The Seeds of Dialogue in Justin Martyr

PLURALITY AND CONFLICT

Conflict within the context of the second century Roman Empire can be seen in two ways:

(1) actual persecution within the Roman Empire being systematic, or sporadic and local; 3 and

(2) religious or philosophical discrimination, through intellectual or social means, against Christians or Christianity. 4 The open hostility of the Roman persecutions was sporadic and rarely widespread but they were a manifestation of an undercurrent of distrust. However even in its earliest days the Church witnessed to and interacted with non-Jewish groups. The influence of Greco-Roman Religions and Cults on the audience of Christian preaching and Church life is well attested (Acts 14:11-18). 5 Though we should not overstate pagan influence on Christian practices, Turcan references some echoes of influence in Clement's works. 6 The Christian interaction with pagan religious practices was occasional and not systematic in this period. However, the general instinct of eclecticism within the context of the second century did affect the Church in a variety of ways. 7 The philosophical conflict that this essay is concerned with may have considered itself to be "above the clamour of the ignorant masses" though it was seen as a real threat to the early church. 8 Though Turcan believes the passages from the apologists support his thesis that Christians absorbed those Pagan practises into common worship, his argument may be undermined by the possible explanatory function of some of Clements work. Also the highly Semitic character of early Christianity was still prevalent during Justin and Clement's time, though Alexandria was especially Hellenised. In order to find evidence of absorption he exaggerates the presence of those practices in the liturgy for which there is only very limited textual support in Clement.

The Eclecticism of the Period

Eclecticism is that collection and 'integration' of a variety of practises, beliefs or philosophies into a unique or modified tradition. The Middle Platonists who are often labelled eclectic "flourished from the beginning of the reign of Hadrian in A.D. 117 ... (until) 180." 9 The variety of views that were gathered under the label of Middle Platonism influenced the way in which Justin appropriated and communicated philosophy. 10 "His (Justin's exposure to and learning of a variety of philosophical forms) was a typical experience born of the eclecticism of the age." 11 Gnosticism is also an example of eclecticism as a practise. 12 The church responded to this complex variety of viewpoints through an internal dialogue with Gnostic Christians and other parties through such figures as Irenaeus. It also defended itself to the non-Christian audience through 'the reasoned defence of belief or behaviour.' 13 This reasoned defence forms a broad description of apologetics. Inevitably both the corpus of the Gnostics and Greek philosophy influenced Christian self-understanding.

The philosophy of the Hellenistic imperial period provides the most important and wide-reaching body of comparative material to help identify the position of early Christianity in intellectual and religious history. 14 The foundations of Christian self-identity were developed in dialogue and dialectic with Hellenism. What were the principle philosophical forms that influenced Justin?

The Middle Platonists

The conflict between the Roman world and Christianity was complex. The second century was marked by multiplicity of philosophies. Middle Platonism was a particularly important development of that time. "Middle Platonism is no unified school of thought, but a label put on various Platonically inspired thinkers at different places during this period." 15 The main characteristic of this movement was the speculative nature of its philosophical investigations. 16 Although Plotinus operated during the third century, Emilsson points out that he was as much a systematiser of the eclectic forms of Middle Platonism into a single corpus as an original thinker. 17 Many of the elements in Origen and other Christian thinkers after this period contain elements that were derived from Middle Platonism.

Platonism generally maintains that material reality is at best a reflection or participation in the intelligible pure reality of the forms. At its worse it takes on a dualistic framework, where knowledge through the senses is 'thoroughly deprecated.' 18 However the transcendence of the forms was an important link with Christian theology. The doctrine of the forms amounted to an insight into the indivisibility and transcendence of God which was retained in the dialogue with early Christian thought. 19 "God is eternal, ineffable, completely perfect. He is divinity, being, truth and the Good." 20 God is good and unchangeable. Humanity through various means is able to know God, but is unable to effectively describe him. It was the theology of Middle Platonism and some aspects of its anthropology that Christian thinkers found most related within their dialogue. Osborn points out that Clement's difficulty in adequately reconciling God's eternal One-ness and God's own presence in creation corresponds to the Platonic problem of reconciling the one and the many. 21 Justin and Clement found areas where there was fundamental agreement between Greek Philosophy and Christian teaching. Lilla notes that both Justin and Clement praise Plato highly. 22 There are terminological echoes of the spermatikoi logoi in Justin's work which reference Stoic thought. 23 Stoicism was an important element that was also placed under the umbrella of Middle Platonism.

The Stoicism of the day contained a mythological description of what, for the Stoics, was essentially the Imagio Dei which marked the basis of their ethical practise:

The souls of men were an expression of the divine fire that burned in the heavens. Every man possessed his life as a sacred trust from God. If he followed the divine plan and fate, his soul would return to heaven and rejoin the eternal fire. 24 Acting toward the natural end of beings was to be united to the divine plan for humanity. "Eclectic philosophers before him (Clement) had remarked that the ethical ideal of Plato's Theaetetus, 'assimilation to God as far as possible', is in meaning identical with the Stoic ideal of life according to nature' (the divine plan)." 25 Osborn also notes that the instinct of the Stoic thinkers was to focus on God's immanence. 26 There was an instinct that the two streams of platonic theology and Stoic ethics were compatible and as such there was a marked influence of Stoicism on the philosophy appropriated by the early apologists.

Overall, Middle Platonism retained the basic Platonic Metaphysics, but melded the ethics of Stoicism and Aristotelian logic together to form a style of philosophy that became systemised into Neo-Platonism. In a similar melding, for Justin and Clement, creation, ethics, knowledge (gnosis) faith and reason, are all inter-related elements. 27 The pluralist instinct within the early Christian apologists was less a matter of choice so much as the reality of the second century. The diversity of the different philosophical traditions that are encompassed by the term Middle Platonism is testament to that. Although the relationship with philosophy and philosophers was not always amicable, there were areas of agreement between these views and Christian thought.

Comparison to the Present Day

The cultural context of the Greco-Roman empire contained institutions and principles that were not in contradiction to Christian life. Philosophers are likened to religious seekers teaching a religious philosophy, as Gilson argues: "To the Stoics and to the Epicureans in particular, but hardly less to the Platonists, philosophy was 'a way of life' as much as a doctrine." 28 Therefore the seeker after truth was concerned as much with aspects of experience as doctrine. This has relevance to today with the influence of the eastern religions such as Buddhism and Hinduism. The similarity between the dialogue with early philosophers and the present day phenomena of inter-religious dialogue has been pointed out by Sullivan. 29 So to take this general context as a basis for discussing inter-religious dialogue is not farfetched and has been discussed by contemporary thinkers.

The Roman Empire could be described as pluralist, encompassing diverse cultures, religions and philosophies. In a similar way we are exposed to a variety of cultures and ancient religious traditions in our contemporary 'consumer' context. 30 Australia the late 20th and early 21st century is described as being defined by an increased diversity and gradual decline in the predominance of one form of religious belief. 31 Within the milieu of any given culture wherein one is situated the structures and ideology within that culture provide the basis for one's most basic identity and behaviour. The phenomenon of Justin Martyr's conversion shows his practise when interacting with Greco-Roman thought is both assumption and critique of this culture and philosophy but without being marked by the sense of hostility of Tatian's work. 32

APPROACHING JUSTIN THROUGH INTER-RELIGIOUS DIALOGUE

Before moving onto a discussion on the influence of philosophy on Justin's conversion it would be helpful to describe the context of inter-religious dialogue that this essay assumes. The general interpretation of Justin occurring here falls under a framework of inter-religious dialogue that is described by Knitter as the fulfilment model. 33 Knitter actually includes the early apologists, including Justin and Clement, as the fore-runners of this dialogue structure. 34 The fulfilment model states that other religions and philosophies may participate in and declare truth, arguing that they thereby participate in Christ actually, but anonymously. expression of truth is particularised in Christ. 35 Some of the other frameworks, which theorize as to what truth is and query the validity of certain mediations, approach the issue differently. A comparison to one other framework known as the mutuality model may clarify whether the fulfilment model may be validly placed on Justin.

Panikkar, whom Knitter describes as the major figure of inter-religious dialogue in the 20th century is representative of the mutuality model. The model assumes an interdependent world and sees the various religious traditions as constantly in relationship with one another, to the point where each of them receive from, and give to, each other abundantly. 36 The mutuality model emerges from this basic preposition. There are deep resonant similarities between the religions of the world that are mediated through various means. The ultimate reality, God, who is common to all humanity, is directly present within the various faiths. The different mediations of this one reality when they are involved in dialogue mutually recognise the presence of this same God in each other. Nevertheless different mediations amount to different salvations. 37 Diversity of practices and beliefs are not relegated to unimportance by the imposition of a monolithic eschatology.

The figure of Christ within the mutuality model tends to become a more cosmic figure representative of the existential yearning for God and unification with the Cosmos. Panikkar's 'Cosmotheandric' experience is reminiscent of some early figures such as Maximus the Confessor, for whom Christ is the salvific mediator and unifier of God, humanity and the universe. But such a figure though particularised in Christ Jesus, may also be manifested in a variety of possible ways which represents a diversity of salvations. When reading Justin's account of his conversion, as discussed below, the possibility of salvation outside of explicit knowledge of Christ is possible but partial. Both models allow for salvation but the mutuality model would maintain that there is no need to appropriate a non-Christian soteriology into a Christian framework. The fulfilment model maintains that the presence of truth in religion is the mediated Logos. Whether there is full salvation within other faiths is the sticking point between the two models. Within the context of his conversion, Justin would acknowledge salvation most explicitly and fully as being within the Christian encounter. Still he would not dismiss the real presence of truth and salvation within philosophy. But this point needs further discussion. Before labelling Justin with a contemporary model we should look at his description of his conversion to see which interpretation corresponds to the text.

Conversion and Tradition

In the second Century conversion to Christianity presupposed the existence of contexts through which the gospel was received.

In the daily life of the newly converted Christians, codes that they had brought with them and that were presupposed as something taken for granted continued in force, thanks to their inherent plausibility. 38

Justin's methodological approach to assuming Christianity within Greek culture is akin to 'appropriation through pre-established frameworks'. This is illustrated by Justin arguing that Christianity represents the 'true philosophy', thus appropriating the term. 39 Justin attempted to retain his Christian identity without discarding Greek thought. One image used by him to describe the presence of truth within Greco-Roman culture is the 'logoi spermakoi' the 'seeds of the word' that are present within all philosophical cultures. 40 The philosophy of the Greeks in this way was seen to partially participate in the Logos, and was viewed as a preparation for the gospel. This theology has been carried through to the modern day through Vatican II and contemporary theologies of inter-religious dialogue. 41 The Fathers of the Church rightly saw in the various religions as it were so many reflections of the one truth, "seeds of the Word", attesting that, though the routes taken may be different, there is but a single goal to which is directed the deepest aspiration of the human spirit... 42

The 'Seeds of the word' argument comes out of Justin's experience of Greek culture as containing elements of definite goodness and truth. The knowledge of truth is akin to a deeper participation in the Logos. However it is clear that Justin regards philosophy as a preparation for the Gospel. He argues that the fullness of truth has been given fully only in Christ, the word made flesh. 43 This leads to a perspective that validates philosophy or other religious traditions against Christian revelation. Yet Dupuis, employing Danielou, argues that the revelatory quality of the Logos within philosophy "is not the 'product of human reason.'" 44 Sullivan also argues that Clement has allowances for a limited salvation in Non-Christian traditions because some of their practices lead to the Logos. 45 The Conciliar documents have frequently been embraced with enthusiasm in Catholic theology on the basis that now ... the Church officially recognises an extra-ecclesiastical way of salvation through other religions. 46 However, we must be careful in applying the term salvation especially when Justin and Clement clearly argue that Christ is the fullness of salvation. The early sources are very careful. Clement says:

When a crew of men haul on their boat, we do not say that they constitute a large number of causes. There is one cause comprising several elements. In the same way, philosophy makes a contribution to grasping the truth-it is a search for truth. It is not of itself the cause of the grasp. It is a contributory cause.. Yet Justin's conversion attests to some real benefit within other religions, it also offers substantial insight into his approach to philosophy in relation to Christian revelation. It will offer greater precision for the discussion on Justin's view of other religions.

Justin's Conversion

Justin's conversion attests to truth being radically present in Greco-Roman society in the second century. In The Dialogue with Trypho, chapters 2 to 8 were spoken in response to Trypho's question: "What is your idea of God and what is your philosophy?" 48 The chapters discuss the context and content of Justin's conversion to Christianity. After a period of searching Justin settles down in a city to learn with a Platonist philosopher 'whose reputation was great.' 49 The choice for a Platonist teacher was one of theological reasoning over logic and ethics. As Justin says:

The perception of incorporeal things quite overwhelmed me and the platonic theory of ideas added wings to my mind, so that in a short time I imagined myself a wise man. 50 The fruits of Justin's labour in Platonism were clearly present to him though not fully ripened. It was after a period of learning under this teacher that Justin, on a walk one day, encounters an old man on the edge of the sea. It is during his conversation with the 'old man' (Christ) that Justin comes to experience the truth that he was seeking, in a new way. 51 When he entered dialogue with the Christian on the beach Justin is converted through the old man's ability to engage Justin on his own philosophical ground. When Justin puts forward an answer, usually from his Platonic learning, he is quickly mastered through being shown the inconsistency of his statements. 52 Gilson describes the conversion of Clement as one of fuller reason of Christianity over the partial reason of philosophy. 53 However the example of the prophets and Christ himself are the most crucial elements in his conversion. It would seem that these figures embodied both the ethical and philosophical attributes that Justin felt was lacking in his previous teachers. 54 "They alone knew the truth and communicated it to men, whom they neither deferred to nor feared." 55 The dialogue with the old man shows us that above all Justin despised worldliness in his teachers, hence his choice for the theological bent of Platonism, but he also sought philosophical consistency. Justin is converted by the philosophical skill of the old Christian, his admiration for the stout rejection of worldliness that the prophets represent and the mediation of truth through Christ which he experiences personally.

The basic philosophical framework of Middle Platonism without doubt leads Justin to Christianity. However it is the logic of relationship between humanity and God, and the Christian language of salvation described by the old man, that Justin believes brings him to 48 Justin Martyr, "Dialogue with Trypho," 149. 49 Justin Martyr, "Dialogue with Trypho," 150. 50 Justin Martyr, "Dialogue with Trypho," 150-151. 51 There are several theories on the identity of the old man in the dialogue with Justin. The most sensible and convincing put forward by Andrew Hofer is that the old man represents Christ. As Hofer discusses, the consciousness of the period was often symbolic and metaphorical and the text has many echoes of the Gospels. the fullest truth. The old man's knowledge and critique of philosophy shows us that the language of philosophy had a very special role in the conversion of a particular Pagan philosopher, Justin. In this case one may infer the appropriateness of philosophical language in declaring Christian truth, however Justin describes his experience affectively.

But my Spirit was immediately set on fire and an affection for the prophets, and those who are friends of Christ, took hold of me; while pondering on his words, I discovered that his (the old man) was the only sure and useful philosophy. 56 Always balanced with this central conversion experience is Justin's philosophers 'robe' and his reiteration that there is truth partially present in Greek philosophy. As he says in almost confessional terms: "We have declared above that he (Christ) is the Logos of whom every race of men were partakers; and that those who live reasonably [according to reason/logos] are Christians though they have been thought atheists." 57 Notice the strong resemblance between Justin's statement and Rahner's anonymous Christian. Gilson, specifically referring to the time after initial conversion to Christianity, says that the same Logos inspires the reform of character. Ethical reform through adherence to the Logos is thus likened to the Stoic obedience to nature and the divine spark discussed previously. 58 However, Barnard argues that disagreements between philosophies are a proof that philosophers participate in the Logos in only a partial way. 59 Yet by granting even a contingent validity to Pagan Philosophy, Justin is laying the groundwork for Clement's use of Pagan philosophy in his defence of Christian truth. 60 Philosophical truth is valid as a pre-evangelism but it is superseded by the Christian philosophy.

Finding a Model for Justin

These chapters on Justin's conversion in the Dialogue with Trypho show us three things:

(1) Justin identified philosophy as valid base for seeking truth;

(2) His inclination to theology found partial satisfaction in the Platonism of the day; and

(3) the actual experience of the truth he sought was found in dialogue with a Christian. This shows us that Justin felt there was no fundamental conflict between Greek philosophy and Christian faith but his experience of a specifically Christian truth was considered by him to be its fulfilment.

Justin's experience of truth, though mediated through and partially encountered in Platonism, was revealed as Christ centred. Any model of dialogue that emerges from this conversion would have to balance the real presence of truth within Justin's encounter with philosophy, with the 'fuller' truth experienced in Christ. In contrast to the mutuality model, a fulfilment model notes that the participation of other faiths in transcendent truth occurs through anonymous participation in the Logos. In the mutuality model truth is mediated independently of even an implicit Christian transcendent. Yet Justin's experience of truth is particular and Christocentric. It clearly falls under the description of the fulfilment model given previously. 56 Justin Martyr, "Dialogue with Trypho," 160. My parentheses. 57 Barnard, Justin Martyr, 89. Author's parentheses, my square brackets. 58 Gilson, History of Christian Philosophy, 31. 59 Barnard,Justin Martyr,89. However, is the particularisation of truth necessarily an assumption of superiority? Could it not be the acknowledgement of an experiential truth mediated in a particular way? 61 We may be able to place Justin's conversion within a particular model of dialogue but still the basic questions preceding inter-religious dialogue remain. Why dialogue? What is the desired outcome?

What is a Positive Motivation for Undertaking Inter-Religious Dialogue?

Wayne Teasdale has quoted the Dalai Lama on the aim of inter-religious dialogue: "We should (as persons involved in the process of Dialogue) have our focus on the far horizon of history where we want to lead humanity. This should be the aim of our dialogue today as far as I can see." 62 Dialogue between religions is more than just a theological symposium but represents a challenge to greater understanding and tolerance. 63 Panikkar makes the point that the proper outcome of dialogue is inward conversion and greater respect for the other. 64 He envisions dialogue as not just a friendly conversation but as promoting both parties to conversion of heart and mind. Hans Küng notes that the outcome of dialogue must be peace between peoples. 65 This follows the position given by Nostra Aetate. 66 If peace is the desired outcome then polemic or aggressive apologetics, if they are to be elements within a conversation, must be evaluated within that hope for peace. 67 Ideally a climate of total respect and openness will allow self identity and the identity of the other to be preserved.

For Justin, truth is not just a proposition but a liberating event which is mediated of necessity and this mediation is salvific. Justin's search for truth is the main motive accompanying him and motivating him to converse with the old man. So although Justin's description of his conversion lends itself to a fulfilment model, his encounter with Christ came about through his desire to experience the truth in the fullest possible way. Justin found partial satisfaction in Platonism but then encounters it most fully in Christ, thereafter, bringing out treasures old and new, reinterprets the philosophies he had met as 'seeds of the word', bubbles of Christ floating up through culture.

CONCLUSION

there remains a tension between the openness to others asked by inter-religious dialogue and the instinct to remain Christian. To what extent are we asked to 'revise' or 'reevaluate' the accepted linguistic or religious structures that mediate how we understand God's grace? Dialogue after all is a kenotic experience: "When you enter into an intrareligious dialogue, do not think beforehand what you have to believe." 68 Through this criterion the early Christians are not necessarily ideal models of conversation. However Justin's conversion shows a definite openness to the other that shows due respect to the process of seeking truth, inner conversion and peace which dialogue aspires to, established within his Christian identity.

Author: Cullan Joyce has recently graduated with an Honours degree in theology from ACU Brisbane. His Honours thesis was on the Christology of Maximus the Confessor. He is presently studying for his Masters degree on Buddhist-Christian dialogue at the University of Tasmania.

Email: cullanjoyce@hotmail.com 68 Panikkar, The Intra-Religious Dialogue, 1.