante litteram? Elements of plausibility of the accusation of Hieronymus in the mental context of his anti-Origenism. Free will and baptism in Rufinus’ 'Recognitiones'. An Aquileian network of ‘Propelagian’ indulgences… The ‘merciful’ spirituality of Martin of Sabaria, monk and bishop of Tours. From Irenaeus to Chromatius: the anthropological and soteriological paradigm of Adam, who from a subject of guilt becomes an object of mercy. Chromatius: the spiritual trait of ‘condescension’. From Chromatius to Pelagius…
L.J. DORFBAUER (éd.), V. ZIMMERL-PANAGL (coéd.), “Fortunatianus redivivus”: Bischof Fortunatian von Aquileia und sein Evangelienkommentar (Corpus Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum Latinorum, extra seriem), Berlin-Boston, 307-324, 2017
Fortunaziano: organico testimone della tradizione 'aquileiese'? A quale titolo un antico autore c... more Fortunaziano: organico testimone della tradizione 'aquileiese'? A quale titolo un antico autore cristiano latino può essere definito 'aquileiese'? Al di là di dati estrinseci, come la nascita o l'attività entro l'area geografica della giurisdizione o dell'ancora più ampia influenza economica e culturale di Aquileia (X Regio dioclezianea, Pannonia, Norico, Illirico occidentale), possono essere riconosciuti nell'opera di taluni autori, o nelle fonti concernenti taluni personaggi, elementi dotati-per così dire-di energia tassonomica, cioè la cui presenza cangiante, ma ricorrente, legittimi la loro qualifica di 'aquileiesi'? La loro classificazione come 'aquileiesi', precisandone più distintamente la peculiare identità storica, equivarrebbe quindi al riconoscimento di uno sottoinsieme 'aquileiese' dell'antica cultura cristiana in Occidente, la cui specificità teologica-letteraria risulti in ultima analisi da una comune spiritualità: cioè da una fede cristiana tale quale organicamente e originalmente si espresse in uno spazio e in un tempo determinati. Ne deriverebbe quindi l'utilità di riuscire a cogliere più lucidamente anche certi legami prima forse quasi insospettati, eppure altamente significativi, fra aree di tradizione di fede vaste e apparentemente distanti, come fra l'ambito aquileiese e l'ambito gallico.
By what right can an ancient Latin Christian author be defined as ‘Aquileian’? Beyond extrinsic data, such as birth or activity within the geographical area of the jurisdiction or of the even broader economic and cultural influence of Aquileia (X Regio of Diocletian, Pannonia, Noricum, Western Illyricum), can elements be recognized in the work of certain authors, or in the sources concerning certain characters, endowed – so to speak – with taxonomic energy, that is, whose changing but recurrent presence legitimizes their qualification as ‘Aquileian’? Their classification as ‘Aquileian’, specifying more distinctly their peculiar historical identity, would therefore be equivalent to the recognition of an ‘Aquileian’ subset of the ancient Christian culture in the West, whose theological-literary specificity ultimately results from a common spirituality: that is, from a Christian faith such as it was organically and originally expressed in a specific space and time. It would therefore be useful to be able to grasp more clearly certain connections that were perhaps almost unsuspected before, yet highly significant, between vast and apparently distant areas of faith tradition, such as between the Aquileian area and the Gallic area.
B. JUDIC, R. BECK, Chr. BOUSQUET-LABOUÉRIE, E. LORANS (éds.), Un Nouveau Martin. Essor et renouveaux de la figure de saint Martin (IVe-XXIe siècle) (Perspectives historiques), Tours, pp. 63-84., 2019
Au fil des siècles, le culte de saint Martin n'a cessé de se répandre à travers l'Europe et au-de... more Au fil des siècles, le culte de saint Martin n'a cessé de se répandre à travers l'Europe et au-delà. Le contexte de l'empire romain du IVe siècle a laissé placé à des situations complètement nouvelles, le royaume de Clovis, le royaume lombard, l'empire de Charlemagne, les Capétiens, les Habsbourgs, et jusqu'aux querelles idéologiques du XIX e siècle. Pourtant le culte du saint s'est toujours renouvelé. Martin missionnaire à Braga au VI e siècle, Anschaire missionnaire chez les Scandinaves au IX e siècle, Matthieu d'Albano grand ami de Pierre le Vénérable au XII e siècle, sont autant de « nouveau Martin ». Parallèlement un riche folklore enraciné dans les campagnes, contribue à maintenir vivante la tradition des fêtes de novembre, même apparemment sans référence chrétienne. A travers différentes disciplines, histoire, archéologie, histoire de l'art, théologie, ethnologie, différentes littératures et différents espaces, de l'Italie à l'Irlande, de la Scandinavie à la Galice, ce livre poursuit les avatars de la figure martinienne. De puissants investissements théologiques, chez Sulpice Sévère, comme au XVII e siècle ou au XXI e siècle, accompagnent des traditions, célèbres ici et méconnues ailleurs, autour de l'oie, des châtaignes ou du vin, et contribuent à produire, à chaque époque, un «nouveau Martin ».
G. CUSCITO (éd.), Aquileia. Una fortuna lunga più di duemila anni (Antichità Altoadriatiche 91), Trieste (Editreg) 2019, pp. 89-103 [ISBN 978-88-3349-025-0], 2019
Riscoperti i Commenti ai Vangeli di Fortunaziano nella loro integralità, è ora possibile valutarn... more Riscoperti i Commenti ai Vangeli di Fortunaziano nella loro integralità, è ora possibile valutarne appieno la teologia, il metodo esegetico e la lingua: dai primi scandagli risulta che il primo Padre aquileiese va riconosciuto in perfetta sintonia con la tradizionale spiritualità della sua Chiesa, innestata sullo stesso kérygma predicato da Ireneo in Gallia e, dopo Fortunaziano, documentata – anche in dipendenza di lui - da Cromazio, Gerolamo e Rufino.
Having rediscovered Fortunatianus' Commentaries on the Gospels in their entirety, it is now possible to fully evaluate their theology, exegetical method and language: from the first investigations it appears that the first Aquileian Father must be recognized as being in perfect harmony with the traditional spirituality of his Church, grafted onto the same kerygma preached by Irenaeus in Gaul and, after Fortunatianus, documented - also in dependence on him - by Chromatius, Jerome and Rufinus.
A. CEDILNIK, M. LOVENJAK (éds.), Na obzorju novega. Območje severnega Jadrana ter vzhodnoalpski in balkansko-podonavski prostor v obdobju pozne antike in zgodnjega srednjega veka. Posvečeno Rajku Bratožu ob njegovi sedemdesetletnici, Ljubljana (Znanstvena založba Filozofske fakultete Univerze v L..., 2022
Il saggio raccoglie ed esamina fonti patristiche e documenti medievali e moderni circa la persist... more Il saggio raccoglie ed esamina fonti patristiche e documenti medievali e moderni circa la persistenza nella cristianità aquileiese e quindi nel Friuli storico (corrispondente alle Arcidiocesi di Udine e di Gorizia, alla Diocesi di Concordia ed aree limitrofe) di forme di osservanza sabbataria di ascendenza giudeocristiana, fra le quali la diffusa venerazione popolare di ‘Santa Sabida’ (frl. Sante Sabide) costituisce nelle campagne una caratteristica e curiosa manifestazione.
The essay collects and examines patristic sources and medieval and modern documents about the persistence in Aquileian Christianity and therefore in historical Friuli (corresponding to the Archdioceses of Udine and Gorizia, the Diocese of Concordia and surrounding areas) of forms of Sabbatarian observance of Judeo-Christian origin, among which the widespread popular veneration of ‘Santa Sabida’ (frl. Sante Sabide) constitutes a characteristic and curious manifestation in the countryside.
«La Voce degli Stelliniani» [Udine] 12,2 (2023) 21-24
Una presentazione dell'arte poetica di san Paolino II patriarca di Aquileia.
A presentation of ... more Una presentazione dell'arte poetica di san Paolino II patriarca di Aquileia.
A presentation of the poetic art of the Patriarch of Aquileia, Saint Paulinus II.
LUSUARDI SIENA Silvia, AIROLDI Filippo, SPALLA Elena (edd.), Milano. Piazza Duomo prima del Duomo. La cattedrale di Santa Tecla perduta e ritrovata. Archeologia del complesso episcopale milanese, Cinisello Balsamo (SilvanaEditoriale), 894 pp., 77-95 (ISBN 9788836641819) , 2023
È qui raccolta narrativamente – e in gran parte tradotta – una serie di fonti di genere letterari... more È qui raccolta narrativamente – e in gran parte tradotta – una serie di fonti di genere letterario particolarmente utile, per la qualità visiva della sua parola, a ricomporre la rappresentazione delle vicissitudini materiali della Chiesa a Milano nelle loro ripercussioni teologico-culturali e perfino emotive, dal tempo delle devastazioni unne fino alla ‘rinascita’ in età teodoriciana, sotto l’episcopato di Lorenzo I (489-512), alla cui opera restauratrice validamente collaborò Ennodio (474-521), retore-teologo e, soprattutto, poeta: funzione quanto mai appropriata al ministero diaconale di cui era insignito. Here is a collection of literary sources that is particularly useful, due to the visual quality of its words, in reconstructing the representation of the material vicissitudes of the Church in Milan in their theological-cultural and even emotional repercussions, from the time of the Hunnic devastations to the ‘rebirth’ in the Theodoric age, under the episcopate of Lorenzo I (489-512), in whose restoration work Ennodius (474-521), a rhetorician-theologian and, above all, a poet, collaborated validly: a function that was ever more appropriate to the diaconal ministry with which he was invested.
T. Denecker / M. Lamberigts / G. Partoens / P. Swiggers / T. Van Hal (eds), Language and Culture in Early Christianity: A Companion. Leuven: Peeters., 2017
De Victorin de Ptuj à Fortunatien et Chromace d'Aquilée le choix du registre linguistique de la r... more De Victorin de Ptuj à Fortunatien et Chromace d'Aquilée le choix du registre linguistique de la rusticitas dans communication verbale de contenus homilétiques-exégétiques correspond en général soit au but d'en assurer une meilleure compréhension par le public visé soit au soin de les exprimer dans le strict respect des styles de la ‘simplicité catholique’, c’est-à-dire étrangers à la complication des discours de l’hérésie. Dans les auteurs cités, actifs dans le vaste milieu d’Aquilée chrétienne, la rusticitas intentionnelle du langage se manifeste à différents degrés d’évidence lexicale et syntaxique, mais toujours de manière à répondre aux exigences d’orthodoxie qui étaient partagées au moins dans la tradition chrétienne locale. Dans le cas de Victorin, écrivain pour qui le grec était la première langue, cette rusticitas est représentée par l'utilisation même de la langue latine dans la publication des traités exégétiques conformés pour la première fois en Occident au genre littéraire déjà porté à la perfection par des auteurs grecs comme Hippolyte et Origène. Jérôme, bien qu’il avouait l’ambition d'émuler les classiques latins, cependant, ne cachait pas sa propre ‘marque aquiléenne’ lorsq’il démontrait appréciation positive de «son» Victorin, non seulement dans la louange que ses œuvres étaient grandia sensibus, mais aussi par la diffusion d'une nouvelle édition à ses soins du commentaire sur l'Apocalypse: il en atténue le millénarisme, mais pas du tout il en embellit le style, bien que dans son De viris illustribus il l’avait jugé «de moindre valeur» que le contenu (opera eius [...] viliora videntur compositione verborum: : HIER. De viris illustribus 74). Jerome même note, cependant, que Fortunatien d'Aquilée – marqué par certains comme detestabilis à cause de la suspicion d’avoir cédé à l'arianisme, quand il était un conseiller du pape romain Libère – brevi sermone et rustico scripsit son commentaire des Évangiles, original et littérairement innovant; toutefois, à la lumière des jugements sur Fortunatien exprimés ailleurs par Jérôme cette qualification de brevitas et de rusticitas apparaît comme une preuve sûre de son orthodoxie d’exégète, non seulement comparable à celle de Victorin, mais aussi– Ambroise ayant été délibérément exclu – à celle d’Hilaire même: Jérôme l’avoue avec une candeur inhabituelle, tout comme il est en train d'exploiter Fortunatien pour accomplir seulement en deux semaines la commission d’un commentaire sur Matthieu: Latinorum, Hilarii, Victorini, Fortunatiani opuscula, e quibus etiam si parva carperem dignum aliquid memoriae scriberetur (HIER. In Matth. praef.). Donc, il ne se souciait pas qu’à quelqu’une de ses amies le vieux exégète aquiléen semblait sensibus hebes et verbis (HIER. Praef. in Orig. hom. in Luc.), puisqu'en définitive hebes certainement équivaut à une connotation de rusticitas, c’est-à-dire de catholicité. La découverte récente et surprenante (2013) du commentaire intégral de Fortunatien dans le code 17 de la Dombibliothek Cologne par Lukas Dorfbauer, qui va à en donner l’édition critique, permet maintenant de mieux déterminer et d'évaluer dans ses implications sociolinguistiques et théologiques la configuration brevis et rustica du style et du vocabulaire de Fortunatien, où les quelques fragments survivants lassaient cependant entrevoir déjà un aperçu d’une franchise didactique et aphoristique, souvent comparable au génie rapide de Victorin. De cette façon, ces deux auteurs semblent impliqués dans les origines de l’inclinaison typique d’Aquilée vers une rusticitas linguistique-littéraire et théologique caractéristique, qui de diverses manières est partagée par les écrivains actifs entre les siècles IIIème - VIIIème dans le milieu qu’on peut nommer lato sensu ‘aquiléen’. Les fréquentes affirmations hiéronimiennes en faveur d’une rusticitas spirituelle et doctrinale tout à fait ‘catholique’ sont reliés, par exemple, à la préférence de Rufin pour le sermo breviatus autant qu’à la simplicité tranquille d’expression qui distingue Chromace en tant que pasteur d’Aquilée est soit dans sa riche homilétique soit dans les Tractatus in Matthaeum, où l’on peut maintenant reconnaître en pleine évidence la contribution de Fortunatien. Par ailleurs Venance Fortunat honora d’un de ses poèmes le pannonien Martin de Brague, qui avait bien insisté sur la nécessité missionnaire de ingentem praeteritorum temporum gestorumque silvam breviato tenuis compendii sermone contingere et cibum rusticis rustico sermone condire. Également cette rusticitas convient tout à fait à l’adhésion de Fortunat au schisme des Trois Chapitres; en fait, la Métropole adriatique en fut reconnue le chef et finalement développa dans ce rôle une conscience de son identité ecclésiale dont la rusticitas était justement la marque: ainsi, la reproche insultante du pape Pélage aux évêques dissidents de Vénétie et Istrie aboutit dans un involontaire monument de cette rusticitas, puisque il les accuse de l’opposer à Rome comme leur «gloire» (in contemptum apostolicarum sedium de sua rusticitate gloriari [PELAGII I PAPAE ep. II; PL 69,395C). Même à l'époque carolingienne, par conséquent, l’adoption innovante du moderne rythme à l’accent tonique dans l’hymnodie ecclésiastique par le patriarche d’Aquilée Paulin II, poète et liturgiste, ne sera pas à évaluer étrangère à l’idiolecte local de l’ancienne rusticitas de la doctrine et de sa communication.
[paper presented in the Conference “Perspectives on Language and Culture in Early Christianity” (Leuven, September 10-12, 2015)
Cultura in Friuli, VIII (Settimana della cultura friulana - Setemane de culture furlane: 5-15 maggio 2022, 18-28 maggio 2023), Udine (Società Filologica Friulana - Societât Filologjiche Furlane), 2024
L’articolo commemora Tarcisio Petracco, ‘padre dell’Università del Friuli’, nel 25° anniversario ... more L’articolo commemora Tarcisio Petracco, ‘padre dell’Università del Friuli’, nel 25° anniversario della dipartita, coincidente con il 50° della costituzione del Comitato per l’Università Friulana, la cui tenace lotta di civiltà portò finalmente, mobilitando l’intero popolo friulano, all’istituzione di un suo ateneo indipendente e completo.
participated as a display of the "harmonious corporate organization of the city." Fenlon views th... more participated as a display of the "harmonious corporate organization of the city." Fenlon views this participation in the context of the expansion of celebration, which had once been limited to a display of ducal authority, and which in the sixteenth century was increasingly placed into the hands of lay men and women. By incorporating lay members of the scuole into the procession, "civic and liturgical acts which were usually associated with ducal authority were able to broaden their audience, which could participate not only passively (by observing) but also actively by walking in the procession, chanting litanies, and singing laude" (169). Fenlon's essay sets into motion an expanded view of the world in which Titian worked. His valuable contribution to our understanding of this context is essential to our understanding of Titian himself. While the texts in this volume are sensitive and respond to some timely interests in art and music history such as David Rosand's "Inventing Mythologies: The Painter's Poetry", and Laurie Schneider Adams' "Iconographic Aspects of the Gaze in Some Paintings by Titian", the overall usefulness of the volume is impaired by the lack of good images. Both figures and plates are black and white, and many are a mere 2"x 3". Further, the works not included in the volume are often referred to merely by location, without other references as to where these images have been published. In spite of this problem, however, the high quality of this Cambridge Companion's essays make a significant contribution to Titian studies, and it will surely be a good reference point for scholars working on Venetian confraternities.
Patrick Boucheron - Stéphane Gioanni, La memoria di Ambrogio di Milano Usi politici di una autorità patristica in Italia (secc. V-XVIII), 2015
Ambrose’s Nachleben in the writers of Aquileia is here shown as in a diptych: on one side, Rufinu... more Ambrose’s Nachleben in the writers of Aquileia is here shown as in a diptych: on one side, Rufinus of Aquileia in his Expositio Symboli mounts a polite but frank defence of some differences in wording and concepts of the local Creed from Roman Creed against the rejection of them that the bishop of Milan declared in his Explanatio Symboli; on the other, the Carolingian hymn writen by Paulinus of Aquileia imitates—but like in a recantation—the authoritative Ambrosian hymn in honour of Sts. Peter and Paul, in order to mitigate the preeminent exaltation of Peter and so to get around the hot topic of judicial supremacy at that time claimed by the Roman Pope on the secular power.
Nicea andata e ritorno. Traiettorie di un Concilio a cura di C. Curzel - M. Girolami, in "Studia Patavina" 71, 2 , 2024
Pro-Nicene lay parrhesia. The dispute between the layman Heraclian and his bishop. The translatio... more Pro-Nicene lay parrhesia. The dispute between the layman Heraclian and his bishop. The translation of the quarrel between the pro-Nicene layman Heraclian and Germinius bishop of the Illyrian Sirmium gives a view of militant biblical exegesis and Trinitarian theology beside being a picturesque and embarrassing document of ecclesial chronicle where we can find the paradigmatic substance of similar episodes happening in the Illyrian area during the Arian controversy. An example is the paradigmatic protest of Martin of Sabaria. Here the laypeople became charismatic witnesses of a sincere Nicene spirituality thanks to their simplicity and the rusticity of their faith and nature. This sincere Nicene spirituality is like the one defended in Aquileia by the bishop Fortunatianus with Athanasius.
La traduzione della disputa fra il laico filoniceno Eracliano e il vescovo della illirica Sirmium, Germinio, divulga un pittoresco documento di cronaca ecclesiale – ma anche di esegesi biblica e teologia trinitaria militanti – dal quale si può ricavare la sostanza paradigmatica di episodi analoghi durante la controversia ariana specialmente in area illirica, come per esempio le contestazioni fatte da Martino da Sabaria, dove questi laici, in forza della loro “semplicità” – ovvero “rusticità” – dottrinale e di indole, si rendevano carismaticamente trasparenti di una spiritualità cristiana incompatibile con dottrine diverse dalla nicena, difesa in Aquileia – con Atanasio – dal vescovo Fortunaziano.
Recensione al volume di poesie in lingua friulana "Secuence di scrituris" di don Pietro Biasatti ... more Recensione al volume di poesie in lingua friulana "Secuence di scrituris" di don Pietro Biasatti (ed. Ribis, Basaldella), parroco di S. Giorgio Maggiore in borgo Grazzano a Udine (Friuli, Italia).
BRATOŽ, R., Scontri e incontri di popoli fra Aquileia e Illirico nel Tardoantico (Studi e ricerche per la storia della Chiesa in Friuli, 4), Udine (Istituto Pio Paschini - Forum) 2021 (1ère réimpression, 2022), 896 pp., 2022
Soin et adaptation du texte et des notes pour l’édition italienne par Alessio PERSIC et Sandro PI... more Soin et adaptation du texte et des notes pour l’édition italienne par Alessio PERSIC et Sandro PIUSSI
Benedizione dell'acqua nella vigilia dell'Epifania, Udine (Centro di Pastorale liturgica - Arcidiocesi di Udine), 1990
Rituale rinnovato della benedizione dell'acqua e del sale praticata in Friuli nella vigilia dell'... more Rituale rinnovato della benedizione dell'acqua e del sale praticata in Friuli nella vigilia dell'Epifania secondo la tradizione liturgica patriarcale aquileiese (con succinta introduzione storica).
Renewed ritual of the blessing of water and salt practiced in Friuli on the eve of the Epiphany according to the Aquileian patriarchal liturgical tradition (with a short historical introduction).
G. CUSCITO (ed.), Aquileia e l’Oriente mediterraneo quarant’anni dopo (XLVII Settimana di Studi aquleiesi, 5-7 maggio 2016) (Antichità Alto Adriatiche, 86), Trieste, pp. 203 - 216, 2017
Negli ultimi quarant’anni molti progressi nella conoscenza della teologia, liturgia e spiritualit... more Negli ultimi quarant’anni molti progressi nella conoscenza della teologia, liturgia e spiritualità di Aquileia cristiana si devono all’acquisizione di nuove fonti letterarie e alla conseguente possibilità di supporre precisi influssi dall’oriente asiano, siriaco ed egiziano fin dal s. II, la cui persistenza appare chiaramente riconoscibile fin oltre il s. IV, quando l’interscambio culturale con il Vicino Oriente è vivacemente nutrito dalla presenza in quei luoghi di personalità aquileiesi innovative e internazionalmente influenti, nonché da relazioni intrattenute dall’episcopato aquileiese con i centri e gli esponenti di maggiore spicco della complessa realtà delle Chiese di lingua greca.
In the recent forty years many advances in knowledge of theology, liturgy and spirituality of Christian Aquileia are due to the discovery of new literary sources and to the consequent identification of specific influences from Asia Minor, Syria and Egypt up from the second century: their persistence is clearly recognizable until after the fourth century, when the cultural exchange with the Near East is briskly nourished by the presence there of innovative and internationally influential Aquileian personalities, as well as by the relations entertained by the bishops of Aquileia with the centers and the most outstanding exponents of the complex reality of the Churches of Greek language.
P. BOUCHERON, S. GIOANNI (éds.), La mémoire d'Ambroise de Milan. Usages politiques et sociaux d’une autorité patristique en Italie (Ve-XVIIIe siècle) (coll. Histoire ancienne et médiévale), Rome – Paris (Publications de la Sorbonne - École Française de Rome), pp. 261-297 [ISBN: 978-2-7283-1131-6], 2015
Ambrose’s Nachleben in the writers of Aquileia is here shown as in a diptych: on one side, Rufinu... more Ambrose’s Nachleben in the writers of Aquileia is here shown as in a diptych: on one side, Rufinus of Aquileia in his Expositio Symboli mounts a polite but frank defence of some differences in wording and concepts of the local Creed from Roman Creed against the rejection of them that the bishop of Milan declared in his Explanatio Symboli; on the other, the Carolingian hymn writer Pauline of Aquileia imitates – but like in a recantation – the authoritative Ambrosian hymn in honour of Sts. Peter and Paul, in order to mitigate the pre-eminent exaltation of Peter and so to get around the hot topic of judicial supremacy at that time claimed by the Roman Pope on the secular power.
A.Z. KIŠ, I. SABOTIČ, Putovima europske nematerijalne baštine u 21. Stoljeću: sv. Martin, simbol dijeljenja – Sur les chemins européens du patrimoine immatériel au XXIème siècle: Sain Martin, symbole du partage, Zagreb, pp. 75-95, 2016
Monasticism of Aquileia: the little known Illyrian side of Saint Martin from Sabaria bishop of To... more Monasticism of Aquileia: the little known Illyrian side of Saint Martin from Sabaria bishop of Tours.
Hints of Aquileian Historiography from Sts. Felix and Fortunatus’s « Most Reliable » Passio: Pre-... more Hints of Aquileian Historiography from Sts. Felix and Fortunatus’s « Most Reliable » Passio: Pre-martyrdom Monasticism and Judeo-Christian Devotion to Archangel Michael. The Passion of the Aquileian martyrs Felix and Fortunatus provides documentary evidence to the beginnings of monasticism in Western Europe with a good historical reliability as other literary sources both older and coeval can testify. It betrays a Christian spirituality characterized by firm and tenacious ties with the Jewish matrix which has determined its ways of ritual prayer and its feelings against idolatry.
B. JUDIC, R. BECK, Chr. BOUSQUET-LABOUÉRIE, E. LORANS (éds.), Un Nouveau Martin. Essor et renouveaux de la figure de saint Martin (IVe-XXIe siècle) (Perspectives historiques), Tours, 63-84, 2019
La découverte d’une tradition illyrienne indépendante sur St. Martin nous amène à souligner que l... more La découverte d’une tradition illyrienne indépendante sur St. Martin nous amène à souligner que la «patrie» que Martin a reconnu comme sa propre était en fait la région illyrienne-pannonienne, exposée à la mission chrétienne d’Aquilée et au moins depuis le milieu du IIIe siècle touchée par le phénomène fréquent de ceux qui quittaient la compagnie des hommes et devenaient ermites: ces sécessions dans les campagnes incultes étaient conçues comme une préparation au martyre. Martin subissait leur attrait déjà à Sabaria, dans les années de sa conversion à l’Évangile de l’Église selon la tradition d’Aquilée, comme il est démontré par les traits caractéristiques de sa spiritualité. Quand alors il commença sa vie d’anachorète en dehors des murs de Milan, pour en promouvoir finalement l’imitation en Gaule, son style monastique perpétua le modèle archaïque des ‘monastères’ / ‘tabernacles’ préconstantiniens qui l’avaient ravi dans la patrie de son adolescence.
The evidence of an independent Illyrian tradition about Martin leads us to point out that the homeland (patria) recognized by Martin himself as his own was in fact the Illyrian-Pannonian region, exposed to the evangelizing action of Aquileia and affected – at least since the mid-third century – by the widespread phenomenon of hermitical secessions from urban civilization, with the purpose of a preparation for martyrdom. St. Martin felt drawn to them already as a young boy during his stay in Sabaria, while adhering to Christianity preached according to the tradition of Aquileia, as it is revealed by some characteristic features of his spirituality; so when, returning from his patria, he undertook outside the walls of Milan the anachoresis that finally he propagated in Gaul, his monastic style, however, perpetuated the archaic model of these pre-Constantinian monasteria / tabernacula he had admired in his own region of birth, not far from Aquileia.
P.F. BEATRICE, A. PERŠIČ (éds.), Chromatius of Aquileia and his Age. Proceedings of the International Conference held in Aquileia, 22-24 May 2008 (Instrumenta Patristica et Mediaevalia, 57), Turnhout, 517-645., 2011
Focolai di ‘eresia’ in Aquileia a metà del secolo V. Il Libellus fidei aquileiese del 418. Rufino... more Focolai di ‘eresia’ in Aquileia a metà del secolo V. Il Libellus fidei aquileiese del 418. Rufino ‘pelagiano’ ante litteram? Elementi di plausibilità dell’accusa geronimiana nel contesto mentale del suo antiorigenismo. Libero arbitrio e battesimo nelle 'Recognitiones' di Rufino. Una rete aquileiese di accondiscendenze ‘propelagiane’… La spiritualità ‘misericordiosa’ di Martino da Sabaria, monaco e vescovo di Tours. Da Ireneo a Cromazio: il paradigma antropologico e soteriologico di Adamo, che da soggetto di colpa si fa oggetto di misericordia. Cromazio: il tratto spirituale della ‘condiscendenza’. Da Cromazio a Pelagio…
Hotbeds of ‘heresy’ in Aquileia in the mid-fifth century. The Aquileian Libellus fidei of 418. Rufinus ‘Pelagian’ ante litteram? Elements of plausibility of the accusation of Hieronymus in the mental context of his anti-Origenism. Free will and baptism in Rufinus’ 'Recognitiones'. An Aquileian network of ‘Propelagian’ indulgences… The ‘merciful’ spirituality of Martin of Sabaria, monk and bishop of Tours. From Irenaeus to Chromatius: the anthropological and soteriological paradigm of Adam, who from a subject of guilt becomes an object of mercy. Chromatius: the spiritual trait of ‘condescension’. From Chromatius to Pelagius…
L.J. DORFBAUER (éd.), V. ZIMMERL-PANAGL (coéd.), “Fortunatianus redivivus”: Bischof Fortunatian von Aquileia und sein Evangelienkommentar (Corpus Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum Latinorum, extra seriem), Berlin-Boston, 307-324, 2017
Fortunaziano: organico testimone della tradizione 'aquileiese'? A quale titolo un antico autore c... more Fortunaziano: organico testimone della tradizione 'aquileiese'? A quale titolo un antico autore cristiano latino può essere definito 'aquileiese'? Al di là di dati estrinseci, come la nascita o l'attività entro l'area geografica della giurisdizione o dell'ancora più ampia influenza economica e culturale di Aquileia (X Regio dioclezianea, Pannonia, Norico, Illirico occidentale), possono essere riconosciuti nell'opera di taluni autori, o nelle fonti concernenti taluni personaggi, elementi dotati-per così dire-di energia tassonomica, cioè la cui presenza cangiante, ma ricorrente, legittimi la loro qualifica di 'aquileiesi'? La loro classificazione come 'aquileiesi', precisandone più distintamente la peculiare identità storica, equivarrebbe quindi al riconoscimento di uno sottoinsieme 'aquileiese' dell'antica cultura cristiana in Occidente, la cui specificità teologica-letteraria risulti in ultima analisi da una comune spiritualità: cioè da una fede cristiana tale quale organicamente e originalmente si espresse in uno spazio e in un tempo determinati. Ne deriverebbe quindi l'utilità di riuscire a cogliere più lucidamente anche certi legami prima forse quasi insospettati, eppure altamente significativi, fra aree di tradizione di fede vaste e apparentemente distanti, come fra l'ambito aquileiese e l'ambito gallico.
By what right can an ancient Latin Christian author be defined as ‘Aquileian’? Beyond extrinsic data, such as birth or activity within the geographical area of the jurisdiction or of the even broader economic and cultural influence of Aquileia (X Regio of Diocletian, Pannonia, Noricum, Western Illyricum), can elements be recognized in the work of certain authors, or in the sources concerning certain characters, endowed – so to speak – with taxonomic energy, that is, whose changing but recurrent presence legitimizes their qualification as ‘Aquileian’? Their classification as ‘Aquileian’, specifying more distinctly their peculiar historical identity, would therefore be equivalent to the recognition of an ‘Aquileian’ subset of the ancient Christian culture in the West, whose theological-literary specificity ultimately results from a common spirituality: that is, from a Christian faith such as it was organically and originally expressed in a specific space and time. It would therefore be useful to be able to grasp more clearly certain connections that were perhaps almost unsuspected before, yet highly significant, between vast and apparently distant areas of faith tradition, such as between the Aquileian area and the Gallic area.
B. JUDIC, R. BECK, Chr. BOUSQUET-LABOUÉRIE, E. LORANS (éds.), Un Nouveau Martin. Essor et renouveaux de la figure de saint Martin (IVe-XXIe siècle) (Perspectives historiques), Tours, pp. 63-84., 2019
Au fil des siècles, le culte de saint Martin n'a cessé de se répandre à travers l'Europe et au-de... more Au fil des siècles, le culte de saint Martin n'a cessé de se répandre à travers l'Europe et au-delà. Le contexte de l'empire romain du IVe siècle a laissé placé à des situations complètement nouvelles, le royaume de Clovis, le royaume lombard, l'empire de Charlemagne, les Capétiens, les Habsbourgs, et jusqu'aux querelles idéologiques du XIX e siècle. Pourtant le culte du saint s'est toujours renouvelé. Martin missionnaire à Braga au VI e siècle, Anschaire missionnaire chez les Scandinaves au IX e siècle, Matthieu d'Albano grand ami de Pierre le Vénérable au XII e siècle, sont autant de « nouveau Martin ». Parallèlement un riche folklore enraciné dans les campagnes, contribue à maintenir vivante la tradition des fêtes de novembre, même apparemment sans référence chrétienne. A travers différentes disciplines, histoire, archéologie, histoire de l'art, théologie, ethnologie, différentes littératures et différents espaces, de l'Italie à l'Irlande, de la Scandinavie à la Galice, ce livre poursuit les avatars de la figure martinienne. De puissants investissements théologiques, chez Sulpice Sévère, comme au XVII e siècle ou au XXI e siècle, accompagnent des traditions, célèbres ici et méconnues ailleurs, autour de l'oie, des châtaignes ou du vin, et contribuent à produire, à chaque époque, un «nouveau Martin ».
G. CUSCITO (éd.), Aquileia. Una fortuna lunga più di duemila anni (Antichità Altoadriatiche 91), Trieste (Editreg) 2019, pp. 89-103 [ISBN 978-88-3349-025-0], 2019
Riscoperti i Commenti ai Vangeli di Fortunaziano nella loro integralità, è ora possibile valutarn... more Riscoperti i Commenti ai Vangeli di Fortunaziano nella loro integralità, è ora possibile valutarne appieno la teologia, il metodo esegetico e la lingua: dai primi scandagli risulta che il primo Padre aquileiese va riconosciuto in perfetta sintonia con la tradizionale spiritualità della sua Chiesa, innestata sullo stesso kérygma predicato da Ireneo in Gallia e, dopo Fortunaziano, documentata – anche in dipendenza di lui - da Cromazio, Gerolamo e Rufino.
Having rediscovered Fortunatianus' Commentaries on the Gospels in their entirety, it is now possible to fully evaluate their theology, exegetical method and language: from the first investigations it appears that the first Aquileian Father must be recognized as being in perfect harmony with the traditional spirituality of his Church, grafted onto the same kerygma preached by Irenaeus in Gaul and, after Fortunatianus, documented - also in dependence on him - by Chromatius, Jerome and Rufinus.
A. CEDILNIK, M. LOVENJAK (éds.), Na obzorju novega. Območje severnega Jadrana ter vzhodnoalpski in balkansko-podonavski prostor v obdobju pozne antike in zgodnjega srednjega veka. Posvečeno Rajku Bratožu ob njegovi sedemdesetletnici, Ljubljana (Znanstvena založba Filozofske fakultete Univerze v L..., 2022
Il saggio raccoglie ed esamina fonti patristiche e documenti medievali e moderni circa la persist... more Il saggio raccoglie ed esamina fonti patristiche e documenti medievali e moderni circa la persistenza nella cristianità aquileiese e quindi nel Friuli storico (corrispondente alle Arcidiocesi di Udine e di Gorizia, alla Diocesi di Concordia ed aree limitrofe) di forme di osservanza sabbataria di ascendenza giudeocristiana, fra le quali la diffusa venerazione popolare di ‘Santa Sabida’ (frl. Sante Sabide) costituisce nelle campagne una caratteristica e curiosa manifestazione.
The essay collects and examines patristic sources and medieval and modern documents about the persistence in Aquileian Christianity and therefore in historical Friuli (corresponding to the Archdioceses of Udine and Gorizia, the Diocese of Concordia and surrounding areas) of forms of Sabbatarian observance of Judeo-Christian origin, among which the widespread popular veneration of ‘Santa Sabida’ (frl. Sante Sabide) constitutes a characteristic and curious manifestation in the countryside.
«La Voce degli Stelliniani» [Udine] 12,2 (2023) 21-24
Una presentazione dell'arte poetica di san Paolino II patriarca di Aquileia.
A presentation of ... more Una presentazione dell'arte poetica di san Paolino II patriarca di Aquileia.
A presentation of the poetic art of the Patriarch of Aquileia, Saint Paulinus II.
LUSUARDI SIENA Silvia, AIROLDI Filippo, SPALLA Elena (edd.), Milano. Piazza Duomo prima del Duomo. La cattedrale di Santa Tecla perduta e ritrovata. Archeologia del complesso episcopale milanese, Cinisello Balsamo (SilvanaEditoriale), 894 pp., 77-95 (ISBN 9788836641819) , 2023
È qui raccolta narrativamente – e in gran parte tradotta – una serie di fonti di genere letterari... more È qui raccolta narrativamente – e in gran parte tradotta – una serie di fonti di genere letterario particolarmente utile, per la qualità visiva della sua parola, a ricomporre la rappresentazione delle vicissitudini materiali della Chiesa a Milano nelle loro ripercussioni teologico-culturali e perfino emotive, dal tempo delle devastazioni unne fino alla ‘rinascita’ in età teodoriciana, sotto l’episcopato di Lorenzo I (489-512), alla cui opera restauratrice validamente collaborò Ennodio (474-521), retore-teologo e, soprattutto, poeta: funzione quanto mai appropriata al ministero diaconale di cui era insignito. Here is a collection of literary sources that is particularly useful, due to the visual quality of its words, in reconstructing the representation of the material vicissitudes of the Church in Milan in their theological-cultural and even emotional repercussions, from the time of the Hunnic devastations to the ‘rebirth’ in the Theodoric age, under the episcopate of Lorenzo I (489-512), in whose restoration work Ennodius (474-521), a rhetorician-theologian and, above all, a poet, collaborated validly: a function that was ever more appropriate to the diaconal ministry with which he was invested.
T. Denecker / M. Lamberigts / G. Partoens / P. Swiggers / T. Van Hal (eds), Language and Culture in Early Christianity: A Companion. Leuven: Peeters., 2017
De Victorin de Ptuj à Fortunatien et Chromace d'Aquilée le choix du registre linguistique de la r... more De Victorin de Ptuj à Fortunatien et Chromace d'Aquilée le choix du registre linguistique de la rusticitas dans communication verbale de contenus homilétiques-exégétiques correspond en général soit au but d'en assurer une meilleure compréhension par le public visé soit au soin de les exprimer dans le strict respect des styles de la ‘simplicité catholique’, c’est-à-dire étrangers à la complication des discours de l’hérésie. Dans les auteurs cités, actifs dans le vaste milieu d’Aquilée chrétienne, la rusticitas intentionnelle du langage se manifeste à différents degrés d’évidence lexicale et syntaxique, mais toujours de manière à répondre aux exigences d’orthodoxie qui étaient partagées au moins dans la tradition chrétienne locale. Dans le cas de Victorin, écrivain pour qui le grec était la première langue, cette rusticitas est représentée par l'utilisation même de la langue latine dans la publication des traités exégétiques conformés pour la première fois en Occident au genre littéraire déjà porté à la perfection par des auteurs grecs comme Hippolyte et Origène. Jérôme, bien qu’il avouait l’ambition d'émuler les classiques latins, cependant, ne cachait pas sa propre ‘marque aquiléenne’ lorsq’il démontrait appréciation positive de «son» Victorin, non seulement dans la louange que ses œuvres étaient grandia sensibus, mais aussi par la diffusion d'une nouvelle édition à ses soins du commentaire sur l'Apocalypse: il en atténue le millénarisme, mais pas du tout il en embellit le style, bien que dans son De viris illustribus il l’avait jugé «de moindre valeur» que le contenu (opera eius [...] viliora videntur compositione verborum: : HIER. De viris illustribus 74). Jerome même note, cependant, que Fortunatien d'Aquilée – marqué par certains comme detestabilis à cause de la suspicion d’avoir cédé à l'arianisme, quand il était un conseiller du pape romain Libère – brevi sermone et rustico scripsit son commentaire des Évangiles, original et littérairement innovant; toutefois, à la lumière des jugements sur Fortunatien exprimés ailleurs par Jérôme cette qualification de brevitas et de rusticitas apparaît comme une preuve sûre de son orthodoxie d’exégète, non seulement comparable à celle de Victorin, mais aussi– Ambroise ayant été délibérément exclu – à celle d’Hilaire même: Jérôme l’avoue avec une candeur inhabituelle, tout comme il est en train d'exploiter Fortunatien pour accomplir seulement en deux semaines la commission d’un commentaire sur Matthieu: Latinorum, Hilarii, Victorini, Fortunatiani opuscula, e quibus etiam si parva carperem dignum aliquid memoriae scriberetur (HIER. In Matth. praef.). Donc, il ne se souciait pas qu’à quelqu’une de ses amies le vieux exégète aquiléen semblait sensibus hebes et verbis (HIER. Praef. in Orig. hom. in Luc.), puisqu'en définitive hebes certainement équivaut à une connotation de rusticitas, c’est-à-dire de catholicité. La découverte récente et surprenante (2013) du commentaire intégral de Fortunatien dans le code 17 de la Dombibliothek Cologne par Lukas Dorfbauer, qui va à en donner l’édition critique, permet maintenant de mieux déterminer et d'évaluer dans ses implications sociolinguistiques et théologiques la configuration brevis et rustica du style et du vocabulaire de Fortunatien, où les quelques fragments survivants lassaient cependant entrevoir déjà un aperçu d’une franchise didactique et aphoristique, souvent comparable au génie rapide de Victorin. De cette façon, ces deux auteurs semblent impliqués dans les origines de l’inclinaison typique d’Aquilée vers une rusticitas linguistique-littéraire et théologique caractéristique, qui de diverses manières est partagée par les écrivains actifs entre les siècles IIIème - VIIIème dans le milieu qu’on peut nommer lato sensu ‘aquiléen’. Les fréquentes affirmations hiéronimiennes en faveur d’une rusticitas spirituelle et doctrinale tout à fait ‘catholique’ sont reliés, par exemple, à la préférence de Rufin pour le sermo breviatus autant qu’à la simplicité tranquille d’expression qui distingue Chromace en tant que pasteur d’Aquilée est soit dans sa riche homilétique soit dans les Tractatus in Matthaeum, où l’on peut maintenant reconnaître en pleine évidence la contribution de Fortunatien. Par ailleurs Venance Fortunat honora d’un de ses poèmes le pannonien Martin de Brague, qui avait bien insisté sur la nécessité missionnaire de ingentem praeteritorum temporum gestorumque silvam breviato tenuis compendii sermone contingere et cibum rusticis rustico sermone condire. Également cette rusticitas convient tout à fait à l’adhésion de Fortunat au schisme des Trois Chapitres; en fait, la Métropole adriatique en fut reconnue le chef et finalement développa dans ce rôle une conscience de son identité ecclésiale dont la rusticitas était justement la marque: ainsi, la reproche insultante du pape Pélage aux évêques dissidents de Vénétie et Istrie aboutit dans un involontaire monument de cette rusticitas, puisque il les accuse de l’opposer à Rome comme leur «gloire» (in contemptum apostolicarum sedium de sua rusticitate gloriari [PELAGII I PAPAE ep. II; PL 69,395C). Même à l'époque carolingienne, par conséquent, l’adoption innovante du moderne rythme à l’accent tonique dans l’hymnodie ecclésiastique par le patriarche d’Aquilée Paulin II, poète et liturgiste, ne sera pas à évaluer étrangère à l’idiolecte local de l’ancienne rusticitas de la doctrine et de sa communication.
[paper presented in the Conference “Perspectives on Language and Culture in Early Christianity” (Leuven, September 10-12, 2015)
Cultura in Friuli, VIII (Settimana della cultura friulana - Setemane de culture furlane: 5-15 maggio 2022, 18-28 maggio 2023), Udine (Società Filologica Friulana - Societât Filologjiche Furlane), 2024
L’articolo commemora Tarcisio Petracco, ‘padre dell’Università del Friuli’, nel 25° anniversario ... more L’articolo commemora Tarcisio Petracco, ‘padre dell’Università del Friuli’, nel 25° anniversario della dipartita, coincidente con il 50° della costituzione del Comitato per l’Università Friulana, la cui tenace lotta di civiltà portò finalmente, mobilitando l’intero popolo friulano, all’istituzione di un suo ateneo indipendente e completo.
participated as a display of the "harmonious corporate organization of the city." Fenlon views th... more participated as a display of the "harmonious corporate organization of the city." Fenlon views this participation in the context of the expansion of celebration, which had once been limited to a display of ducal authority, and which in the sixteenth century was increasingly placed into the hands of lay men and women. By incorporating lay members of the scuole into the procession, "civic and liturgical acts which were usually associated with ducal authority were able to broaden their audience, which could participate not only passively (by observing) but also actively by walking in the procession, chanting litanies, and singing laude" (169). Fenlon's essay sets into motion an expanded view of the world in which Titian worked. His valuable contribution to our understanding of this context is essential to our understanding of Titian himself. While the texts in this volume are sensitive and respond to some timely interests in art and music history such as David Rosand's "Inventing Mythologies: The Painter's Poetry", and Laurie Schneider Adams' "Iconographic Aspects of the Gaze in Some Paintings by Titian", the overall usefulness of the volume is impaired by the lack of good images. Both figures and plates are black and white, and many are a mere 2"x 3". Further, the works not included in the volume are often referred to merely by location, without other references as to where these images have been published. In spite of this problem, however, the high quality of this Cambridge Companion's essays make a significant contribution to Titian studies, and it will surely be a good reference point for scholars working on Venetian confraternities.
Patrick Boucheron - Stéphane Gioanni, La memoria di Ambrogio di Milano Usi politici di una autorità patristica in Italia (secc. V-XVIII), 2015
Ambrose’s Nachleben in the writers of Aquileia is here shown as in a diptych: on one side, Rufinu... more Ambrose’s Nachleben in the writers of Aquileia is here shown as in a diptych: on one side, Rufinus of Aquileia in his Expositio Symboli mounts a polite but frank defence of some differences in wording and concepts of the local Creed from Roman Creed against the rejection of them that the bishop of Milan declared in his Explanatio Symboli; on the other, the Carolingian hymn writen by Paulinus of Aquileia imitates—but like in a recantation—the authoritative Ambrosian hymn in honour of Sts. Peter and Paul, in order to mitigate the preeminent exaltation of Peter and so to get around the hot topic of judicial supremacy at that time claimed by the Roman Pope on the secular power.
Benedizione dell'acqua nella vigilia dell'Epifania (Arcidiocesi di Udine, Centro di Pastorale Liturgica, Udine), 1990
Ritual of the blessing of water and salt practiced in Friuli on the eve of the Epiphany according... more Ritual of the blessing of water and salt practiced in Friuli on the eve of the Epiphany according to the Aquileian patriarchal liturgical tradition.
Rituale della benedizione dell'acqua e del sale praticata in Friuli nella vigilia dell'Epifania secondo la tradizione liturgica patriarcale aquileiese.
La preghiera nella Bibbia. Dai Salmi al Padre nostro. Udine, 9-13 luglio 2018. Corso biblico estivo guidato da padre Ermes Ronchi osm.cristiana] delle origini e dei Padri della Chiesa (Laboratorio I), 2018
Antologia di testi della letteratura cristiana antica.
Ἐµὴ γάρ ἐστιν ἡ γῆ, διότι προσήλυτοι καὶ πάροικοι ὑµεῖς ἐστε ἐναντίον µου Terra […] mea est et vo... more Ἐµὴ γάρ ἐστιν ἡ γῆ, διότι προσήλυτοι καὶ πάροικοι ὑµεῖς ἐστε ἐναντίον µου Terra […] mea est et vos advenae et coloni mei estis (Lv 25,23) MONDO CREATO E PROPRIETÀ DELLA TERRA NEI PADRI DELLA CHIESA: UN PERCORSO CRITICO-ANTOLOGICO Papa Francesco conclude l'enciclica "Laudato si'" innestando l'impegno per la salvaguardia del Creato nell'impeto escatologico della fede nel Risorto: Alla fine ci incontreremo faccia a faccia con l'infinita bellezza di Dio (cfr. 1 Cor 13,12) e potremo leggere con gioiosa ammirazione il mistero dell'universo, che parteciperà insieme a noi della pienezza senza fine. Sì, stiamo viaggiando verso il sabato dell'eternità, verso la nuova Gerusalemme, verso la casa comune del cielo. Gesù ci dice: «Ecco, io faccio nuove tutte le cose» (Ap 21,5). […] Nell'attesa, ci uniamo per farci carico di questa casa che ci è stata affidata, sapendo che ciò che di buono vi è in essa verrà assunto nella festa del cielo. Insieme a tutte le creature, camminiamo su questa terra cercando Dio, perché «se il mondo ha un principio ed è stato creato, cerca chi lo ha creato, cerca chi gli ha dato inizio, colui che è il suo Creatore» 1. Camminiamo cantando! 2 Che le nostre lotte e la nostra preoccupazione per questo pianeta non ci tolgano la gioia della speranza 3. È in questa entusiasmante prospettiva che l'importante citazione dalle omelie di S. Basilio pronunciate a Cesarea (Kayseri) di Cappadocia nel 377-8 sugli epici sei giorni della Genesi eccita la curiosità di esplorare il tema di una terra resa ospitale dall'educazione alla cura della natura e all'accoglienza delle persone anche secondo una dialettica storica particolare: quella innescata nel contesto della cultura greco-romana dalla Chiesa delle origini attraverso gli scritti dei suoi testimoni autorevoli, a molti dei quali la Tradizione ecclesiale assegna la qualifica teologica di 'Padri della Chiesa'. E l'impegno nella salvaguardia del Creato intercetta inevitabilmente-quasi due millenni or sono come oggi-la domanda di quale concetto di 'proprietà della terra' quei cristiani antichi ricercassero, condividessero, proponessero e sperassero per la società umana. Serba infatti perenne validità di evidenza la pratica constatazione di Wangari Maathai, biologa kenyota, premio Nobel per la Pace 2004: Quando cominci a lavorare seriamente per la causa ambientalista ti si propongono molte altre questioni: diritti umani, diritti delle donne, diritti dei bambini… e allora non puoi più pensare solo a piantare alberi 4. Infatti la salvaguardia del Creato non si risolve nella stretta preoccupazione ecologica, ma necessariamente comporta l'agire in favore di una specifica conversione culturale della società globale, che comprenda anche una rigenerazione della sensibilità estetica, cioè la necessità di stupore e di amore per la felice bellezza spirituale del mondo creato già riconosciuta con freschezza da Basilio: noi, che il Signore, il grande operatore e artista delle meraviglie (ὁ µέγας θαυµατοποιὸς καὶ τεχνίτης), ha chiamato allo spettacolo delle sue opere, ci stancheremo di contemplare ed esiteremo ad ascoltare le parole dello Spirito? 5 Perciò-sinteticamente ha affermato papa Benedetto XVI-specialmente i cristiani sono chiamati ad unirsi nell'offrire al mondo una testimonianza credibile della responsabilità per la salvaguardia del Creato e a collaborare in ogni modo possibile per
Biography and bibliography by A. Persic and Andrea Purinan of the student of the Slovenian dialec... more Biography and bibliography by A. Persic and Andrea Purinan of the student of the Slovenian dialect of Cergneu / Čarneja, in the Italian region of Friuli.
Fausto STEFANUTTI (ed.), Una vita per Venzone. Scritti in memoria di Guido Clonfero («Bollettino dell’Associazione “Amici di Venzone”» XLVII [2018]), 2018
XLVII BOLLETTINO
PERSONALE TESTIMONIANZA ENTRO UNA RACCOLTA DI MEMORIE, STUDI E RICERCHE DEDICA... more XLVII BOLLETTINO
PERSONALE TESTIMONIANZA ENTRO UNA RACCOLTA DI MEMORIE, STUDI E RICERCHE DEDICATI A GUIDO CLONFERO
PERSIC A., DELLA PIETRA L., ZANELLO G., CJARGNEL J., ZANETTI G., Grande Benedizione dell’Acqua nella Vigilia dell’Epifania del Signore secondo la tradizione aquileiese (con Introduzione), Udine (Arcidiocesi di Udine), 86 pp., 2013
Rituale aggiornato (nelle lingue italiana e friulana) della benedizione dell'acqua e del sale pra... more Rituale aggiornato (nelle lingue italiana e friulana) della benedizione dell'acqua e del sale praticata in Friuli nella vigilia dell'Epifania secondo la tradizione liturgica patriarcale aquileiese (con una introduzione storica). (file pdf delle 2e bozze)
Updated ritual (in Italian and Friulian) of the solemn blessing of water and salt practiced in Friuli on the eve of the Epiphany according to the Aquileian patriarchal liturgical tradition (with a historical introduction).
A. CAPONE, S. ISETTA, S. MATTEOLI, A. PERŠIČ, R. UGLIONE (edd.), Tertulliano, Opere montaniste (Scriptores Africae Christiani / Scrittori cristiani dell’Africa romana, 4/2), Roma, pp. 237-361, 2012
Introduction, Italian translation of the Latin text at the side and commentary.
Estraniamento e resistenza: la Santa Montagna dell’Áthos annotata da tre 'Aquileiesi' (inChiostro 4), Udine (ed. Bianca&Volta), 85 pp. (con una Introduzione di Giovanni Gardenal), 2011
Slovar in slovnica slovenskega narečja (danes skoraj izumrlega?) Cergneu / Černjeja, vasi pri Nim... more Slovar in slovnica slovenskega narečja (danes skoraj izumrlega?) Cergneu / Černjeja, vasi pri Nimisu v Furlaniji, Italija, napisal Nicolò Persic (Šempas 6.12.1922 - Videm 18.5.2004).
Lessico e grammatica del dialetto sloveno (oggi scomparso?) del villaggio friulano di Cergneu, a cura di Nicolò Persic(i) [relatore della tesi il glottologo Carlo Tagliavini].
Lexicon and Grammar of the Slovenian Dialect (today almost extinct?) of Cergneu / Černjeja, village near Nimis in the Friuli Region, Italy, written by Nicolò Persic (Šempas 6.12.1922 - Udine 18.5.2004).
Lexicon and Grammar of the (extinct?) Slovenian Dialect of Cergneu / Černjeja, village of the Fri... more Lexicon and Grammar of the (extinct?) Slovenian Dialect of Cergneu / Černjeja, village of the Friuli Region, Italy, written by Nicolò Persic (Šempas 6.12.1922 - Udine 18.5.2004).
Corso Biblico Estivo guidato da padre Ermes Ronchi, Udine 9-13 luglio 2018, Udine (Arcidiocesi di Udine con I.S.S.R. di Gorizia, Trieste e Udine) 2018, 60 pp.: 6-30., 2018
Antologia tematica di testi patristici e tracce di approfondimento.
In un codice carolingio della biblioteca della cattedrale di Colonia è apparso il «Commento ai qu... more In un codice carolingio della biblioteca della cattedrale di Colonia è apparso il «Commento ai quattro Vangeli»: a individuarlo il giovane filologo Dorfbauer ...
La «Regula (cioè il «modello [d’interpretazione]») quattuor evangeliorum» di Fortunaziano è destinata a suscitare i più vivaci interessi fra gli studiosi delle origini cristiane: essa costituisce infatti il primo esempio letterario di un commento d’insieme ai Quattro Vangeli, uno dei primi commenti evangelici latini di genere scientifico e il primo documento della letteratura patristica aquileiese.
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Papers by Alessio Persic
La traduzione della disputa fra il laico filoniceno Eracliano e il vescovo della illirica Sirmium, Germinio, divulga un pittoresco documento di cronaca ecclesiale – ma anche di esegesi biblica e teologia trinitaria militanti – dal quale si può ricavare la sostanza paradigmatica di episodi analoghi durante la controversia ariana specialmente in area illirica, come per esempio le contestazioni fatte da Martino da Sabaria, dove questi laici, in forza della loro “semplicità” – ovvero “rusticità” – dottrinale e di indole, si rendevano carismaticamente trasparenti di una spiritualità cristiana incompatibile con dottrine diverse dalla nicena, difesa in Aquileia – con Atanasio – dal vescovo Fortunaziano.
Renewed ritual of the blessing of water and salt practiced in Friuli on the eve of the Epiphany according to the Aquileian patriarchal liturgical tradition (with a short historical introduction).
In the recent forty years many advances in knowledge of theology, liturgy and spirituality of Christian Aquileia are due to the discovery of new literary sources and to the consequent identification of specific influences from Asia Minor, Syria and Egypt up from the second century: their persistence is clearly recognizable until after the fourth century, when the cultural exchange with the Near East is briskly nourished by the presence there of innovative and internationally influential Aquileian personalities, as well as by the relations entertained by the bishops of Aquileia with the centers and the most outstanding exponents of the complex reality of the Churches of Greek language.
The evidence of an independent Illyrian tradition about Martin leads us to point out that the homeland (patria) recognized by Martin himself as his own was in fact the Illyrian-Pannonian region, exposed to the evangelizing action of Aquileia and affected – at least since the mid-third century – by the widespread phenomenon of hermitical secessions from urban civilization, with the purpose of a preparation for martyrdom. St. Martin felt drawn to them already as a young boy during his stay in Sabaria, while adhering to Christianity preached according to the tradition of Aquileia, as it is revealed by some characteristic features of his spirituality; so when, returning from his patria, he undertook outside the walls of Milan the anachoresis that finally he propagated in Gaul, his monastic style, however, perpetuated the archaic model of these pre-Constantinian monasteria / tabernacula he had admired in his own region of birth, not far from Aquileia.
Hotbeds of ‘heresy’ in Aquileia in the mid-fifth century. The Aquileian Libellus fidei of 418. Rufinus ‘Pelagian’ ante litteram? Elements of plausibility of the accusation of Hieronymus in the mental context of his anti-Origenism. Free will and baptism in Rufinus’ 'Recognitiones'. An Aquileian network of ‘Propelagian’ indulgences… The ‘merciful’ spirituality of Martin of Sabaria, monk and bishop of Tours. From Irenaeus to Chromatius: the anthropological and soteriological paradigm of Adam, who from a subject of guilt becomes an object of mercy. Chromatius: the spiritual trait of ‘condescension’. From Chromatius to Pelagius…
By what right can an ancient Latin Christian author be defined as ‘Aquileian’? Beyond extrinsic data, such as birth or activity within the geographical area of the jurisdiction or of the even broader economic and cultural influence of Aquileia (X Regio of Diocletian, Pannonia, Noricum, Western Illyricum), can elements be recognized in the work of certain authors, or in the sources concerning certain characters, endowed – so to speak – with taxonomic energy, that is, whose changing but recurrent presence legitimizes their qualification as ‘Aquileian’? Their classification as ‘Aquileian’, specifying more distinctly their peculiar historical identity, would therefore be equivalent to the recognition of an ‘Aquileian’ subset of the ancient Christian culture in the West, whose theological-literary specificity ultimately results from a common spirituality: that is, from a Christian faith such as it was organically and originally expressed in a specific space and time. It would therefore be useful to be able to grasp more clearly certain connections that were perhaps almost unsuspected before, yet highly significant, between vast and apparently distant areas of faith tradition, such as between the Aquileian area and the Gallic area.
Having rediscovered Fortunatianus' Commentaries on the Gospels in their entirety, it is now possible to fully evaluate their theology, exegetical method and language: from the first investigations it appears that the first Aquileian Father must be recognized as being in perfect harmony with the traditional spirituality of his Church, grafted onto the same kerygma preached by Irenaeus in Gaul and, after Fortunatianus, documented - also in dependence on him - by Chromatius, Jerome and Rufinus.
The essay collects and examines patristic sources and medieval and modern documents about the persistence in Aquileian Christianity and therefore in historical Friuli (corresponding to the Archdioceses of Udine and Gorizia, the Diocese of Concordia and surrounding areas) of forms of Sabbatarian observance of Judeo-Christian origin, among which the widespread popular veneration of ‘Santa Sabida’ (frl. Sante Sabide) constitutes a characteristic and curious manifestation in the countryside.
A presentation of the poetic art of the Patriarch of Aquileia, Saint Paulinus II.
Here is a collection of literary sources that is particularly useful, due to the visual quality of its words, in reconstructing the representation of the material vicissitudes of the Church in Milan in their theological-cultural and even emotional repercussions, from the time of the Hunnic devastations to the ‘rebirth’ in the Theodoric age, under the episcopate of Lorenzo I (489-512), in whose restoration work Ennodius (474-521), a rhetorician-theologian and, above all, a poet, collaborated validly: a function that was ever more appropriate to the diaconal ministry with which he was invested.
[paper presented in the Conference “Perspectives on Language and Culture in Early Christianity” (Leuven, September 10-12, 2015)
in his Expositio Symboli mounts a polite but frank defence of some differences in wording and concepts of the
local Creed from Roman Creed against the rejection of them that the bishop of Milan declared in his Explanatio
Symboli; on the other, the Carolingian hymn writen by Paulinus of Aquileia imitates—but like in a
recantation—the authoritative Ambrosian hymn in honour of Sts. Peter and Paul, in order to mitigate the preeminent
exaltation of Peter and so to get around the hot topic of judicial supremacy at that time claimed by the
Roman Pope on the secular power.
La traduzione della disputa fra il laico filoniceno Eracliano e il vescovo della illirica Sirmium, Germinio, divulga un pittoresco documento di cronaca ecclesiale – ma anche di esegesi biblica e teologia trinitaria militanti – dal quale si può ricavare la sostanza paradigmatica di episodi analoghi durante la controversia ariana specialmente in area illirica, come per esempio le contestazioni fatte da Martino da Sabaria, dove questi laici, in forza della loro “semplicità” – ovvero “rusticità” – dottrinale e di indole, si rendevano carismaticamente trasparenti di una spiritualità cristiana incompatibile con dottrine diverse dalla nicena, difesa in Aquileia – con Atanasio – dal vescovo Fortunaziano.
Renewed ritual of the blessing of water and salt practiced in Friuli on the eve of the Epiphany according to the Aquileian patriarchal liturgical tradition (with a short historical introduction).
In the recent forty years many advances in knowledge of theology, liturgy and spirituality of Christian Aquileia are due to the discovery of new literary sources and to the consequent identification of specific influences from Asia Minor, Syria and Egypt up from the second century: their persistence is clearly recognizable until after the fourth century, when the cultural exchange with the Near East is briskly nourished by the presence there of innovative and internationally influential Aquileian personalities, as well as by the relations entertained by the bishops of Aquileia with the centers and the most outstanding exponents of the complex reality of the Churches of Greek language.
The evidence of an independent Illyrian tradition about Martin leads us to point out that the homeland (patria) recognized by Martin himself as his own was in fact the Illyrian-Pannonian region, exposed to the evangelizing action of Aquileia and affected – at least since the mid-third century – by the widespread phenomenon of hermitical secessions from urban civilization, with the purpose of a preparation for martyrdom. St. Martin felt drawn to them already as a young boy during his stay in Sabaria, while adhering to Christianity preached according to the tradition of Aquileia, as it is revealed by some characteristic features of his spirituality; so when, returning from his patria, he undertook outside the walls of Milan the anachoresis that finally he propagated in Gaul, his monastic style, however, perpetuated the archaic model of these pre-Constantinian monasteria / tabernacula he had admired in his own region of birth, not far from Aquileia.
Hotbeds of ‘heresy’ in Aquileia in the mid-fifth century. The Aquileian Libellus fidei of 418. Rufinus ‘Pelagian’ ante litteram? Elements of plausibility of the accusation of Hieronymus in the mental context of his anti-Origenism. Free will and baptism in Rufinus’ 'Recognitiones'. An Aquileian network of ‘Propelagian’ indulgences… The ‘merciful’ spirituality of Martin of Sabaria, monk and bishop of Tours. From Irenaeus to Chromatius: the anthropological and soteriological paradigm of Adam, who from a subject of guilt becomes an object of mercy. Chromatius: the spiritual trait of ‘condescension’. From Chromatius to Pelagius…
By what right can an ancient Latin Christian author be defined as ‘Aquileian’? Beyond extrinsic data, such as birth or activity within the geographical area of the jurisdiction or of the even broader economic and cultural influence of Aquileia (X Regio of Diocletian, Pannonia, Noricum, Western Illyricum), can elements be recognized in the work of certain authors, or in the sources concerning certain characters, endowed – so to speak – with taxonomic energy, that is, whose changing but recurrent presence legitimizes their qualification as ‘Aquileian’? Their classification as ‘Aquileian’, specifying more distinctly their peculiar historical identity, would therefore be equivalent to the recognition of an ‘Aquileian’ subset of the ancient Christian culture in the West, whose theological-literary specificity ultimately results from a common spirituality: that is, from a Christian faith such as it was organically and originally expressed in a specific space and time. It would therefore be useful to be able to grasp more clearly certain connections that were perhaps almost unsuspected before, yet highly significant, between vast and apparently distant areas of faith tradition, such as between the Aquileian area and the Gallic area.
Having rediscovered Fortunatianus' Commentaries on the Gospels in their entirety, it is now possible to fully evaluate their theology, exegetical method and language: from the first investigations it appears that the first Aquileian Father must be recognized as being in perfect harmony with the traditional spirituality of his Church, grafted onto the same kerygma preached by Irenaeus in Gaul and, after Fortunatianus, documented - also in dependence on him - by Chromatius, Jerome and Rufinus.
The essay collects and examines patristic sources and medieval and modern documents about the persistence in Aquileian Christianity and therefore in historical Friuli (corresponding to the Archdioceses of Udine and Gorizia, the Diocese of Concordia and surrounding areas) of forms of Sabbatarian observance of Judeo-Christian origin, among which the widespread popular veneration of ‘Santa Sabida’ (frl. Sante Sabide) constitutes a characteristic and curious manifestation in the countryside.
A presentation of the poetic art of the Patriarch of Aquileia, Saint Paulinus II.
Here is a collection of literary sources that is particularly useful, due to the visual quality of its words, in reconstructing the representation of the material vicissitudes of the Church in Milan in their theological-cultural and even emotional repercussions, from the time of the Hunnic devastations to the ‘rebirth’ in the Theodoric age, under the episcopate of Lorenzo I (489-512), in whose restoration work Ennodius (474-521), a rhetorician-theologian and, above all, a poet, collaborated validly: a function that was ever more appropriate to the diaconal ministry with which he was invested.
[paper presented in the Conference “Perspectives on Language and Culture in Early Christianity” (Leuven, September 10-12, 2015)
in his Expositio Symboli mounts a polite but frank defence of some differences in wording and concepts of the
local Creed from Roman Creed against the rejection of them that the bishop of Milan declared in his Explanatio
Symboli; on the other, the Carolingian hymn writen by Paulinus of Aquileia imitates—but like in a
recantation—the authoritative Ambrosian hymn in honour of Sts. Peter and Paul, in order to mitigate the preeminent
exaltation of Peter and so to get around the hot topic of judicial supremacy at that time claimed by the
Roman Pope on the secular power.
Rituale della benedizione dell'acqua e del sale praticata in Friuli nella vigilia dell'Epifania secondo la tradizione liturgica patriarcale aquileiese.
PERSONALE TESTIMONIANZA ENTRO UNA RACCOLTA DI MEMORIE, STUDI E RICERCHE DEDICATI A GUIDO CLONFERO
Updated ritual (in Italian and Friulian) of the solemn blessing of water and salt practiced in Friuli on the eve of the Epiphany according to the Aquileian patriarchal liturgical tradition (with a historical introduction).
Lessico e grammatica del dialetto sloveno (oggi scomparso?) del villaggio friulano di Cergneu, a cura di Nicolò Persic(i) [relatore della tesi il glottologo Carlo Tagliavini].
Lexicon and Grammar of the Slovenian Dialect (today almost extinct?) of Cergneu / Černjeja, village near Nimis in the Friuli Region, Italy, written by Nicolò Persic (Šempas 6.12.1922 - Udine 18.5.2004).
La «Regula (cioè il «modello [d’interpretazione]») quattuor evangeliorum» di Fortunaziano è destinata a suscitare i più vivaci interessi fra gli studiosi delle origini cristiane: essa costituisce infatti il primo esempio letterario di un commento d’insieme ai Quattro Vangeli, uno dei primi commenti evangelici latini di genere scientifico e il primo documento della letteratura patristica aquileiese.