The Cartulary of Vauluisant: A Critical Edition (1996 Revision)

THE CARTULARY OF VAULUISANT A CRITICAL EDITION by William Owen Duba A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Master of Arts degree in History in the Graduate College of The University of Iowa December 1994 Thesis supervisor: Professor Constance H. Berman Copyright by WILLIAM OWEN DUBA 1994 All Rights Reserved 1 CHAPTER 1 HISTORY AND DESCRIPTION OF THE TEXT The medieval Cartulary of Vauluisant currently resides in the Bibliothèque Nationale as Latin Manuscript 9901. The cartulary consists of 103 full parchment folios, 1 parchment half-folio and three inserted sheets of paper. The parchment is of variable quality and contains several different medieval hands. Moreover, there is evidence that over the centuries, the codex has undergone several transformations. These transformations are the key to unlocking the history of the textual and the temporal expression of a spiritual corporation, the Cistercian abbey of Vauluisant. The edition of the cartulary of Vauluisant that you are holding in your hands is the result of the travails of a crowd of persons who worked with divergent personal and corporate goals. Although one could easily discard this motivational dissonance as the result of a 830-year, transcontinental gap between the earliest compiler of the cartulary and the latest editor, a closer examination of the apparent differences in attidute towards the text can help to explain the development and arrangement of the book. Moreover, an analysis of the relationship between scribe, editor, librarian, or graduate student and the Vauluisant cartulary not only illuminates the physical development of the cartulary over the centuries, but also casts light on the temporal and spiritual metamorphoses of the producing monastic institution. Curiously, a wider range of impulses seemed to have driven the medieval Cistercian scribes than the early-modern and modern heritors of their codex; despite their vast ordinal, linguistic, geographic and confessional deviation, postmedieval persons have seen the cartulary as a either a compilation of antique, but still 2 valid, documents which substantiate the legal claims of a venerable institution or as a collection of legal documents from a defunct corporation that provides substance for one's historical or antiquarian interests. In contrast, the Vauluisant Cartulary appears to have possessed a much more dynamic range of meanings for its medieval compilers and editors. Along with the role of the text as legal document, which, on the surface, appears to have persisted until the abbey's dissolution, a memorializing purpose helped define the early construction of the book. That is, the compilers sought not only to record the temporal state of the abbey, but also commemorate the laudable spiritual impulses of their abbey's benefactors. Moreover, even the legal utility of the cartulary underwent major transformations during the first two centuries of the abbey's existence; the book moved from a means of collecting and organizing documents designed for the facilitation of confirmations to a redundant collection aimed at summarizing the temporal state of the abbey and making the retrieval of original documents easier. Finally, the cartulary metamorphosed into a coherently-arranged and spatially-dispersed compilation whose deeds carried almost as much legal weight as the originals. The interaction between this succession of legal forms and the shifting importance of the memorializing purpose shaped the document and can explain the physical and discretionary shifts evident in the arrangement, form and content of the Vauluisant Cartulary.1 The Vauluisant Cartulary seems to have had its origins in the preparation for the papal confirmation of November 22, 1163. In essence, Pope Alexander III confirmed Vauluisants holdings during his extended stay in the nearby city of Sens. Unlike his 1179 confirmation, Alexander does not just mention the names of the monastic holdings 1In the following discussion of the various stages of the Vauluisant Cartulary, I have had to deal with the difficulties of tense. I will try to adhere to the following conventions: discussions of the content, form and paleographical makeup of extant charters will be in the present tense; I will employ the past tense for discussions of early arrangements. The current arrangement, which was more or less solidified at the turn of the fourteenth century, merits a discussion in the present tense. 3 (such as granges), he indicates individual donations, allowing a positive identification of the charters that he saw. Copies of charters mentioned by Alexander III can be found in the cartulary in nearly the same order as in the confirmation.2 Furthermore, no cartulary charter that is written in the earliest hand can be dated beyond 1163 with any certainty. Indeed, 1163 is the earliest positive date of the charters inserted immediately after the documents copied in the earliest hand.3 At the very least, the original Cartulary of Vauluisant and the confirmation of the abbey's properties occurred at approximately the same time and employed the same records. Unfortunately, there is no additional evidence that might illuminate the relationship between the bull and the book. Nevertheless, speculation provides two equally possible alternatives. Either the cartulary served as a dossier to assist the process of papal approval, or the monks assembled the codex after the confirmation as an illustration of what the 1163 bull indicated. The advantages of holding the former position present themselves fairly readily. It would be easier for the pope to confirm charters as compiled in book form than as collected in loose documents; a single text would facilitate the bureaucratic process. Nonetheless, the dossier thesis would not fully explain several omissions. While Alexander III's confirmation seems to cover many of the original documents in the cartulary, it does not include them all. The pope confirms only positive gifts of real estate and a few usage rights, passing over, among others, surrenders of tithes on land operated by the monastery, authorizations by lords to acquire property in their feudal domains, donations of intangible privileges, amicable agreements and the results of arbitration and favorable lawsuits. If the cartulary were intended to serve as a dossier, why include all the individual surrenders of tithes? 2NC1 (AD Yonne, H 676). I have indicated in parantheses the numbers of the charters that are still extant. 3#157 (43r, 1163), 202 (47v, 1163), 407-8, (105v-106r, 1164). 4 Thus the other option, that the monks compiled the cartulary after the confirmation, and as a guide to it, seems more likely. Indeed, the other option, that the cartulary was assembled as a means of substantiating and illustrating what was confirmed, seems more capable of addressing these concerns. The pope needed only to record the charters demonstrating donations of land or of rights on land not owned by the monastery; the other documents, the authorizations to acquire land as well as the waivers to rights on those lands, fall under the confirmation inasmuch as they relate to the lands held by the abbey. In doing so, the pope could have been guaranteeing ecclesiastical jurisdiction over these properties; thus specific mentions of surrenders of tithes were unnecessary. This interpretation also has the advantage of explaining the slight variations in the order of charters between the 1163 bull and the 1163 cartulary. In addition, this reading can explain the exclusion of the privileges of King Louis VII and the Viscounts of Corbeil. 4 Since by definition privileges pertain to the jurisdiction they were granted under, a papal confirmation might carry even less weight than usual.5 Perhaps, however, no causal connection between the two events exists. Both could have resulted from the same administrative impulse. At the very least, there does appear to have been a strong relationship of an unascertainable nature between the papal confirmation and the original cartulary, a relationship which informed the physical construction and appearance of the text. Much of this original cartulary survives. Extremely functional, the script lacks any embellishment; even the capitals seen somewhat austere. Nevertheless, the quality and clarity of the manuscript hand and the parchment betray a well-to-do monastery. The 4#130-32 5Another (38r-v). possibility is that they were documents issued by the king of France, whose authority was deemed strong enough not to need confirmation. 5 parchment is yellowish-tan in color, of medium to high quality, relatively supple with a feltish feel to it. Like all subsequent scribes, the original editor divided each page into two columns. Also in keeping with later editions, all the documents that the 1163 cartulary6 contains are duplicates of originals. Slightly less than a third of all the charters in the cartulary have originals still in existence. Also, the evidence of copies of chirographs being recorded in the codex furthers the notion that this cartulary served as a repository for copies of charters, and not as a collection of original documents.7 The script in which the original cartulary was written, henceforth called "Script A," has many characteristics that are typical of a late twelfth-century Cistercian book hand (see figures 2 and 3). The ink is a dark brown color; the rubrics are a rich red; the invocationes are rubricized, as are the capitals. There are forty or forty-one lines per page, and the script wanders to greater or lesser degrees above the lines on the page. Abbreviations are kept to a minimum. Script A also merits consideration of the distinguishing elements in its letter construction. Each minim is formed by one stroke. The Script A Tironian et is uncrossed and the finial is a third stroke to the right at the base of the et (e.g., figure 3, line 5). The ampersand is also occasionally used. Furthermore, the scribe sporadically employs a cedilla on an e to indicate the ae diphthong (cf. line 3, column 1 and line 9, column 2), often incorrectly.8 The finials of 6Henceforth I will refer to the different versions of the cartulary by the latest date that they contain. This appellation will refer to the entire cartulary in existence. Thus, the 1185 cartulary will contain the 1163 cartulary. The reason for this inclusion is that how the various organizers of the cartulary arranged previous material is as valuable source of insight into their approach as what they include in their additions. 7That is, this is not a "notarial cartulary." For a discussion of these competing conceptions of cartularies, see Constance Berman, review of Magnou and Ourliac, Le cartulaire de la Selve, pp. 22-27 in Tenso: Bulletin de la Société Guilhelm IX 4 (1988). p. 25. the finial of the final e in a word should not be confused with the cedilla, which in this hand always descends down and to the left. 8n.b., 6 the ascenders and minims are without exception spatula shaped. On the whole, this is a very clear, elegantly-rounded script. Attention should be drawn to the ductus of some letters. There are two ways in which the letter d is drawn in Script A. The scribe varies between a d consisting of a stem with a bow (line 20, de) and a cursive d where the ascender rises out of the body (line 20, Odo). In addition, the g (line 4, gra) appears to have been formed by first constructing the body, then appending a diagonal stroke, descending right-to-left at an angle steeper that the pen angle9. This diagonal is then reconnected to the body by the horizontal and vertical strokes of a j-curve. In other words, the 1163 Cartulary is written in a very legible hand on decent but unadorned parchment. The original cartulary was organized into one general and several geographically distinct sections, each with its own label across the top of the page (most of which have now been clipped). The "general" section, labeled the "abbey section," was placed at the front of the cartulary and probably contained the charters that were of greatest interest to the monks at the time.10 Whatever the reason for their location, these charters, some of which appear to be little different than ones found in the individual grange sections, were not among those confirmed by Alexander III in 1163. Next, a group of charters pertaining to the monastic site and the adjoining granges of Toucheboeuf and Beauvoir followed the general section. These started with the "foundation" document.11 After the central house, subsequent sections contained material pertaining to the individual granges not adjoining Vauluisant, which at the time of composition were Livanne, Bernières, 9For lack of a better term, pen angle is used throughout this introduction to refer to the combination of nib angle and angle at which the pen is held. There does not appear to be any slant in any of the hands in the cartulary. 10#143-156 (40r-42v). 11#172-209 (45r-49r). 7 Armentières and Cérilly. The sections for three of these granges are still extant. In the original arrangement, the section for Armentières began with the viscount of Joigny's donation of the property and provided a handful of charters relating to that grange.12 Similarly, the part on Cérilly began with the charter where Ponce de Traînel, patriarch of the powerful Traînel clan, reassigned his former gift of the territory of Cérilly from Preuilly to Vauluisant. After Ponce's reassignation, the section continued with an extensive series of documents for that grange.13 The Bernières section started with a series of donations taking place on April 20, 1147.14 I have been unable to ascertain any order to the charters within these divisions.15 Beyond this first level of organization, every indication suggests a rather haphazard approach to record keeping; one would hope this apparent organizational chaos lies in the modest size of the initial cartulary and perhaps that the monks' devotion to their spiritual duties precluded anything more than a passing attachment to temporal administration. Perhaps a better explanation lies in the document's relationship with the first confirmation of Alexander III. If the original cartulary served as a script for or description of this act of papal approval, then a careful organization would have been of secondary importance to outlining the sources for 12Armentières, #287-291 (76, 78 and 79r). Note that #288-290 (76 and 78) are copies made of the original copies in a later hand, see below. Also note that 289 is dated 1171; it is the only charter of the entire group of charters that I claim were originally written in script A dated past 1164. There are two possible reasons for this. Most likely, there is a transcription error in the Script F copy (in which, despite its illegibility, a lxx° i° can be read -- see figure 19, the beginning of the penultimate line in the second column). If not a transcription error, this charter could have been somewhere else in the cartulary and inserted at this point. 13Cérilly, #296-322. (79v-84v) The five charters between Armentières and Cérilly pertain to the grange of Livanne. I have no explanation for this anomaly -- there is no evidence of any tampering with the text on those particular folios and they are not the ones confirmed in the 1163 bull. 14Bernières, 15This #380-408 (102r-106r). Only the first four charters are dated April 20, 1147. is not to claim that no order exists, rather that an order is not readily apparent. 8 monastic property in each grange. In any case, as will be shown below, it appears that original compiler intended for additions to be appended over time; a careful arrangement by, to give a few examples, rank of donor, or type of transaction, would require either several discrete sections for separate additions, or would preclude additions altogether. As for what legal utility the 1163 cartulary may have served beyond a putative reproduction of the charters authorized by Alexander III, one would assume that it would be associated with the form and content of the twelfth-century charters that they reproduce. These original documents usually employ large book hands and are written on spacious pieces of parchment. Descriptions of the transaction itself are relatively short, the lists of confirmations and witnesses consume the bulk of these charters. Seals do not appear to have been always used in these early documents. Even more often, the documents are written in an anonymous third person voice; no authority identifies himself as recording the document. Perhaps the cartulary functioned as a legal instrument because the importance of sealed documents had yet to become paramount. If M. T. Clanchy's theories about the transformation from memory to written record can be applied across the English Channel, the construction of these charters suggest that their importance did not rest entirely in their being official, sealed documents, but also in their providing a list of witnesses. According to this interpretation the charters served to commemorate the deed and to indicate who was present so that, if some question should arise, they might be consulted regarding the transactions.16 This purpose, a reference for witnesses, would explain the remarkable orthographic fidelity with which the cartulary presents its copies of twelfth-century charters.17a Thus one would expect to find 16M. T. Clanchy, From Memory to Written Record: England 1066-1307, Second Edition, Oxford, 1993, passim. 17aThe negative version of this argument would run: if the originals had an intrinsic value beyond the text they contained, the scribe would have (as he does later) rectified some of the spellings to match what he considers correct. Admittedly, this is different than 9 occasionaly references to mnemonic devices (such as the traditional beating) for the younger witnesses; in the 1163 cartulary, a boy was given two s. for a tunic on the day of the transaction.17 Being an aid to testimony from memory would also serve as an argument for the early cartulary's legal validity; it was almost as valid as the original documents for forming a legal basis for the abbey's claims. A corollary to this role is that although the charters, and, by extension, the cartulary, were intended to have perpetual force, the legal utility of both diminished with the expiration of the last witness. Such a presentist bias would explain the content of the rubrics, which almost always indicate the non-Vauluisant actor in the charters (usually in the genitive case), but rarely the action. By highlighting a document according to the name of the individual, the rubric assumes that the user of the cartulary has some prior knowledge of the individuals and their actions.18 After the initial redaction of the cartulary, copies of later charters were appended to the end of each section in a series of highly variable hands which I group under the heading of Script B.19 Judging by the dated Script B charters, the bulk of these additions were made in the earliest years after the compilation of the 1163 cartulary. In spite of their common appellation, the Script B hands display little commonality (see figures 4 11) -- some appear to be done in the same hand as the Script A scribe, others similar to reducing the charter to an aide memoire, and can also equally support the thesis that any written document had per se greater legal weight than oral evidence. 17#196 (47r). 18Of course, an argument could be made that the preference for the names of the actors represents a desire to commemorate the benefactors of the abbey. This may very well be the case (I am not categorically denying the existence of this desire), but then one would expect some distinction to be made between the names of benefactors and those of unsuccessful litigants (although, often unwilling, the latter are in a sensebenefactors of the abbey). 19Script B.1: #157-8 (43r), B.2: #159 (43r), B.3: #202 (47v), B.4: #203 (47v), B.5: #323 (84v-85r), B.6: #324 (85r), B.7: #407-8 (105r-v). 10 the later, Script C, hand (described below). Finally some hands, most notably Script B.3, are unique. Nevertheless, some remarks can be made about the hands. The ink is a lot less consistent in color, but usually seems to be a lighter brown than other hands. The rubrics are more orange than red and the invocationes (usually In nomine sancte et individue Trinitatis) are rendered in the normal, brownish, ink. Finally, the hands adhere to the usually pre-existent 40 line-per-page ruling, but vary in size. The appearance of these interim hands implies that, whatever the original utility of the Vauluisant Cartulary, it was perceived as a useful register of deeds, a handy repository for the documents that defined the physical plant of the abbey. The paucity of these interim documents also suggests that the monks were not eager to assume the burden of keeping the cartulary current. When the abbey of Vauluisant received the grange of Chevroy and the future grange of Servins from Larrivour around 1176, a scribe copied the initial charters containing the transaction in one of these hands.19a Next, the additions made to the cartulary around 1185 follow this general scheme of keeping the cartulary current without significantly modifying its purpose. Additional charters and folios made of the same type and quality of parchment were attached to the general section, as well as to the geographically-specific sections. Furthermore, additional materials pertaining to the recently purchased grange of Chevroy were added.20 These modifications were all done in Script C, a rounded hand very similar to Script A, possibly written by the same scribe (See figures 12 and 13). However some characteristics serve to distinguish Script C from the Script A hand; other elements of the hand are unique to Script C. In the former group, the light-brown color of the ink and the 19a#415-18 (Paris, A.N., AB XIX 1734). 20The charters which constitute the 1185 additions: Abbey section, #160-171 (43r-44v); Vauluisant Section, #210-211 (49r-v); Cérilly Section, #325-332 (85r-86v); Bernières Section, #409-414 (106r-107v), Servins (Chevroy) Section, #419?-20 (AN, AB XIX 1734 -- the fragment ends with 420). 11 orange shade of the rubrics mirrors the appearance of the interim hands. The invocationes are also rendered in the ink used for regular text. The unique characteristics of Script C manifest themselves in the formation of the hand. The finial of the Tironian et occasionally breaks down and to the left instead of to the right (figure 13, line 6).21 Further, the ampersand disappears entirely from use, and the cedilla on the e seems to be employed less often than in Script A. Most characteristic of Script C, however, is the scribe's tendency to make his diagonal strokes at the pen angle. A thinner textual appearance results from this proclivity. This tendency can be illustrated in the ductus of the scribe's g (e.g., ego, line 5). The g appears to be made in five strokes in a manner completely different from Script A. The pen starts at the top-left corner of the body and comes down in a c-curve motion until it is resting on the ruling line. Next, it makes a descending clockwise half-s-curve (so that the descender usually extends somewhat to the right, unlike in Script A), and extends left to right until the angle of the pen lines up with the center of the nascent body at the ruling line. Then the pen is moved along its angle to form a very thin line connecting the descender to the body. In a counterclockwise motion, the pen completes the body and a final stroke creates the ligature.22 The result is a letter g that is completely distinct from any other hand in the cartulary. Like the additions made in the Script B hands, the 1185 changes mark more of a modernization of the cartulary than a change in its purpose. Nevertheless, papal confirmations do not appear as an operative factor in the continued development of the cartulary. The 1179 bull of Alexander III generally recognizes the monastic holdings and 21note that the right-finial et on line 27 is in actuality a Script D rubric. However, there are plenty of examples of left-finial Script C ets, see figure 12. 22Here and elsewhere, when I use the term "ligature," I am signifying broadly. Technically, the ligature on the g is not a ligature; it does not change the shape of the next character. However, as it is used to connect the g to the next character, in a wider sense, it is a ligature. 12 places special emphasis on the Chevroy grange complex and land of Servins, but does not mention specific charters.23 In addition, this date cannot be associated with any major additions to the book.24 In other words, the role of apostolic confirmation in the motivation behind the cartulary's construction was limited the influence it may have had on the first edition. After the 1185 Cartulary, the monks appeared reluctant to make additions to the cartulary, adding only one charter around 1193, the record of an agreement reached with the Templars of Coulours over the disposition of properties and rights around the Coulours commandery and the abbey's grange of Cérilly. This charter, the only example of Script D (figure 14), was appended to the end of the section pertaining to the grange of Cérilly.25 The next and most significant addition to the cartulary took place around 1229. This marked not only an expansion of the cartulary, but a modification of its purpose. Specifically, the cartulary moved from its earlier role as a dynamic legal safeguard facilitating confirmations, dispute resolutions and the production of witnesses to a position as a book of duplicates, a collection of spatially-concentrated copies of charters functioning as references to original documents. Moreover, the redacting scribe appeared to conceive of the cartulary as a solemn record of the abbey's economic, social and political ties at a time when it was reaching its medieval apogee of opulence; yet a contemporary charter excluded from his edition suggests that the monastery may have suffered from insolvency. The construction and aims of the cartulary focused on the 23NC3 (AD Yonne, H 676). from the text of the Servins-Chevroy fragment, in particular that the original 1176 charters and the 1176 Chapter General confirmation are written in different hands, it would seem that the at least some of the additions were made the cartulary before Alexander III confirmed them. Thus, arguments for both a causal or effectual relationship between this confirmation and this addition fail. 24Judging 25#333 (86v, 1193). 13 memorialization of the community of patrons and monks that constituted the abbey of Vauluisant; the ease of retrieving documents became at best a secondary concern. This functional shift from legal instrument to spiritual ornament manifests itself in the hand in which the 1229 additions were made. Script E (figures 15 and 16) is by far the largest hand in the cartulary; a comparison of texts of similar length shows that the same charter that would take up seventeen lines in Script A consumes twenty-five in Script E.26 As pages of Script E are ruled 32 lines per page, a Script E charter takes up effectively almost twice the space occupied by an equally long Script A document.27 The ink is almost totally black; the rubrics are an orange-red. As with earlier sections, 1229 capitals are rubricated; unlike earlier section, a large portion of the capitals are not filled in. In contrast to the wealth implied by the hand, the yellow-tan parchment is of no more than mediocre quality. Not nearly as supple as the material used in the twelfth century, the skins used in the 1229 cartulary appear slightly translucent and feel rather rigid. Nevertheless, the book hand used represents thirteenth-century central France fairly well. When it is used, the Tironian et (not pictured) is often, but not always, crossed. The minims are somewhat fractured. (especially figure 16, line 6, inspecturis), and there is considerable variation among the finials on the ascenders. The apparent two-stroke method of creating an l or the ascender for a b produces a slightly forked appearance on top (line 12, bila). On the other hand, the ascender of the majuscule H is usually crowned by a single horizontal line (line 10, Henricus). Further, the finial of the majuscule I's ascender and of right shaft of the majuscule N (line 8, Nov'i) are such that the top appears clubbed. Other interesting aspects of this hand that should be noted are 26Based on a comparison of #70 (18v, 25 full lines) with #150 (41v, 16 lines + 1 to adjust for a slightly shorter length). 2725 lines in Script D = 78% of the column length; 17 lines in Script A = 43%. 14 the introduction of the letter V at the beginning of some words (line 3, vicesimo),28 and the construction of the g by forming the body and ligature and then adding the descender (line 1, sigillo).29 Further evidence of the changing purpose of the Vauluisant cartulary at the time of the 1229 additions can be ascertained from the expansion of the range of charters copied. Not only did the scribe duplicate the privileges and confirmations that were missing from the earlier text, but he also included duplicates of pensions and testaments pertaining to the monastery. Indeed, some of these charters appear to have had virtually no legal utility. For example, the monks could have gained no legal or economic benefit from recording the details of the pension arranged for Domina Houdeard sixty years after it was established.30 While a 1213 charter des refer to a meadow "iuxta domun Religiose Mulieris Hudeardis, converse Vallislucentis," and implies her continued earthly existence,31 that she would survive for another twenty years is doubtful, particularly since the circa 1229 rubric to her pension describes the charter as "Pensio pie memorie Huldeardis de Corgenaio," that is, in terms of a dead person. Moreover, her contribution to the abbey consisted entirely of movable wealth, for the most part, specie. In any case, lists of obligations, like records of unfavorable lawsuits, rarely find themselves included in cartularies on their own merits, and appear to have been omitted from the Vauluisant 28although 29I I contend that it is merely a majuscule U. do not believe that the g in line 11, recognovit, is typical of this hand. 30#93 (23r-v, 1169-1172). Of course, Houdeard's pension may have been omitted from the Script C cartulary as the result of the statute promulgated at the 1180 Chapter General meeting, "In domibus nostris et villis ubi conversi morantur frequentius, non habitet femina, nec intret." (J.-M. Canivez, Statuta Capitulorum Generalium Ordinis Cisterciensis ab anno 1116 ad annum 1786, Louvain, 1933-41. v. 1, p. 88, 1180:13, cited in Reinhard Schneider, "Stadthöfe der Zisterzienser: zu ihrer Funktion und Bedeutung," pp. 11-28 in Zisterzienser Studien IV:1979. p. 13). 31#34 (10r). 15 cartulary.32 The only perceivable reason why the legal merits of Houdeard's pension would have dictated its inclusion in the cartulary of Vauluisant is that it specifies the source from which the funds were acquired to purchase the grange of Servins and a significant addition to Bernières. Were this the case, however, the charter would have been included in the earlier, Script C, edition of the cartulary. Rather, Houdeard's pension was included to memorialize the spiritual devotion of one of the monastery's greatest patrons. A stronger case can be made for the testament of Renaud de Villeneuve-auxRiches-Hommes, the priest of Dierry-Saint-Pierre. In May of 1219, a Dominus Renaud, priest of Dierry-Saint-Pierre, willed some of his property to Vauluisant if he should die while on the Albigensian crusade.33 But Renaud did not die on crusade; when he returned in the fall of the same year, he reached a compromise with the monastery over the mill at Pouy only to surrender all his rights to it the following March.34 Consequently, the testament of May 1219 served no practical purpose for the monastery in 1229. But the testament did provide a portrait of the beneficent spirit of the priest of Dierry-Saint-Pierre and it is for this reason that it was included. The very organization of the 1229 cartulary reflects the foregrounding of this memorial purpose. The social or ecclesiastical rank of the actor or the nominal author of the cartulary was instrumental in the ascending arrangement of the charters. Yet more striking than the commemorative impulse is manner in which the lack of interest in maintaining the earlier legal utility of the cartulary shaped the 1229 organization. Quantin, Cartulaire Générale, v. II, pp. 477-78, no. 469 and v. III, pp. 86-87, no. 192. 33#96 (27v) 32e.g., 34#88 (24r-v), #94 (26v-27r). This is based on the assumption, of course, that the Renaud in #96 is the same as that in #88 and 94. 16 Indeed, the legal purpose of the 1229 edition seems to lie in its role as a reference to original documents. For example, the Script E scribe felt the need to "modernize" the cartulary, but the changes that he effected and those that he did not suggest that his notion of the purpose for the text was at odds with his predecessors. For example, one modernization that was implemented involved the content of rubrics. As almost all the preceding rubrics provided only the names and not the actions of the charters, the 1229 rubricator supplied additions to the old rubrics, supplementing the names with a brief content summary which often spilled out into the ample margins of the book. In spite of such a concern to maintain the utility of the rubrics, the 1229 editor disposed with the other, apparently utilitarian, conventions of the early editions. Whereas earlier additions to the cartulary attached at the end of the previous divisions into abbey, monastic site, and grange sections, this revision, although internally divided into abbey and various grange sections, ignored the earlier edition's divisions, and simply attached the 1185 cartulary at the end. Moreover, the scribe did not design these internal divisions for expansion; each section overlapped the next. That is, instead of having one grange or general section end on one folio and the next section start on the following folio, the ends and beginnings of adjoining sections were run together on the same folio. The system of organization made the process of locating specific charters difficult, since material related to a single grange could be scattered in four separate locations in the codex. Furthermore, the seamless blending of one charter into the next rendered any attempt at addition futile. Perhaps this futility, stemming from the secondary nature of the 1229 cartulary's applications at law, explains why the cartulary underwent no alterations during the apparent reogarnization of the abbey's archives approximately 30 years later, when individual charters were numbered and divided into groups based on locality.35 35My assertions about this archival reorganization are based on the markings on the verso sides of the charters numbering and locating the charters (see Appendix H). I have found 17 Nonetheless, it does seem that the cartulary was designed to aid in the location of documents. This argument is supported by the presence on the backs of original charters of short summaries written in Script E. In the Vauluisant archives, no charter dated after 1229 possesses such a summary. Among the approximately 120 discrete originals (i.e., not counting duplicates) of charters contained in the Vauluisant cartulary, 112 definitely have Script E summaries on the back, one might, three have illegible versoes, one has a summary in a twelfth-century hand and three definitely do not have Script E on the dorse. In addition, in cases where more than one "original" is in existence, only one charter contains this Script E writing and when I can positively determine which "original" was the source of the cartulary copy, it is inevitably the one with such a summary on the dorse. In comparison, among the 80 discrete charters not in the cartulary today, only 37 definitely have Script E summaries on their verso sides,36 four might have such writing, three have illegible backs and 36 definitely do not have such markings.37 Could such markings have been intended to aid someone who had read a cartulary copy and was searching for the original? In addition, at this time the cartulary was numerated; verso-recto pairs of folios (i.e., each open two pages) were assigned rubric Roman numerals in ascending order from 1 to beyond 129, essentially corresponding to the original length of the 1229 these markings on the vast majority of the charters dated up to 1257; the first documents after 1257 that do not carry these indicators hail from 1259. 36The bulk of these charters pertain to the grange of Servins, not coincidentally the major part of the cartulary that has been lost. 37For a transcription of the verso sides of original charters, see Appendix H Naturally, these summaries may have been designed to aid in the construction of the cartulary. In this way, the organizer of the cartulary could arrange the charters by their summaries and then, once they were in order, transcribe them into the cartulary. While these summaries may have found themselves of use in the arrangement of the book, this argument fails to explain the large, careful book hand they were written in as well as why the scribe wrote such summaries on charters that had been transcribed into the cartulary in the previous century. 18 cartulary.38 According to this system of numeration, the open cartulary would be turned to one "page number" at a time. These numerals were written in the top left margin of the verso pages of the cartulary (figure 17). These last two aspects of the cartulary, the numeration and the presence of overlapping material, can be used to partially reconstruct the organizational scheme of the 1229 cartulary. However, in order to do so, it is necessary to briefly discuss the drastic modifications made to the cartulary in the late thirteenth to early fourteenth century (which will be thoroughly treated below). At this time, the community of Vauluisant redivided the cartulary into distinct sections and distributed them to their granges. Somewhere in the intervening centuries, the documents for the granges of Livanne and Servins were lost.39 In separating the granges into discrete collections, 38The issue of the length of the 1229 cartulary is a difficult one. The length of the first, Script E, section was 104 folios; following this, the old numeration system places the general and monastic site section at 105-114, and Armentières-Cérilly at 121-129. The manner in which the Armentières section begins, however, suggests that the preceding section overlapped and was removed. The Bernières section, 6 folios in length, was probably attached after Cérilly. The 1229 cartulary was in all likelihood at least 135 folios long, most probably about 140. 39This loss most likely occurred when the granges of Toucheboeuf, Servins and Livanne were consistently leased from the fifteenth century onward. (Bouvier, "Histoire de l'Abbaye de Vauluisant," Annuaire de l'Yonne, 1887. p. 62). I do not now believe that the granges were sold, see MC8-39 for charters that were definitely in the Servins section. The Livanne originals are, however, totally absent. Vauluisant reclaimed the ServinsChevroy grange in the sixteenth century stating "La maison, accin et pourpris de nostre hostel et gangnaige nommé Chevray, dix arpens ou environ, fermé de fossez tout à l'entour; laquelle maison, granche et aultres édifices dudict Chevray ont longtemps esté en ruyne, mais de présent se commencent à remectre en valleur. Item la justice et terre dudict Chevray du costé devers Sergines, décrit en détail et bornée." (A.D. Yonne, H.769, transcription from Inventaire-Sommaire, p. 180). The first folio of the Servins section does survive; it currently resides in Paris, Archives Nationales, AB XIX 1734, to which it was sent towards the beginning of this century from the Département de l'Orne. Sometime thereafter, M. Omont. attempted to reinsert it into the Cartulary as folio 85bis, i.e., after the Cérilly section and before the St.-Martin cahier; for some reason it was returned to the Archives Nationales. Unhappily, whoever used it to bind a late-sixteenth century Etat-Civil for the village of (?) St.-Jouvin de Blavoie (Orne) cut off the top and bottom of the folio to make it fit. Thus, no further precisions concerning the foliation of the Servins section can be gleaned from the fragment, and this edition inserts it at the end of the cartulary (nos. 414-20). 19 overlapping material was copied onto cheap, translucent when not transparent, parchment. Moreover, attempts were made to remove the older system of numeration by abrasion, or, where possible, make it conform to a newer system. Finally, at some point the margins were clipped, removing many of the older pagination marks. In spite of these inadvertent and intentional attempts to efface and conceal the 1229 organization of the cartulary, it does bleed through the alterations made over the centuries.40 Judging from the content of the fragment of the first 1229 folio (a copy of Gregory IX's bull Cum Cisterciensis Ordinis, a general privilege for the Order, although issued in August, 1227), and the effaced preceding X and I on the charters with extant 1229 numeration, the first eleven leaves probably contained various papal bulls. The next 37 folios of the 1229 cartulary (now folios 3 - 39) followed fairly closely the format for the abbey section, ending with another series of bulls by Gregory IX, two directed specifically at Vauluisant, the last a general privilege to the Cistercian Order (Cum ea quae) in the form of vidimus. Since, according to interpolations from the 1229 numeration scheme, the first Script E section is broken off at number 47 and the Cérilly section begins at either number 51 or 61, four or fourteen leaves existed between the two sections.41 Yet, the fragmentary charter beginning the Cérilly section appears to be yet another vidimus of a privilege issued to the entire Cistercian Order by Gregory IX in the first year of his pontificate, this time Cum ante facies. The nature of these charters 40For much of the following codicological reconstruction of the Vauluisant Cartulary, I am indebted to the sagacious assistance and observations of Dr. Marie-Pierre Laffitte. 41What seems easiest is that the current arrangement of the Script E Cérilly section is identical with the 1229 setup, and therefore the gap is fourteen folios; nonetheless, the numeration on fo. 55v looks like an lv instead of an lxv. If the latter were the case, the other ten folios would have to have fallen between folios 60 and 61. This latter argument has the advantage of allowing four instead of fourteen folios of papal bulls under vidimus. In spite of its lack of economy, this arrangement would adhere with the single-vidimus theory presented below. 20 contributes to the suspicion that the eliminated section consisted entirely of papal bulls, possibly general privileges. Indeed, this notion finds support in the text of the first vidimus, issued by Durand, bishop of Chalons-sur-Saone. In essence, this text states, "we wish to declare to your entirety that whe have seen, held, and inspected the privileges and indulgences conferred on all abbots of the Cistercian Order, and to the brothers serving God in the same order, which privileges and indulgences contain this form:"42 In other words, Durand does not necessarily mean that he is citing merely one papal privilege, but could be compiling a series of them. Thus, the fragment at the end of the 1229 Abbey section, and the one at the beginning of the Cérilly charters could actually be the beginning and the end of an excised series of vidimus of at least Gregory VII's early indulgences (and confirmations of previous texts), and possibly those of Honorius III. However, other possibilities do exist. The intervening pages could have contained material pertaining to the Livanne Section. Whatever the case, after the Cérilly (actually Cérilly-Les Loges-Armentières) section, material was presented in order for the granges and grange clusters of Livanne, Bernières, Saint-Martin-le-Chennetron and Servins in a continuous fashion that did not allow for further addition.43 The 1185 cartulary was then appended to the end of the Script E cartulary, starting with the "abbey" section at 40r, which would have been the second half of number 104 according to the 1229 numeration.44 42"Universitati vestre volumus declarare quod privilegia et indulgentias legitimas universis abbatibus Cisterciensis Ordinis, et fratribus sub eodem ordine Deo servientibus, collatas, vidimus, tenuimus et inspeximus, continentes hanc formam:" #137 (39v). 43Cérilly-Armentières, #218-286 (51r-76r. Note that fo. 76, containing #285-86 is in Script F); Bernières, #362-379 (97r-101v. the fragment #361 may also pertain to Bernières, but I suspect that it belonged to Livanne); Saint-Martin-le-Chennetron #334359 (88v-96r. Note that fos. 88 and 96, containing #334 and parts of 335 and 359, are in Script F. This is what I consider to be the most likely order of granges. 44That the entire 1185 cartulary was appended and not integrated into the 1229 edition is strongly implied by the 1229 numeration number CXXIX in the top left margin of fo. 21 Hailing from around the year 1300, the present physical arrangement of the cartulary reveals a very different attitude towards the text than that evinced by the 1229 organization. Essentially the shift in attitude towards the cartulary can be characterized as a movement away from the earlier, commemorative and referential, approach towards a perception of the cartulary as a collection of titles to distinct, and if not alienable, detachable properties. That is, this new view perceived the monastic granges as resources more or less alienable from the abbey and the monastic cartulary as a redundant collection of titles with legal utility; as a result, the cartulary was transformed from a continuous record of beneficence to a sequence of groups and records of removable land holdings. This metamorphosis can be seen in the changes that were effected on the cartulary at this time. First, as noted earlier, the sections pertaining to the abbey's granges were removed and most likely distributed to the various remote locations. In order to do so, the cartulary needed to be considerably rearranged. In short, the construction of the cartulary moved from the 1229 arrangement consisting of the Script E section followed by the earlier, 1185 cartulary, to an organization in which the 1229 and 1185 cartularies were largely interspersed.45 The Script F scribe duplicated charters that were on "seams" 86v, the last page of the 1185 (1193) Cérilly section. If the grange sections were integrated, the number would have been closer to the 61-86 of the Script E Cérilly numeration. 45This change is best illustrated by the following depiction. Vertical bars (|) represent distinct folio sections. hyphens (--) indicate continuous script: Putative 1229 Arrangement: Script E (Papal Bulls?)--Abbey Section--Gregory IX Confirmations (? Vidimuses?)-Script E First Grange-...-Script E Last Grange--Script A General Section -- Script B Additions to General Section -- Script C General Section | Script A Abbey Section -Script B additions -- Script C Abbey Section -- Script E additions | Script A-C First Grange | ... | Script A-C Last Grange. Late 13th-Early 14th Century Organization: Script E Abbey Section | Script A General Section -- Script B Additions to General Section -- Script C General Section | Script A Abbey Section -- Script B additions -Script C Abbey Section -- Script E additions -- Script F copies | Script E First Grange | 22 between two granges. In this way, each grange section appeared in the cartulary as an autonomous collection of documents in Scripts A, B, C, in one case D, and E and flanked by copies in Script F. In addition, the editor eliminated many of the papal bulls and crossed out some charters which he deemed to be irrelevant texts or useless fragments; some of these he moved elsewhere.46 As a result, each grange section could be easily removed and transferred to the property which it concerned. Perhaps the most unmistakable aspect of Script F is the aforementioned poor quality of the parchment (figure 19). Like Script E, there are 32 lines per page (figure 20). Yet the hand is much smaller; as a result, less of the page is written on.47 In any case, the poverty, or apparent poverty of the abbey is made manifest by the general appearance of these inexpensive pieces of parchment that were inserted into the cartulary.48 In addition to its small size, Script F has certain other distinguishing marks. No rubrics are used. The finial of the majuscule H (figure 21, line 3, Henrico) tapers to a Script F First Grange | Script A-D First Grange | ... | Script E Last Grange | Script A-C Last Grange. 46#215-16 (50r) are versions of charters, #266 (64v) and #295 (79v) respectively, that the Script E editor determined were improperly situated, crossed out, and copied elsewhere. These two are also, incidentally, the only cases in the entire edition where the numerical sequence and the sequence of charters are slightly at odds with each other. 47This can be clearly seen in figure 19, fo. 76v, where the last three lines of fo. 75v can be seen through the parchment. Also note that Script D takes up considerably more space horizontally and vertically than E. 214-16(50), 286-290 (76) Partial: 213, 285, 304 (78), 359 (96). #304 causes an interesting problem as it appears in the middle of the script A section for Cérilly, creating some chaos and raising questions concerning the disposition of the Armentières section. Along with #203, it suggests that the 1164 and 1185 arrangements were not as distinct with respect to granges as I portray them, or perhaps the sections pertaining to the grange of Les Loges, for which there are few documents in the cartulary, while an organic outgrowth of Cérilly, were also lost. Another explanation for the poor quality of the Script F parchment could lie in its role as the outermost leaf for each section. Nevertheless, I do not feel that the inferior quality of the skin can be solely attributed to wear; the Servins fragment served as a cover for a text for at least a few centuries, yet it is unmistakably the same quality parchment as any interior part of the 1185 cartulary. 48 23 thin point. The mark where the pen begins the shaft of the ascender usually forms a "dog-leg" abutment just below the finial. The ascender on the letter d (line 3, Girardo) is considerably longer than any other hand in the text. Finally, once again, the ductus of the g (line 1, Hugo) is worthy of note. As with Script C, the pen starts at the top of the body and describes a c-curve. But instead of following with a descending clockwise semicircle followed by a horizontal extension, the pen moves to the right and slightly down. When the pen is approximately below the halfway point of the ligature, it hooks into a wide clockwise arc until the angle of the pen is lined up with the center of what will be the body. At this point, the pen is removed from the parchment and returned to the top of the body. The clockwise stroke that completes the body is dragged diagonally to connect with the end of the descender and the serif dramatically extends out beyond the descender almost to the line below. These characteristics, the finials on characters, the unique formation of the letter g and the general appearance of the text can be used to approximately date this hand.49 In addition, this particular manner of forming the g can be seen to develop in the late thirteenth century, but does not seem to show up in any manuscripts after approximately 1340. Therefore, it would be safe to date this hand, and consequently the modifications made to the cartulary as occurring in the late thirteenth or early fourteenth century.50 49This hand is very similar to the ones used in Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale Latin Manuscrits numbers 9885 (1291), Cartularium monasterii de Crisenone, and 17657 (1332), Aimonus Floriacensis, Historia Francorum (Charles Samaran and Robert Marichal, Catalogue des manuscrits en écriture Latine portant des indications de date, de lieu ou de copiste, v. III, Paris, 1974. pp. 141 and 585, plates lxxii and ci.). 50for no particular reason beyond it being linguistically inelegant to constantly refer to this period as the late thirteenth/early fourteenth century, I will simply describe this hand and these changes from here on as late thirteenth century. The reader should be warned that this may not have been precisely the time when the events described took place. 24 Also of interest is the solitary example of Script G, a widowed protocol fragment on folio 96 recto (figure 22). This is clearly a cursive charter hand contemporary with Script F; I have only seen a cursive charter hand such as this lacking any slant whatsoever and containing such a distinctive manner of abbreviation in manuscripts dating from the late thirteenth and early fourteenth century.51 Once the copies were made in Script F and the cartulary rearranged, the current organization of the cartulary came into being. In brief, it consisted of a general section followed by collections for the central site and the three remaining grange clusters.52 In arranging this edition, the compiler apparently removed two folios from the beginning of the cartulary and then bound the "abbey" part of the codex, including what are now folios 3 to 50. The last ten folios, containing the "abbey" sections in Scripts A, B, C and F, were all bound as one "quire," the other 48 leaves of Script E text were grouped into six quires. A similar approach was taken to the particularly large grange of Cérilly.53 Further, the organizer employed a new system of numeration. Following the same "open page" system as the early numeration system, folios 3v to 49r were eventually numbered 51cf. ibid., p. 153, plate lxviii (1285). (Paris, B.N. MS. Lat. 10105, Thomas Capuanus, Summa dictaminis) 52general section (fos. 3-44), central site (44-50) and granges of Cérilly (51-86), Saint Martin (87-96) and Bernières (96-107). 53This is based largely on the presence of catchwords. Please note that the removal of two folios at the beginning is also corroborated by evidence from the rubric index, below. Also, the Cérilly section catchwords produce some problems. Specifically, fos. 72v and 64v contain catchwords, suggesting that, if it were not severely damaged, fo. 56v would also be the end of a quire, which would suggest that the Cérilly section may have had at least two more folios. However, if one posits that this section was assembled backwards from folio 83, the end of the Script E section, every section would have eight folios except the fo. 50-56, which would have six, and 72-83, which would have 8 and a half parchment folios (77 and 80 are paper, 78 is a half-folio, which, judging by its modern misbinding, was never really firmly attached). An even better solution is to posit ten folios, possibly pertaining to the grange of Les Loges) that were removed after the later, Script F, revisions and existed between folios 60 and 61. With this solution, this section could have had five quires in the late thirteenth- or early-fourteenth-century cartulary. 25 i to xlvi in miniscule numerals at the top of each page (figure 16). The sections pertaining to the granges of Saint-Martin-le-Chennetron and Bernières also show evidence of this system. Interestingly each grange section starts with the numeral i. Indices of the rubrics of those charters so numerated along with their Roman numeral page number were also created (figure 21),54 except for charters pertaining to the grange of Bernières, which may have lost its index over time. In the course of the composition of the index for the abbey section, the compiler decided to remove the first nine folios, and redo the numeration, resulting in a mysterious shift in the number indicated opposite the rubrics. This anomaly aside, the structure of these indices reveals the new purpose of the cartulary. In the index for the general section, all the charters pertaining to monastic holdings distinct from any grange are listed in sequential order. Then, at the end of this list, the rubrics of grange-related charters bound with the general section appear, with the abbreviated name of the grange to which they pertain. A similar organization prevails in the Saint-Martin index. All the rubrics appear in sequential order except for the confirmation of a sale in the fair town of Provins, which appears at the very end of the list.55 All these factors -- the reorganization of the cartulary, the creation of a numeration system that made each grange section an independent entity, of the surrounding sections, the establishment of an indexing system to indicate which charters in the general section pertain granges -- point to a conversion of the cartulary into a book of assets which was at least in part distributed to the granges, possibly when they were leased. One further factor supports this supposition. In the current arrangement, Cérilly is the first grange and immediately follows the conclusion of the general section. However, the first few folios are severely damaged to the point of being partially illegible. This elemental damage on the first folio, number 51, is extensive; in later folios it is increasingly 54fos. 1v-2v, 87r. (89v - 1225). 55#338 26 localized at the bottom of the page until by folio 65 only a smudge on the bottom outside corner remains. The pattern of this damage, extensive at the beginning of the section and continuing to affect neighboring folios, yet not affecting folio 50, suggest two conclusions. Either there was another, quite lengthy section between folios 50 and 51 and folio 51 happened to receive the worst of the damage, or, more probably, the Cérilly section was elsewhere, possibly at one of the abbey's granges, when the damage occurred. Either of these conclusions furthers the impression that the changes made to the cartulary in the early fourteenth century were for the purpose of physically separating the grange sections from the abbey. The Vauluisant Cartulary was converted into a second set of legal documents that could be removed from the muniment room. At the end of the Middle Ages, the Cartulary of Vauluisant emerged as a collection of the legal documents that formed the basis for the abbey's physical plant in its first 100 years. Whatever use the document may have had at law, it had by virtue of its antiquity. The role of the document as a series of memoranda for God on Judgment Day56 no longer appears to have been instrumental in the arrangement of the book. Time played the next major role in the drama of the Vauluisant cartulary. For the four and a half centuries following its last major restructuring, the bulk of the cartulary aged in the archives of the abbey, with parts resting in other locales. The section pertaining to the grange of Livanne fell victim to this separation. The Servins folder somehow migrated to northwestern France. Finally, in 1769, the abbot and convent of Vauluisant paid Claude Gallien, the arpenteur royal of Sens and apparently a Courgenay notary, 8,566 livres to organize their archives.57 Among other activities (such as 56This is Professor Berman's expression. 57A.D. Yonne, H. 685. 27 preparing maps and terriers of the monastic seigneurial holdings), Gallien used the cartulary and other documents to produce an impressive inventory of titles.58 By the time Gallien finished arranging the goods of the monastery, marginal comments were written in the cartulary in French (in the hand I refer to as the "French hand"). While these comments cannot be attributed to Gallien, they include the locations of some of the more easily identifiable place names, the references to duplicate charters, the numeration of the texts, the reproductions in Arabic numerals of all years given, and the inclusion of some that are not. In spite of a total absence of all evidence, I would like to attribute the transcriptions of illegible charters which are found on three inserted pieces of paper (figure 24)59 and maybe the Latin rubrics for some of the Script F charters60 to Gallien's work of arranging the monastery's seigneurial rights. Gallien was probably not responsible for the system of pagination, which appears to hail from the seventeenth century. In spite of their various authors, all these additions to the cartulary took place at a time when the documents still held legal force; that is, they were made before the dissolution of the abbey during the French Revolution. Nonetheless, it does appear that the pagination predates the other markings. The transcriptions carefully refer to the page number (not the folio number, which came into use in the nineteenth century) from which they are transcribed. Similarly, the marginal notations indicate charters by page number. The system of pagination itself has certain idiosyncrasies that suggest an ancien régime origin (figure 25). First, only full sides of parchment that contain text are paginated. As a result, neither the verso nor the recto side is consistently an even page. Also, the indices are not numbered; the pagination begins 58A.D. Yonne, H. 678-79. I have only briefly examined these huge tomes and have not been able to profit from using their summaries to gain insight into the construction of the cartulary. 59fos. 77, 80, and 93 (90 on the microfilm). 6050r (figure 20). 28 with the first charter on folio 3r. Furthermore, the page numbers are scrawled in next to (or sometimes over) the later (Script F) system of Roman numeration on the indices of rubrics. These clues suggest that the pagination system and attendant comments constituted a modernizing, not an antiquating, process. Only one difficulty presents itself with such an interpretation of the pagination scheme, namely its apparent conflicts with post-medieval arabic numeral foliation systems (these systems will be discussed below). The pagination system provides no evidence for a misplaced folio, called folio 80 (between 79 and 81) in the older foliation scheme, and designated folio 78 in the most current reckoning. The problem is that folio 81 verso is numbered page 151 and 82 recto page 152, while 78 recto, which is a continuation of material on 81 verso, is not numbered. This suggests that the first foliation system is prior to the pagination system. This apparent misreading is easily solved, as folio 78 is a half-folio of inexpensive parchment which only contains the continuation of one charter (#304) in the left column of the recto side. Since it only contains the end of a charter and, judging by its current and incorrect placement, it is at best loosely connected to the cartulary, it was not numbered by Gallien or whomever who inserted the page numbers.61 61In any case, this is the explanation for Quantin's nonstandard reference to a charter in the cartulary as being on page "151 et fol. 80." (Cartulaire Générale. v. I, p. 466, no. 308). By comparison, Quantin cites Vauluisant charters which are found on one folio with both pagination and "older" modern foliation systems, e.g., "ancienne pag. 75, auj. fol. 40, r°"(ibid., p. 460, no. 307). Quantin reserves using the word et in such citations for documents which are more than one page long, as in, "Cartul. de Vauluisant, ancienne pag. 156 et 157, auj. fol. 83, r° et v°"(ibid., p. 464, no. 311). Indeed, in Quantin's time, the charter that he cites began on page 151 and ended on folio 80 recto; folio 80 being unpaginated, Quantin does not provide the page number. To avoid the confusion that an apparent reference to one page and two folio sides might make, and without the space to extend his citation into a lengthy discussion, Quantin found it expedient to give a citation that in effect said "page 151 to folio 80 recto." 29 Finally, there are two systems of foliation alluded to in the paragraph above that date from approximately the nineteenth century. By 1886 at the latest,62 the manuscript was foliated starting with the first page of the indices and terminating with the last page, from folio 1 to 107. The inserted pieces of paper were also included in this scheme. This is the current foliation scheme and the one that I use in my references.63 A different system of foliation, somewhat effaced in the current cartulary, was in use at the time that Maximilien Quantin compiled his Cartulaire Générale de l'Yonne in 1860 (figure 25). This older foliation system also starts with the first folio of the cartulary, and is identical with the current system up to folio 56. The paper inserts that form the modern Folios 77, 80 and 90 do not figure in the older foliation. This older system does, however, correctly foliate the current folio 78 as between folios 81 and 82, that is, as folio 80 between 79 62Père Laire's description ("Volume de 107 Feuillets"), Vauluisant Cartulary, inside cover. The only difficulty with this is that I am to understand that the Archives Nationales series in which the Servins fragment is included, AN, AB XIX 1734, was assembled sometime in the 1920s. Yet the notes on the cover refer to an attempt by M. Omont to reinsert it into the "MS 9901" as folio 85bis, a move that would make more sense according to the older reckoning, where it would be between the Cérilly and St.Martin sections; according to the current system, this is folio 86. Moreover, another cover note suggests why it was not ultimately inserted but returned to the AN, viz., "Feuillet d'un Cartulaire perdu de l'abbaye de Vauluisant, provenant des Archives départementales de l'Orne." That is, it could have been returned because it did not seem to fit and was thus assumed to be part of a "lost" cartulary. By contrast, Père Laire concludes his flyleaf summary of the Vauluisant Cartulary with, "Ce Cartulaire à été écrit au 14me Siècle, et je n'en peux pas trouvé d'autres dans les archives de ce Monastère./Laire./Cartul. 152 (Bib Royal.)" Thus, the change in call number, library name, and the assumption of the fragment belonging to a different cartulary (which, given the overwhelming internal and external evidence, seems extremely unlikely) all suggest that the attempted insertion of the AN fragment took place some time after Laire's catalog entry. Of course, there are more direct and less pedantic means of proving this later chronology. For example, the folder that contains the fragment and on which these notes are taken is in actuality a medical file from around 1917 turned inside-out. Thus we are left with the following options: (A.) Laire counted the folios but did not refoliate them, contrary to my assertion above. (B.) Omont miscalculated the folio he planned to insert it in. (C.) Omont was working from a description of the text compiled before Laire's reformulation without having examined the cartulary. 63Actually, there appears to have been some minor manipulation of folios 90-93. On my microfilm, folio 90 is an inserted sheet of paper. In the current manuscript, folio 93 is the page of paper. 30 and 81. This suggests that the manuscript page was placed in the wrong part of the cartulary sometime between when Quantin examined the cartulary (presumably after 1850) and the current system, which was in place by the time it was catalogued in the Bibliothèque Impériale on March 23, 1886. Further, this earlier foliation system shows signs of hasty execution; the current folio 56 is called folio 56, but folio 57, which I have no doubt is continuous with 56, is numbered 58 according to the older system. Finally, folios 87 and 88 are both given number 86, and 93 and 94 both are numbered 90.64 The monastery of Vauluisant was dissolved during the French Revolution. Revolutionaries, opportunists and archivists surveyed and auctioned off the abbey's land, tore down the church and used its stones as building material, and collected and distributed the corporate muniments. Most of the charters ended up in the Archives Départementales de l'Yonne (currently in Auxerre, perhaps at the time located in Sens), a few others in the counterpart for the Département de l'Aube (Troyes). The cartulary itself apparently ended up in the hands of the librarian of the Département de l'Yonne during the revolutionary era. At a meeting on September 23, 1798, the Conseil de conservation des objects des sciences et d'arts determined that all registers, charts, archives and the like in the various départements should be collected and centralized.65 Although this plan was approved, the circular dated 21 Brumaire, An VII (December 11, 1798), only mentions cartularies. The document also suggests what the official attitude toward cartularies should be. Citoyens, tous les cartulaires des ci-devant instituts religieux qui se trouvent disséminés dans les divers dépôts littéraires, bibliothèques et archives de la République, doivent être réunis à Paris. Ces titres, fruits des 64A summary of all pagination and foliation systems can be found at the end of this chapter, on Table 3. 65Leopold Delisle, Le cabinet de manuscrits de la Bibliothèque Impériale, Paris, 1874, v. 2. p. 29. 31 siècles barbares, se lient trop essentiellement à leur histoire pour pouvoir en être distraits. Il faut qu'ils attestent à la postérité ce que l'ambition et l'artifice des corporations privilégiées ont obtenu de la crédule ignorance de nos pères, et qu'ils lui fassent apprécier l'heureuse révolution qui s'est faite dans l'esprit humain. Vous voudrez donc bien faire rechercher tout ce que les dépots de votre département possèdent en ce genre, et l'adresser à Paris, aux conservateurs de la Bibliothèque nationale, rue de la Loi. Je m'en repose votre zèle pour l'exécution de cette mesure, et je suis persuadé que la confiance qu'il m'inspire ne sera pas deçue.66 Someone involved with this circular may have held the revolutionary opinion that cartularies needed to be preserved in order to spell out the history of oppression in excruciating detail. I do not, however, consider myself sufficiently qualified in revolutionary history to suggest that the rhetoric of this statement was an ideological illusion concealing an antiquarian impulse. The response to this circular was not overwhelming. Eleven Départements sent less than 120 cartularies.67 In the Département de l'Yonne, the departmental librarian sent the cartulary of Vauluisant, along with the cartularies of Mont-Saint-Martin, Pontigny and Crisenon to the minister of the département, who in turn forwarded it to the national library on May 29, 1799.68 After the restoration, the Vauluisant Cartulary became Cartulaire 152 of the Bibliothèque Impériale. Under the reign of Louis-Philippe (1830-48), the cartulary received its current binding. In the twentieth century, it became known as Bibliothèque Nationale MS Latin 9901, a 107-folio (104 parchment, 3 paper) manuscript in one of the world's largest collections of medieval manuscripts. Towards the close of the penultimate decade of the twentieth century, Professor Berman at the University of Iowa purchased a microfilm of this cartulary. By some arbitrary action, the microfilm devolved upon me, William Duba in February, 1993; I 66ibid. 67ibid., p. 33. 68ibid., p. 32. 32 then promptly had a photocopy made of it made, and then a photocopy of the photocopy. I made the original transcription from this second photocopy, with the assistance of consultations to the first photocopy whenever the reading of the text was unclear. As a result, many incorrect transcriptions resulting from a misreading of the text as well as from personal faults (most notably entering in a different vowel than the one seen on the page, but sometimes arising from attempting to first transcribe the material in my characteristic highly irregular hand before retranscribing it into the computer) crept into the edition. All abbreviations that I could determine were expanded. Minimal consideration was paid towards the syntax. One of the greatest sources of error in the early stages of the 1994 edition was my inexperience with the language; at the beginning of the edition, my Latin training consisted of 3 semesters of college classical Latin and a smattering of the principles of medieval Latin. Anyway, after transcribing the first forty folios of the cartulary, I proceded to the second phase of the editorial process. For folios 1-40, I went over the transcription of each charter (with the exception of the rubrics) and compared them against the first photocopy as well as the microfilm in particularly dubious cases. For each charter, I wrote a summary in rather colloquial English, and, if it were undated, I tried to ascertain the date using a variety of sources noted below. I also located as many place names as I could with the aid of the Dictionnaire Topo-Bibliographique for the départments of Aube and Yonne, Johanet's Yonne, Joanne's Géographie de Seine-et-Marne and the Institut Géographique Nationale's 1:100,000 scale maps number 21, 22 and 28 for the region. Further, I composed rough translations of the particularly difficult or noteworthy charters. After a brief interlude, I returned to the task and transcribed the remaining 67 folios. Next, I compared my transcriptions in the entire cartulary to those versions of the 33 charters published in editions by Quantin, Garrigues and Lalore. Then, I returned to the library and repeated the summarizing process noted in the paragraph above. At this point I completed what had previously been a sporadic effort at cross-referencing of charters to their citations in published works. In addition, I internally cross-referenced the charters to other relevant ones in the cartulary. Once more I re-examined my summaries, correcting the more egregious informalities and identifying problems with my understanding of the text and with my transcription. The latter problems I submitted to a closer examination of the microfilm, the former to Professor Berman. Before I sent it off for review, however, I corrected my faulty numeration of the charters, and tried to adjust the cross-referencing.69 Following a brief respite corresponding the end of 1993, I examined Professor Berman's commentary, rechecked dubious transcriptions that she highlighted, formalized my summaries, and sharpened my summaries of the cartulary. I also entered the critical data into a spreadsheet, which I then used as an aid in quantifying various aspects of the charters. Next, I began to unlock the secrets of the multiple numeration systems, the mysterious use of what was then called Script C (now Script F), and made strides towards understanding the organization of the cartulary. I then proceeded to write a textual introduction to the cartulary, during the course of which I saw the entire critical edifice I was constructing collapse, Script A bifurcate to A and B (now Scripts A, B and C), and #304 and #290 reunite (now #304). Finally, on April 21, 1994, I printed out my M.A. essay, a "Critical Transcription" of the Vauluisant Cartulary. I successfully defended the essay the following Wednesday, April 27. For reasons which have never been entirely clear to any single individual, but remotely connected with rendering this text more accessible to scholars, about a month 69I believe that all my cross-references are accurate; however if you should discover otherwise, please do not hesitate to bring the shortcoming to my attention. 34 later I took the unprecedented step of changing my registration to from a Non-Thesis to a Thesis Master of Arts degree and passed the summer in continental libraries and archives examining the primary sources, making substantial revisions and additions, and visiting the monastic site. Upon my return in August, I spent the next three months entering in my changes and notes, punctuating the Latin and thoroughly reworking the summaries. Finally, I the last week found me redoing as much of the translations as I could and making all too few tentative modifications to this introduction. On the vigil of the feast of Saint Martin of Tours, 1994, I printed out the cartulary. As I have suggested, the M.A. Thesis was the result of a painstaking process involving hundreds, if not thousands, of hours of careful scholarly reconstruction and thousands of careless unscholarly maledictions. It was laserprinted on a Talaris 2090 print station on standard 8 1/2 x 11 inch paper stock in 12 point Times New Roman (a TrueType® font). Page numbers appear the center of each page 3/4 of an inch from the top. The introductory material is some 11 pages in length and numbered with Roman numerals. The thesis itself, containing three chapters, twelve appendices, a set of figures and a bibliography, contains 978 pages and is numbered in Arabic numerals. The text is contained in two volumes and conforms to the guidelines for theses set by the Graduate College of the University of Iowa. In addition to this edition, printed during the second week of December, 1994, there was one printed a month earlier, November 11, and generally referred to as the "Export edition." Some ten copies of this exist, among which one was sent to the Library of Congress Copyright Office, one to the Bibliothèque Nationale and one to the Archives Départementales de l'Yonne. It is somewhat less polished than the thesis version, and it is single-spaced to reduce its total overall length to just under 500 pages. 35 The version that you are holding in your hands (or viewing on microfilm) underwent some further modifications. Essentially, I rechecked my transcriptions of all but a few original charters without cartulary counterparts. Moreover, I was able to view and take into account the fragment at the Archives Nationales. I also revised portions of the introduction to reduce the level of pomposity and to reconsider some of my assertions. The footnote numbers remain the same. Formally, I redid the idiosyncratic apparatus and structure with an equally idiosyncratic one, drawing upon techniques used in editing philosophical texts when a more diplomatic approach was warranted. I also single spaced the bulk of the cartulary, to bring it down to around 577 pages total. Outside of this, and the Talaris having gone the way of all creatures, the printing on a DEC laser printstation, the thesis remains substantially the same. Giving my proclivity for constantly updating this project, should anyone desire to cite this text, I advise they avoid providing simply a page number (and of course, repunctuate at will). In considering the history of the Cartulary of Vauluisant, the polyvalence of the document emerges as its most significant feature. Over the past 830 years, the book has always been a collection of charters, but it has not always been a book. The type of charters collected, the reason for and order of their compilation underwent major transformations from the earliest group of property holdings accumulated in conjunction with a papal confirmation to the latest collection of medieval Latin charters amassed in conjunction with a seminar project gone awry. When approaching the Vauluisant Cartulary, the reader must keep in awareness that the text is anything but a random sample of the Middle Ages or an impartial presentation of the abbey's physical state. The redactors of the cartulary assembled the book for a purpose, a purpose that changed with the fortunes of the abbey and the changing legal, technological and social customs of the surrounding urban and rural landscape. 36 This shifting editorial objective must at least qualify the historian's use of this text and, by extension, monastic cartularies in general. Even comparisons with apparently similar texts can produce deceptive results. For example, although the cartulary for the neighboring Cistercian house of Pontigny has far fewer documents dating from 11271229 than Vauluisant, and those documents that the cartulary does have are of higher nobility, one cannot automatically conclude that Pontigny had less knightly donors; the compilers may have been reluctant to commemorate the donations from such lackluster sources. Indeed, such seems to have been the case with Vauluisant and its unfree donors. Although such a group of benefactors in not entirely absent from the cartulary, a much greater proportion of such donors appears in the small collection of charters that were not included in the cartulary. Furthermore, the shift in editorial purpose and textual practice also renders comparisons within the cartulary hazardous. What the compilers sought to record in 1163 differed greatly from what the 1229 redactor thought important. Not only can the compilers precise intentions only be guessed at, but the composition of the abbey and the nature of the charters themselves changed. In short, the Vauluisant Cartulary may be a data set, but the scholar must remain aware that whenever something is given, something else is withheld. 37 Table 1.1. Previous Foliation and Pagination Systems ________________________________________________________________________ System Description Divergence from current system or correspondence (:) Older Foliation 1-56 identical, 57-76 +1,79 -1, 81 -2, 82-87 -1, 8892 -2, 94-107 -4 Pagination (- numbers indicate 3-50r -5, 51r-76v -6, 79r-v -10, 81r-86v -12, 88v-92v 15, 93r - 95v -17 subtraction from (fo x 2) for recto 97r-107v -19 page. Verso is +1 from these) Roman numeration schemes: a transcription of Roman numerals found in the cartulary follows. The format is folio, fourteenth-century number found at top of folio, lmarg (if present indicates the existence of a large, thirteenth-century number in top left margin) left marginal number. Italics indicate visibly erased numerals 3v i 19r xvi 4r i 19v xvii 4v ii 20r xvii 5r ii 20v xviii 5v iii 21r xviii 6r iii 21v xi[x] 6v iiii 22r xix 7r iiii 22v xx 7v v 23r xx 8r v 23v xxi lmarg [x]xxii 8v vi 24r xxi 9r vi 24v xxii lmarg [x]xiii 9v vii 25r xxii 10r vii 25v xxiii lmarg [x]xxiiii 10v viii 26r xxiii 11r viii 26v xxiiii lmarg [x]xxv 11v ix 27r xxiiii 12r ix 27v xxv lmarg [x]xxv[i] 12v x 28r xxv 13r x 28v xxvi lmarg [x]xxvi[i] 13v xi 29r xxvi 14r xi 29v xxvii lmarg [x]xxvii[i] 14v xii 30r xxvii 15r xii 30v xxviii 15v xiii 31r xxviii 16r xiii 32v xxix 16v xiiii 32r xxix 17r xiiii 32v xxx 17v xv 33r xxx 18r xv 33v xxxi 18v xvi 34r xxxi 38 Table 1.1 -- continued ________________________________________________________________________ 34v xxxii 73v lmarg lxxxiii 35r xxxii 74v lmarg [lxxxi]iii 35v xxxiii 75v lmarg [lx]xxv 36r xxxiii 77 paper 36v xxxiiii 79v lmarg [c]xxii 37r xxxiiii 80 paper 37v xxxv lmarg [xl]vi 81v lmarg [c]xxiii 38r xxxv 82v lmarg [c]xxv 38v xxxvi 83v lmarg [c]xxvi 39r xxxvi 84v lmarg cxxvii 39v xxxiii 85v lmarg cxxviii 40v lmarg cv 86v lmarg xxix 41r xxxviii 105-40 89v ii 41v xxxix lmarg vi -tiny 90r ii 42r xxxix 90v iii 42v lmarg vii tiny 91r iii 43r xl 91v iiii 43v xli lmarg cviii 92r iiii 44r xli 92v v 44v xlii 94r v 45r xliii 94v vi 45v xli[ii] 95r vi 46r xliii 95v vii 46v xliiii Bernieres 47r xliiii 97v lmarg [c or x]xii 47v xlv 98r ii 48r xlv 98v iii lmarg ii 48v xlvi lmarg [cx]iii 99v iiii 49r xlvi 101r v 49v lmarg cxiiii 101v vi 55v lmarg . . .v (looks like an lv) 102v viii 58v lmarg . . .i 103r viii 62v lmarg [lxx]i 103v ix 63v lmarg [lxxi]i 104r ix 65v lmarg [lxx]v 104v x 67v lmarg [lxxv]ii 105r x 68v lmarg [lxxvi]ii 105v xi 69v lmarg [lxxvii]ii 106r xi ________________________________________________________________________ 39 CHAPTER 2 INTRODUCTION TO THE CRITICAL EDITION The bulk of this thesis took twenty months to compile. The abbey of Vauluisant began at least 865 years ago, and its spirit has persisted to the present, outlasting fires, wars, and even the monastery's permanent dissolution during the French Revolution. In contrast to a monastery with such a lasting and dynamic history, my edition and commentary appears at best tentative and static. When compared with modern, published, critical editions of monastic cartularies, my thesis looks coarsely hacked from continental manuscript and muniment rooms. For these reasons, I ask the reader's indulgence for the shortcomings in the vitality and accuracy that my document possesses, as well as for the tendency its author has to draw attention to them. Having established the form and appearance of this edition, I will describe its physical organization. This edition contains transcriptions of the cartulary's 420 charters and fragments and the two indices of rubrics, all written on 105 pieces of parchment and three sheets of paper. While some of the marginal comments written in a prerevolutionary hand are included in the summaries and indicated by the abbreviation "Fr.," most are omitted from this edition; these comments are largely arabic numeral transcriptions of the dates and Middle French translations of the locations. After the cartulary itself, three subsequent appendices contain an additional 85 charters in the same form with a different numbering scheme (may have been in earlier Cartulary -- MC, Not in Cartulary -- NC, After 1229 -- AC), but with certain idiosyncrasies that will be discussed. Anyway, in spite of the familiar (Prou-inspired?) appearance of all these 40 documents, there are several elements used in the presentation of each charter which should be individually discussed. Perhaps the best way to discuss these issues is to walk through a prototypical charter, #204. The basis for many editorial decisions rests in the desire to render individual charters not as an atomistic and particular text of antiquarian interest, but rather as an integral and continuous element in a larger document with a specific purpose. That is, although each charter has its own individual history, and often an extant "original" from which it is copied, I prefer not to highlight these elements at the expense of obscuring the arrangement and purpose of the cartulary's compilers. To put it polemically, I have tried to produce an edition of a cartulary, not of charters. 204 The first line of the charter proper contains the unique number that I have assigned it by virtue of its location in the book. That is, I maintain the original arrangement of the codex in the presentation of the charters. For the charters not in the cartulary, their numbers are preceded by the indicator of their status (e.g., MC5 for the fifth charter in the MC section). The status of the charter is determined largely by the nature of the writing on the verso side. I use the presence of Script E on the back of the charter to determine whether the document had probably existed in the 1229 cartulary; if I think the text in question was (or, in the case of the Servins section, is) part of the cartulary, I placed it in the MC appendix; if not, NC. Charters dated after 1229 ended up in the AC sextion. I arranged the MC and NC charters by alphabetic location (starting with "abbey" and followed by the granges) and then chronologically. The AC section is ordered chronologically. [1127 - 1147]1 Traînel at the monastery [Priory] of the Paraclete. 11147, date of Milo de Nogent's departure on the Second Crusade. While Lalore seems to be incorrect insofar as there is no date attached to this document (he presents a date of 1144 as the last clause of the document), he does seem to have grasped the sense of this document. That is, all the monastery's dated acquisitions in Bernières hail from 1146 or 41 Date. For charters that are undated, I have been able to determine a loose set of dates by consulting the episcopal lists in Gams, Series Episcoporum Ecclesiae Catholicae, and the Hierarchia Catholica Medii Aevi, as well as the abbatial lists provided in the Gallia Christiana, the series of Clairvaux abbots in Jongelin, Notitia Abbatarum Ordinis Cistertiensis per Orbem Universem, and Evergates' summary of the various noble family genealogies in Feudal Society in the Bailliage of Troyes under the Counts of Champagne, 1152-1284. Other sources which have proven useful are Roserot's Dictionnaire Historique de la Champagne Meridionale, the Obituaires de la Province de Sens, which mostly borrows the dates of expiration from elsewhere, and Michel Félibien's 1704 classic Histoire de l'abbaye royal de Saint-Denys en France.... I also take into consideration other printed sources, most notably Maximilien Quantin's dating. My own work and other sources figure into the chronological effort. In addition, I occasionally indicate the date written in the margin of the cartulary in the later French hand. As in this example, I indicate in a footnote the identity of my chronological sources, and occasionally suggest further refinements. Unfortunately, many of my sources (e.g., Gams and the Gallia Christiana) are more convenient than fully reliable. I do not however, depend on the least accurate sources for data (such as the marginal comments and Quantin's perceptive but usually rather groundless guesses). The only interpolated dates for which I fail to supply an explanation are those determined by internal evidence; thus one will not often find an explanation for a terminus a quo of 1127, as it is the earliest possible date for the corporate foundation of the monastery. For charters with dates, I have other problems, most of which center around the commencement of the new year. Most of the documents from January, February and later. Hence, if this document is viewed as an authorization to Vauluisant to acquire holdings in Bernières, then it could be seen as taking place contemporary to the earliest Bernières documents, or a little before. In short, the transaction seems to have occurred in the 1140s, before the Second Crusade. 42 March, as well as those without months I have left in old style (o. st.); Those documents in January through early March for which the date relies on a specific day of the week or movable feast, I have indicated the new style (n. st.) date in brackets and rendered the day accordingly.2 Further details on the difficulties of determining the beginning of the new year in this region at this time can be found in Appendix B. The location of the act shares the line with the date. Usually I take the location from the statement of where the act took place. Acts that took place "in the presence" of an official do not merit being localized according to that official. In any case, the meaning of the location differs between the thirteenth century and the twelfth. Many earlier charters focus on a physical act or set of acts rather than the written record of that act. For this reason, they will often describe one location or even several locations which are quite distant from the place where the memorializing document was composed. From the close of the twelfth century onward, when a location is given, it is inevitably where the act was solemnified by an official. These temporal idiosyncrasies notwithstanding, most acts do not provide a location, and I usually indicate this absence. Heloïse, abbess of the Paraclete, and Norpaud, abbot of Vauluisant, having settled some complaints (querelis) arranged (composuerunt) a certain agreement (federationem) over acquisition boundaries. Vauluisant shall be unable to acquire anything beyond Pouy, particularly beyond the road from Pouy to Bagneux; the Paraclete shall be unable to acquire anything near Bernières. Whatever they had beyond these boundaries, with an exception for Vauluisant in the woods to the East of the monastery, they gave to the other monastery. The text (and my translation) provides a more explicit list of boundaries. Effectively, beyond these boundaries, either institution may only acquire property by something given for alms (nisi pro elemosina aliquid eis datum fuerit); and if they should acquire property that way, the other institution may purchase it, if they so desire, at a price determined by honest men. For every charter, an English summary immediately follows the date and location. These summaries adhere to a few simple rules which should be noted. First, the summary almost invariably follows the tense and the form of the original document. At 2Since these styles of providing the date only turn up with regularity in the thirteenth century, I am usually working from a safe assumption in doing so. 43 times, the only difference between a summary and an inelegant literal translation is that the former is always in the third person. Furthermore, while I do indicate laudationes, I do not highlight witnesses, and I occasionally omit other valuable, but somewhat formulaic, clauses, such as warranties and the post-1216 recognition by wives that they consented to an agreement by their own will, they were not coerced, and that they renounced all dower rights. This pedantic approach is the key to several other decisions made in the creation of the summaries. I left the titles of secular individuals below the rank of Count in Latin. Weights, measures, sources of income usually appear in Latin. By a characteristic contrast, wherever possible I have translated the actual names of the actors, with a few notable exceptions, into modern French, although some English does creep in (e.g., Anselm instead of Anseau). Similarly, place names take the form of their modern equivalent; textual fidelity has been sacrificed for ease of geographical research. Thus, what contemporaries referred to as Sainte-Marie becomes Notre-Dame, and the river Iegye becomes the Lalain. Nevertheless, Séant remains Séant and only finds its current name mentioned paranthetically (Bérulles). Ecclesiastical titles, except officialis, are also rendered in English, although I make no distinction between an urban deacon and a rural dean, both appear as decanus in the text and both are rendered as "deacon." Most Latin terms of obscure or possibly dubious meaning (e.g., oschia) appear parenthetically beside my translation.3 I have adjoined the modern calendrical date in parantheses to dates given in reference to feast days. Nevertheless, the reader is encouraged to study the Latin text and not to rely on the English summaries provided. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 48r-v Script A. CHIROGRAPHUM in margin. B. Original 1, AD Yonne, H 705. 21.8 x 29.4 cm. CIROGRAPHUM along right margin. C. Original 2 lost. 3the meanings of many of these dubious terms are discussed in appendix J. 44 D. Paraclete Cartulary (Fourteenth century), BM Troyes, 2284 (23.2 x 15.3 x 8.1 cm), fo.132v. (presumably) After C. a. Lalore, Collection des Principaux Cartulaires du diocèse de Troyes, Paris, vol. II: Cartulaire de l'Abbaye du Paraclet, 1878, pp. 66-8. After D. After the summary, a section providing data on the charter occurs. First, a list of extant copies can be found; manuscripts in capital Roman letters (even ones no longer extant), printed editions and twentieth-century copies of a variety of sorts in lower case. The many early modern summaries and registers that exist in manuscript form do not figure into this list. In the edition of the cartulary itself, A, my base text, is always the Vauluisant Cartulary; the originals follow after all Vauluisant Cartulary copies are indicated. The final manuscript citations are saved for copies in other compilations. The admittedly irregular use of the cartulary instead of the original as a base text needs some justification. Part of the reason lies in the genesis of this edition as a transcription from the cartulary. More importantly, however, I have set out to produce an edition that reflects the persona of the compiler, to vary my base text according to the availability of originals would be to obscure this role; as I tried to show in the preceding chapter, the perception of the value of original charters and their cartulary copies underwent several transformations during the formative period of the codex. These indications of extant copies also provide some information on the copies. For manuscript copies that are not the Vauluisant Cartulary, the approximate dimensions of the text are given in centimeters according to the possibly idiosyncratic formula: l x w [x d]. Other key characteristics such as the presence of any additional writing, attempts at deletion or the damaged nature of the parchment also show up. Additionally, the presence of some seals is noted.4 Ind:Lalore, Traînel, no. 20 (Lalore cites an 1146 accord between Vauluisant and Heloise from fo. 128 of the Paraclete Cartulary. I found no relevant document there). 4Although, them. unfortunately, I did not record every seal, I did take note of the majority of 45 Following the list of sources is a list of published texts that indicate this charter. The more common the indicating source, the less descriptive my bibliographic reference to it is. I only report direct references to the cartulary, indications of the original or other manuscript copies, of printed editions or of summarizing sources are not included. I make no distinction between simple citations and extended analyses. Further, there are some sources that I do not indicate. Most notable among these absences are the appendix of summaries that H. Bouvier attached to his history of the abbey, and the excellent memoires de maîtrises of J. Rouillard and N. Sportes. I excuse myself from including the latter two partly because of the relative inaccessibility of the sources. More importantly, I hesitate from thoroughly treating what are, after all, the tentative conclusions characteristic of Master's theses on both sides of the Atlantic.5 I also exclude the citations that occur when Quantin merely indicates a text in his Cartulaire Générale de l'Yonne. Translation: Appendix C. I also reserve a line to indicate English translations of charters. Most of these references indicate Appendix C, my translations, which vary in quality. There are, however, a few charters (i.e., 172 and 173) that are translated elsewhere. Related Charters: 38, 39, 105, 372, MC41. A list of related charters terminates the section containing data on the charters. These are internal cross-references, designed to serve as a temporary substitute for an index. These usually refer to charters in which the same principals appear or which concern the same transaction, but may occasionally refer to those in which the same piece 5In the case of Sportes, I have also obtained her article and do make thorough use of it. The proceedings in which Rouillard's paper can be found were still, to my awareness, in press as of the printing of this thesis. I apologise for the thinly-veiled self-referential nature of these last few sentences. 46 of property appears. Sometimes these references are quite esoteric, indicating charters where the actor of the present charter gives a laudatio. Federatio inter ecclesiam Vallis Lucentis et ecclesiam Paraclitensis After the summary and before the charter itself, the rubric is reproduced in boldface (in the computerized version, the rubrics are also colored red). All bold rubrics are in Script E, except underlined portions, which are in the same hand as the charter it describes (this charter is somewhat unusual for twelfth-century copies, since it only has rubrics written in the original hand). Since the rubrics only exist in the cartulary itself, these are transcriptions and editions. I try to avoid the punctuation of the rubrics. Nevertheless, the rubrics tend to follow some of the same rules that I use for the edition. {48ra Script A} Editorial comments are made in large brackets {}. These are overwhelmingly indications of the folio (number, side -- recto or verso by r or v, and column -- left or right by a or b), and the hand in which it is written. In nomine sancte et individue Trinitatis. Notum sit omnibus fidelibus, tam presentibus quam futuris, quod Norpaldus, abbas Vallis Lucentis, et Heluildis, abbatissa Paraclitensis, quibusdam querelis quas inter se iste due aecclesie diu habuerant depositis, federationem quandam propter pacis caritatisque custodiam inter se composuerunt, talem, videlicet, quod predictus abbas Vallis Lucentis dedit et concessit aecclesie Paraclitensi omnes partes nemorum quas aecclesia Vallis Lucentis habebat et possidebat in territorio Poiseiensi, a via, scilicet, que tendit a Poiseio Balneolis, nemus, videlicet, illud quod vocatur Faconeis, eta nemus illud quod Elisabeth de Villa Mauri dedit aecclesiae Vallis Lucentis, et nemus illud quod Gauterus de Fonteneto dedit eidem aecclesiae Vallis Lucentis, ita tamen quod terram arabilem, ubicumque fuisset, sibib aecclesia Vallis Lucentis retinuit. 6 7 a. quod vocatur faconeis om. a. b. sibi om. a. The edition has several features worthy of note. Rubrics in the text of the charters are in bold, except for the initial capital (in this case, the N in Notum in the first line). transcriptions of the charters themselves are fairly self-explanatory. Because of the 6 7In the first editions of the cartulary, all the apparatus was contained in footnotes. These notes remain a testimony to that approach. 47 nature of my Latin training, I distinguish between us and vs, but not is and js. Neither set of characters is distinct in the medieval charters of Vauluisant; what differences that do appear are a function of the location of the character in the word, i.e., vs appear at the beginning of words, js after is, and so on. I tried to obtain the most accurate reading possible. But uncertain readings persist, and they appear in italics, missing or illegible text is marked . . . ellipses, and interpolations [are indicated] by single brackets.8 The punctuation and use of capitals is intended to resemble modern English usage (as opposed to modern editorial Latin practice), and additional quirks in its internal logic render it unique; further the implementation remains slightly spotty and not necessarily reliable. With medieval manuscript copies, I indicate every variance from minor orthographic deviations to major textual divergences. I do not, however, flag the different indications of the ae diphthong, nor do I mention whether Vallis Lucens is rendered with one or two words; in these cases I adhere unwaveringly to the use of the cartulary. In the interest of representing the cartulary, I usually prefer the orthography of the base text to the (original) "variant," even though this often results in a multiplicity of spellings for the same word. For more major textual problems, however, I tend to defer to earlier copies. Words in Old French are not distinguished in any way from the Latin. Finally, I exhibit a presumptuous tendency include printed editions in the apparatus. Some additional notes should be made about the charters not in the cartulary that are appended in Appendices D-F. On the whole, I consider these documents more transcribed than edited. What is more, these transcriptions were made by hand and then entered into the computer, magnifying my characteristic transcription quirks. Moreover, 8Currently, interpolations indicated with such brackets are of two sorts: a. true interpolations and b. interpolations where the cartulary is illegible. In this edition, I usually only employ a. when I have no second source for the text. Similarly, duplicate words or letters in the Cartulary appear in the text in double [[double]] brackets only when I lack a second source; when I do have such a source, duplicates are banished to the apparatus. 48 the sheer illegibility of my hand rendered the process even less reliable. Fortunately, with a few exceptions, I have now rechecked these transcriptions against the originals, and have greatly improved the reliability of these transcriptions. I will conclude this section with an anecdotal treatment of various issues that arose in the course of making this addition to which the reader should be warned. First, the punctuation should be treated. As noted above, I threw in the punctuation and capitalization at a late stage in the editing process. As a result, it is more irregular and unreliable than other aspects of the cartulary. The worst results of this are the presence of the wrong capital letter or the inadvertant deletion of a word and its replacement with a capital. Although I have seen both of these errors, they do not plague the cartulary. More common is the mysterious presence of the letter m where a comma should be. Further, the ubiquity of semicolon and comma is almost intolerable; the implied distinction between surnames and occupations is entirely arbitrary. A curious by-product of this situation is that similarly-worded documents are not always punctuated the same. The use of ellipses deserves a little more explanation. Unless I can positively determine that a sentence did end in the omitted section, I almost always indicate any gap of any length with simple ellipses. Fragmentary words that border on a gap are indicated by the absence of a space between the ellipsis and the fragmentary word. Therefore, a fragment with ellipsis such as qu. . .dem could, in theory, indicate the absence of a full half page of text. Second the following observations are warranted with regard to the expansion of abbreviations. In charters where a full name is used along with an indication of that name by an initial, I expand the initials according to the orthographic sense of the name. When I had charters where no full name was given but I could infer the name from another source, I expanded the name in angle brackets. The only exception to this rule is 49 the expansion of the names of the officiales of the archbishop for Sens, which sometimes end up silently expanded. Roman numerals abbreviated by o are left abbreviated, while anything more elaborate, such as an mo receives full expansion. Further, should any medieval variant carry the full expansion, I spell out the number. Some expansions are entirely arbitrary. When eorundem or a similar nasal-dem word is abbreviated before the dem with a line above the vowel, I expand it -ndem. If, however, the fork-shaped -orum abbreviation is used, I report -rumdem. Furthermore, although it seems that Guillaume was spelled Guillermus in this region, I invariably read Guillelmus for the abbreviated Guillmus. The name of the abbey of Vauluisant, Vallis Lucens often appears abbreviated. In the cartulary, both Valle Lucenti and Valle Lucente appear as the ablative form. In my expansions of the ablative, without exception I choose the former, i-stem ablative expansion, assuming the adjectival (and not substantive) use of the participle lucens.9 Similarly, Domna and Domnus appear fairly regularly as individual titles, but I almost always expand Dna and Dns as Domina and Dominus, except in a few of the situations where Domna and Domnus are preferred. The expansion of the adjectival locative sense of -ensis has given me immeasurable difficulty. In general, I try to decline the place name along with the noun it modifies, unless I have evidence that it is used to the contrary. This will occasionally result in such bastard forms as the plural ablative Pruvinensibus, even though I have never seen this form actually used. While the exclusive use of the genitive and genitive plural for these forms seems sensible, such usage does not correspond with the way medieval scribes employed the ending. To make matters worse, when I go to translate these terms (usually used in 9 Naturally, in those cases when Vauluisant is used in the plural, lucentes takes on an indubitably substantive sense and is rendered as a normal third declension noun. 50 the context of money), I translate them as nouns rather than adjectives (e.g., 50 l. Provins instead of 50 l. provinois). Beyond the failure to use a proper adjective, other quirks in my summaries persist. Francia is always translated as France and never Frankia. At times, when a Latin verb is parenthetically provided adjacent to the English translation, it is rendered in the infinitive when it should be conjugated. At other times, I indicate declined nouns when they should be in the nominative. In a more general sense, of all the hastilyorganized parts of this thesis, the English summaries are the most carelessly examined (the edition itself is the most carefully constructed). Numerous typos exist and I hate to even think about the number of split infinitives I left in there. The English of and French de are used almost interchangeably. Finally, cattle are not necessarily cows, and the proper name Constance is masculine in the Middle Ages and feminine in the modern era. This is the state of the Vauluisant Cartulary as of May 15, 1996. Please do not hesitate to bring any concerns that you may have to my attention. 51 CHAPTER 3 VAULUISANT: PROPERTY AND PATRONAGE1 To his most sweet friend and fellow brother, Abbot Artaud, Brother Bernard greetings. Whatever amount of grace and love absent friends are able to measure out to each other, I owe you and is owed to me by you, not only because of [our] shared purpose and profession, but also from the debt of our previous fellowship: by such thankfulness and by such a debt of devotion, so much seethes in each of us that we can recognize and bring to attention nothing more clearly than if we by chance hear something concerning the other that is not fitting, as we should not conceal it from one another. I heard concerning you that you desire to construct an abbey in Spain from your holy community. That certainly came to me as a great surprise (in magnam admirationem), namely, [by] what cause, [on] what advice, [for] what purpose (utilitatis) do you desire to banish your sons to seeking and building in a place so distant, at such expense and labor, when, close to you, you could have a place, already built and wellprepared, where you may settle them. For you are not able (as I suppose) to excuse yourself [on the grounds] that that place is not yours, when I most certainly know how easily, if you should wish, it could be. For why would the Lord Abbot of Pontigny, who holds it, deny it at your requesting? Indeed, if you should wish to take it, you could have it most freely: not because it is not good, but because, as you know, it is not being worked by him (quia sibi, ut scis, opus non est). Certainly, one ought to fear, lest we do not follow so carefully that which the Apostle said, "Let no one condemn your youth"2 Because we are young, we would more quickly become known for lightness.3 But I am confident that you will act more advisedly and choose the location that is closer and already built. Indeed, you 1This chapter has been rewritten since the April 1993 edition, but it is still in need of considerable revision. The reader is warned that, for the most part, the chronology of charters given reflects the older edition of the cartulary. 21Tim 2:14. (my reference). 3perhaps meaning "we are more easily disposed to rashness." 52 know that what is a hindering burden to a friend, would be necessary (useful?) to you.4 With such words, Saint Bernard redirected the first abbot of Preuilly's plans for a new foundation to the site that was to become known as Vallis Lucens.5 The spiritual associations of the location -- a sparsely-populated, wooded gently-sloping valley in the marshes in the marches between the County of Champagne and the Viscounty of Sens -probably attracted Bernard in the same way that its original unhealthiness may have 4Bernard of Clairvaux, Opera Genuina, v.1, Laon, 1845. p. 63, ep. 75. -- admittedly a revision would have a reference to the modern critical edition of Bernard's works, "Dulcissimo amico et confratri suo Artaldo abbati. Fr. B. salutem. Quicquid gratiae et dilectionis impendere sibi possunt absentes amici, puto et me debere tibi, et mihi deberi a te, non solum ob consortium propositi et professionis, sed etiam ex debito nostrae invicem pristinae societatis : quae tam grata utrique, tamque debita devotio, quantum in unoquoque nostrum ferveat, in nullo evidentius agnoscere seu innotescere possumus, quam si alterutrum non celemus, si quid forte de alterutro quod non deceat, audimus. Audivi autem ego de te, quod de sancto conventu tuo abbatiam in Hispania construere velis. Quod mihi nimirum in magnam admirationem venit, quid causae videlicet sit, quid consilii, quidve utilitatis, quod filios tuos exsulare cupis, in locum utique tam longinquum, tanto sumptu et labore et quaerendum, et aedificandum : cum prope te habere possis, ubi eos colloces, jam aedificatum et bene praeparatam. Nec enim (ut reor) hinc te excusare potes, quod locus ille tuus non sit; cum certissime sciam, quod facillime, si vis, tuus esse possit. Num quidnam domnus Abbas Pontiniacensis, qui illum tenet, tibi requirenti negaret? Immo si velles accipere, gratissimum haberet : non quia bonus non est, sed [p. 64] quia sibi, ut scis, opus non est. Timendum valde tibi pariter et mihi, ne si sollicite in operibus nostris non servamus quod Apostolus dicit , "Nemo adolescentiam tuam contemnat" [1Tim. 2:14] ; citius, quia juvenes sumus, de levitate notemur. Sed confido quia tu consultius ages, et locum qui vicinior et jam contructus est, eliges : quem amico quidem tenenti nosti oneri esse, tibi autem necessarium fore. Vale." 5The authenticity of the letter is not in doubt; not only does this edition of Bernard's works separate the dubious from the authentic, but other examples can be found for certain peculiarities which at first appear at odds with Bernard's writing style. For example, while Bernard's modification of the addressee's name with the superlative dulcissimo does appear unusual for a man who prefers to refer to fellow Cistercian abbots by carissimo or dilectissimo, I know of at least one other case where dulcissimo is used. Specifically, letter 406 (ibid., p. 308) addresses the abbot of Saint-Nicholas, "Dulcissimo amico et coabbati suo," suggesting that Bernard reserved the epistolary use of this word for use in addressing his associates from his days at Cîteaux. Nevertheless, the following argument is based upon the assumption that the "already constructed" site in Bernard's letter is identical with that of Vauluisant. The editors of the Opera Genuina interpolate the date of 1127 for the letter, but they may have based this on the foundation date of Vauluisant, the only daughter of Preuilly to be founded during the lifetime of Artaud (P. Leopoldus Janauschek, Originum Cisterciensum, Vienna, 1877. v.1, pp. 5-6). 53 repelled the monks of Pontigny.6 Apparently acting on the suggestion of the contemporary abbot of Clairvaux and future saint, in 1127, Artaud purportedly met with the castellans Anselm de Traînel and Eudes de Villemaur and procured their authorization and concession to acquire land in their feudal domains. At some time later, a similar concession by the castellan Milo de Nogent, to whom the lords of Traînel were vassals, was added.7 On April 1, 1129, the altar (atrium) of the abbey of Vauluisant was consecrated.8 According to Janauschek, on September 27 of the same year, "The buildings having been finished, the community [conventus] was established."9 Almost from the moment that Bernard sent his letter to Preuilly, the white monks of Vauluisant established a relationship with the surrounding community. Unfortunately, 6Abbé H. Bouvier, Histoire de l'Eglise et de l'Ancien Archidiocèse de Sens, Amiens, 1911. v. 2, p. 4. On Bernard and valley locations, see Fr. Jean-Baptiste Auberger, L'Unanimité Cistercienne Primitive, Paris, 1986. pp. 99-133. 7 #172, 173 (45r) and Theodore Evergates, Feudal Society in Medieval France: Documents from the County of Champagne, Philadelphia, 1993. pp. 135-136, no. 102. Note that Evergates, not having the benefit of a critical edition, follows the version printed in Catel and Lecomte's collection of the charters of Preuilly, which is in turn a silent reprint of the Gallia Christiana rendering. The GC prints these two charters, but, instead of signifying their difference, their essence is summarized in one header, which does, admittedly, refer to the documents in the plural. Catel and Lecomte fail to take notice of this formal distinction and posit no plurality in the text. Thus, this strain loses the real distinction between Milo de Nogent's concession and the foundation document, hence precluding the possibility of drawing a relationship between them. Furthermore, the absence of any mention of Pontigny having already built on the site should not be taken as proof that the site mentioned in Bernard's letter is different from Vauluisant. Foundation charters (and other texts, see infra) were composed after the fact and often to reflect the munificence of those who contributed to the foundation -any reference suggesting that the abbey owed something to its rival Pontigny would probably not have persisted. See Vivian H. Galbraith, "Monastic Foundation Charters of the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries," pp. 205-22, 296-98 in Cambridge Historical Jouranl 4:3 (1934). Moreover, there does exist some speculation in the literature that the abandoned Pontigniacensian site became the grange of Cérilly, but this argument is perhaps based entirely on geographic proximity. 8#208 (49r). 9Janauschek, op. cit., v. 1. p. 16, "aedibus interim perfectis conventus introductus est." He cites numerous contemporary and critical sources to substantiate this claim. 54 for the first two generations of the abbey, the nature of the charters preserved offer very little evidence for this association with the extra-claustral society. Nevertheless, it at least can be shown that the convent consisted of monks and conversi doing God's work while assembling an extensive system of granges with the aid of knightly patrons. Once Vauluisant became an established part of the landscape, the relationship with their benefactors comes into focus. Whether this later state of affairs reflected the pristine monastic community or it represented a novel development in the monastic society, the documents can only offer suggestions. Before advancing with the argument, however, a complicating development should be introduced. As a result of the increasing centralization of political power, the construction of charters became increasingly complex. Much like the transition from memory to written record that M. T. Clanchy describes for England, charters at this time can be shown to move from being primarily useful as references to witnesses in transactions to having legal force in themselves.10 This change manifests itself in many aspects of the charters in the Vauluisant cartulary. Lists of witnesses, which are extremely prominent in charters before about 1180, start to drop off until, by the start of the thirteenth century, they are entirely absent from the documents. Meanwhile, the regularization of a variety of legal devices such as warranty clauses, the inclusion of spouses in the transaction, and renunciation of dower rights further secured the claims contained in the documents.11 While the charters got more complex, the creation of documents moved from a memorializing act to a bureaucratic procedure. More 10M.T. Clanchy, From Memory to Written Record: England 1066-1307, Second Edition, Oxford, 1993. passim, esp. pp. 295-98. 11At least these devices appear with increasing regularity over time. The movement of securing spousal authorization becomes increasingly elaborate with time. By the last decade of the cartulary, the formula "supradicta etiam mulier recognovit quod hoc faciebat spontanea non coacta." (#14, 5v, 1222) is added; about the same time (1216 ff), the renunciation of dower rights becomes formulaic. 55 conspicuously, episcopal production and authorization of charters was relegated to the bishop's lieutenant, the officialis. Starting with "Hamo de Sancto Romano Curie" in 1202, many of the acts that previously would have been written and sealed in the name of the archbishop were done in the name of the officialis.12 By 1222, the archdeacon of Sens appears to have his own officialis.13 That officiales handled this task implies that the authorization of documents was one of the administrative procedures that latetwelfth-century bishops found increasingly burdensome. Perhaps most revealing of this change in attitude towards the text is the development of a specific form of after-the-fact recognition. Before the advent of this form, charters appear to have been drawn up at varying times after the act. At least once, during the delay between the drawing up of a text and the attaching of a seal, the situation had changed dramatically enough to warrant rewriting the charter.14 Another charter records the donation of a dead man.15 The approach taken to the production of such documents evinces the preference held by a literate society for physical and symbolic acts and the role in documents in recording these transactions. The advent of the form of post-facto recognition demonstrates the shift in legal signification from that of witnesses to recall the act to signifying the act directly, as specialty. Unlike most charters known as recognitiones, these recognitions, which I will henceforth call "reflexive recognitions," 12#16 (5v-6r). The standard authority on the officialis is still Paul Fournier, Les Officialités au Moyen Age, Paris, 1880. I follow his account in some details. 13#256 (61v-62r). 14#205 (48v, 1148), NC4 (AD Yonne, H 710, ca. 1147). On the front of the charter, the document is written and "sealed" in the name of Herbert, abbot of Saint-Pierre-le-Vif. Herbert died on May 1, 1147 before he could seal the text. His successor, Gerard, had the charter rewritten on the dorse and sealed with a date of December, 1148, indicating at least twenty months between the composition of its charter and its completion. See the note attached to #205 for further details. 15#394 (104r, 1148-52). 56 fulfill the purpose of recording an original transaction. These documents can be identified by the distinct construction of their main verb phrase, a third-person perfect form of recognosco, immediately followed by the reflexive accusative se and then at some point a perfect infinitive. The most common form of the construction is recognovit se dedisse. Reflexive recognitions appear in the Vauluisant cartulary from 1199 onwards and are employed to some extent by almost every scribe in the collection.16 In one case, a donation is immediately preceded by a reflexive recognition providing new terms dated the following month.17 This linguistic shift belies a conscious recognition of the separation between act and the creation of the deed. The charter no longer served as an auxiliary to a transaction, recording the circumstances of an act; it gave that act validity. The divorce of the charter from the act evinced by the reflexive recognition imparted legal weight to the former. In fine, the shift in attitudes towards the text is encapsulated by this development; what earlier had been a solemn event validated by ceremony and the memory of witnesses became an agreement that needed to be solemnized by an official and memorialized on parchment. This separation implies an increase in general literacy, or at least literary awareness. When the act became secondary to the recording of it on parchment, the population in general became aware of the existence and importance of documents. This change in practice and conceptualization impinged upon the composition of the Vauluisant cartulary at every level. For this reason, some of the 16#117 (31v-32r, 1199) Count Thibaut III, e.g., #15 (5v, 1222) Sens officialis, 51 (14v, 1223) Auxerre officialis, 83 (22v-23r, 1225) deacon of the Vanne Basin, 213 (49v-50r, 1227) baillivus of the count of Champagne, 230 (55r-v, 1227 v.st.) minister of the Troyes church, 335 (88v-89r, 1218) bishop of Troyes, 337 (89r-v) deacon of Notre-Dame-deVal-Provins, 339 (89v-91r, 1224) deacon of the Christianity of Provins, 342 (91r-v, 1209 n.st.), 344 (92r-v, 1227 n.st.) St.-Jacques-de-Provins abbot, 348 (93r-v, 1220) deacon of Traînel, 369 (98v-99r, 1225) archdeacon of Troyes. 17#69-68 (18r-v, March and April 1225) 57 increased specificity and wider array of types of charters after the last decades of the twelfth century can be attributed to the transition from "memory to written record."18 This change being noted, the composition of the community of Vauluisant in the early years merits analysis. The early documents from the cartulary do not provide the sort of material necessary to ascertain the nature and intensity of the distinction between the external community of patrons and the internal community of monks and conversi. Donors are shown giving land, and the convent is shown receiving it; very few documents in themselves detail more complex relationships. Therefore, what few comments I can make will focus on the benefactors and their association with the monastic enterprise over Vauluisant's first half-century. Perhaps the most revolutionary aspect of Vauluisant, and Cistercian houses in general, is their exploitation of a new field of monastic patronage. This is perhaps best illustrated by comparison to older ecclesiastical institutions. Many of the older institutions relied on ecclesiastical or aristocratic patronage. For example, the contemporary refoundation of Saint-Jean-de-Sens drew its wealth from steadily acquiring parish churches nominally, if not actually, given by the archbishop of Sens.19 In addition, several religious institutions benefited from the patronage of the upper nobility. While by this time large tracts of land may not have been as easily dispensed as before the land expansion of the eleventh and twelfth centuries, nevertheless substantial sources of 18One final correlative example of this transition is the rapidity with which documents were produced. In September, 1229, Agnes, the widow of Guy de Maupas, and her current husband, Herbert de Vico Novo made a donation to the abbey in exchange for a set income to be paid to Agnes for the rest of her life. The same month, Agnes died, and the monks were able to get the officialis to produce another charter, cancelling the obligation to pay the now-deceased Agnes. Both originals still exist. Since this is also without doubt the latest document in the cartulary, and it appears in the middle of the largest section of the 1229 additions, it is unlikely that the officialis simply backdated the later charter (#55, 15r-v; AD Yonne, H 723). 19See Appendix A. 58 income, such as tolls, were regularly granted by a local count, duke, or king to ecclesiastical institutions. For example, Saint-Pierre-le-Vif profited from a monopoly on the scales at the fairs of Troyes and Bar-sur-Aube given by the count of Champagne in 1103.20 These sources of revenue, however, came from the munificence of a very small number of individuals. This small pool of donors may have already had sufficient recipients of donations to render the task of an entirely novel foundation trying to win their favor difficult indeed. Further, to capitalize on these donations, it was ideal that the house be geographically proximate to the residence (or one of the residences) of the donor. Thus, it has been suggested that this proximity, and the consequent frequent interaction between patrons and monastic establishments, facilitated the manipulation of these houses by their secular and ecclesiastical patrons.21 Whatever the actual state of affairs, these older houses interacted intimately with their neighbors. Vauluisant, along with many of the new monastic establishments of the twelfth century, bypassed this ecclesio-political morass and avoided competing with alreadyestablished houses for a limited set of resources by drawing upon a hitherto-untapped source of patronage, the subcomital tier of the feudal nobility. Vauluisant and, by extension, the new foundations as a whole, were ideally suited economically, physically and spiritually to the relatively decentralized political system. By acquiring a patronage base consisting primarily of the knightly class and local aristocracy, Vauluisant acceded to the sector of society that had gained the most from the recent land expansion. By its location that was at the intersection of local as well as regional political and ecclesiastical 20Elizabeth Chapin, Les villes de foires de Champagne, dès origines au début du XIVe siècle, Paris, 1937. p. 77; Evergates, Feudal Society in Medieval France. pp. 31-32, no. 21. 21Christian Maillard and Christian Berruyer, "Les Rapports entre Archevêques et Monastères dans l'Archidiaconé de Sens jusqu'au XIIe siècle," pp. 121-35 in Bulletin philologique et historique, année 1979, where the archbishop's manipulation of parish churches is viewed from the perspective of political control. 59 spheres, the abbey secured several fields for the development of crops and the cultivation of endowment while limiting their exposure to the periodic fluctuations of the fortunes of their patrons. These assertions should each be carefully examined. First, despite the divergent opinions on the essential nature of the Cistercian Order, one of the advantages of its proclivity for rural foundations is the versatility gained in patronage. While some regional houses, such as Barbeaux, Clairvaux and possibly Pontigny, thrived on extensive donations from high nobles, the ideals of the Cistercian Order, like many of the other contemporary new monastic groups, regular canons and military orders, appealed to the recently-powerful lower nobility. Undoubtedly, the Cistercian proximity to their rural lower noble benefactors aided this process.22 Second, the physical location of Vauluisant facilitated the procurement of patronage. While the abbey was situated on the border between the French royal domain and the County of Champagne, the subcomital boundaries appear to have surpassed this larger frontier in significance. Although it has been argued that Vauluisant, along with other new monastic foundations formed part of a chain of border developments between the Île-de-France and the County of Champagne, and, by occupying territory, secured 22The traditional argument has been to indicate the almost exclusive appeal of the Cistercians to the knightly classes, cf C. B. Bouchard, "Knights and the Foundation of the Cistercian House in Burgundy", pp. 315-322 in Erudition at God's Service, ed. John R. Sommerfeldt, Kalamazoo, 1987, where she adopts Duby's model of this ascendant class "aping their betters" and suggests that the spiritual ideals of Cistercian houses was a rejection of this "aping" impulse. That is, according to Duby, the impulse of contemporary knights was to aspire to imitate those superior to them in rank, which they do, thereby explaining the phenomenon of fortified houses. Bouchard's model for the Cistercians highlights the white monks' rejection of the machinery of manorialism and all the glory associated with aristocratic houses. Certainly, houses such as Vauluisant drew their benefactors almost exclusively from the subcomital tier of society, but the Cistercian ideology appealed to high nobles as well. The success of the Cistercian Order was its appeal to all sectors of society. Nevertheless, some houses were favored by the higher nobility. These houses were either those more powerful in the order, such as Clairvaux, Preuilly and Pontigny, or they owed their foundation to the efforts of high nobles or royalty, such as Barbeaux. Such quibbles aside, without the support of the knightly and (in the case of conversi) peasant classes, the Cistercian Order probably would have had sparse convents and few houses. 60 land in the marches while obviating encroachment from the other side,23 this border appears to have mattered very little. Although the abbatial coat of arms consists of two lions, intended some years after the establishment of the church to represent the twin founders, King Louis VI and Count Thibaut II of Champagne, and in spite of Vauluisant's acquisition of property without protest on both sides of the royal-comital border, none of the abbey's holdings were donated by the count or king. If the two powerful lords competed for border territories, would not they, instead of their vassals or subvassals, donate the territory in question? The only concessions made by the king of France to Vauluisant are some toll exemptions and a general privilege.24 Even more astonishing is the total absence of any donations, concessions or sales made by a count or regent countess of Champagne, particularly since Count Thibaut II is listed in the necrology as 23Jean Hubert, "La frontière occidentale du comté de Champagne du XIe au XIIIe siècle," pp. 14-30 in Recueil de travaux offerts à M. Clovis Brunel, v. 2, Paris, 1955. pp. 25-27 (See figure 26). Norman D. Schlesser, in Frontiers, Politics and Power in Eastern France, 1152-1369, Ph.D. Thesis, The University of Iowa, 1981. p. 64, goes so far as to state, "Abbeys, new towns and forts provided a coherent defensive pattern." The extreme manifestation of this position is provided by A. Pissier, "Les Frontières de l'Ile-de-France et de la Champagne du XIIe au XIVe siècle," pp. 105-115 in Bulletin de la Société archéologique de Sens, 40 (1937-38). Outside of his statement, perhaps true in importance but not in fact, that Preuilly was the daughter house of Barbeaux, the most stunning aspect of this article is his attempt to read every marginal ecclesiastical establishment in the region as being the product of the efforts of the count and king to create a "neutral zone" between the two territories. Pissier supports this claim by demonstrating that every religious house was founded by either the count of Champagne, the king of France, their vassals or some combination of them. Of course, this is not exactly a daunting task, but it does rest on the assumption that the king and count had absolute control over their subordinates and that such a system of "petits Etats tampons" (p. 106) would actually serve to keep warfare at a distance. I do not believe that ecclesiastical holdings in the region were extensive enough to serve as a suitable buffer. In any case, medieval marauding armies probably were very different from modern mechanical ones -- their size was not geographically significant. That is, in order for such a buffer system to work, the armies that were to be buffered needed to be large enough that they could not detour around the properties. Furthermore, such armies may have needed to secure provisions, which means that they would be attracted to large concentrations of it in villages and granges. In any case, in times of war, the religious nature of the landlord seems to have been of importance only after the fighting ended. 24#130 (38r, 1163), Louis VII, 133 (38v-39r, 1190), Philip Augustus. Both these exemptions appear to have been routinely given to Cistercian houses by the French kings. 61 "hujus ecclesie fundatorum."25 The only capacity in which the counts and countesses of Champagne appear in the cartulary is judicial; from the latter part of the twelfth century, they settle disputes and recognize transactions in the region.26 Nevertheless, knights, castellans and the viscount of Joigny (but not, conspicuously, his contemporary, the count of Joigny) do appear as principal actors in the cartulary with some regularity. The dominance of this class of actors in the early donations not only suggests that the lands donated to the monastery were already in use (and therefore not abstract wilderness at the disposal of a powerful lord with claims on the territory), but it also tends to discount the interpretation that the critical element in the foundation and later success of Vauluisant was its location between two large political structures. The only relationship that could be posited between the foundation site and the contemporary major political powers is a negative one; the monastic site was distant enough from their respective centers of power so that the monks were not in need of currying favor in the larger courts. On the other hand, Vauluisant's location on the perimeter of smaller political spheres did have significant implications. The Lalain valley was the point of intersection of three major local jurisdictions. The lay lords who provided the original territory for 25Molinier, A., Obituaires de la province de Sens, Paris, 1902-23. v. 1, p. 56. It would appear that this listing probably reflects the mentality of the redacting monk more than any twelfth-century reality. That is, if I were to speculate, this necrology entry was probably written during the thirteenth century when the centralization of political power in the county of Champagne had reached a degree where the involvement of the count in monastic foundations was an advisable and desirable, if not necessary. 26Disputes settled in presence of the count: #118(84v-85r), 120(33v-35r), 323(84v-85r), 376(100v-101r), 409 (106r) (1166-1218), acts confirmed by count: #106(30r), 117(31v32r), 238(57v), 240(57v-58r), 377(101r-v), 391(103v) (1161-1229). Note that #394(104r) concerns a transfer that takes place in 1147, but this is a unique situation. In this case, the donor gave property to Vauluisant before going on crusade, but drowned in battle, and the abbot had to hastily supply some documentation of the donation and therefore had the donor's son, his chaplin and another witness testify before the count. This event, and the creation of Bernières in general, would be further discussed in a section on the physical plant of the abbey. Also note that at the end of the time period of the Vauluisant cartulary, the counts have increased their bureaucratic structure to the degree that baillis start to take over the work they would have personally done before. 62 Vauluisant and authorized any acquisitions from fiefs held by them were the castellans Anselm de Traînel and Eudes de Villemaur.27 Although the number of fiefs held from Anselm de Traînel were considerably greater than those of Eudes de Villemaur, Eudes possessed property in Courgenay.28 Finally, interest in the village of Lailly seems to have been divided between the castellans of Villemaur and the viscounts of Joigny.29 Vauluisant's temporal base was formed in large part by piecing together concessions of peripheral territories from those three lords (who were little more than allies of the count or king) and their vassals. The access to at least three major pools of patronage gave the abbey the volume of knightly patrons necessary to make up for the lesser value of their gifts. Further, with several fields of patronage, the fortunes of the abbey were not tied to a single family. Vauluisant was also founded on an ecclesiastical frontier. Although technically in the archdiocese of Sens, the monastic site was extremely close to the episcopal see of Troyes. Indeed, some charters are sealed by both the bishop and archbishop as a result of these overlapping jurisdictions.30 This peripheral location reduced the influence that the 27#172 (45r) and Evergates, loc. cit. n.b., #173 (45r), where Milo de Nogent authorizes similar acquisitions in his territory, usually appears as part of this document in printed versions. There does not, however, appear to have been a significant amount of property outside of Pouy in the Lalain valley moving directly of Nogent (as opposed to of Nogent through Traînel). 28This point would have been made even more forcefully if I had constructed a map detailing the holdings around the site and their respective lords. Of course, the situation is a little more complex than even this description, other lords appear to claim an interest in the territory, especially Houduin Manent in #176 (45r, around foundation). Moreover, #186 (46r-v) seems to suggest that this valley is at the limit of some lords' area of enforcement; Garnier d'Ormes gives all his property in the region except that which is held by his men who pay him cens or customs. This implies that he has men there that do not pay. 29#156 (42v, 1142-60), for example, shows land in Lailly moving of Joigny, while #198 (47r, before 1163) shows Villemaur's interest in the territory. 30e.g., #162 (43v, 1167). 63 archbishop had over the monastery's well-being and increased its administrative autonomy.31 Perhaps the difficulties in collecting the tithes from such a remote location (the rights to which bishops were in the process of reasserting) was one of the instrumental factors in the surrender of tithes to Vauluisant even before the general exemption given to the Cistercian Order by the papacy in the 1130s.32 Whatever the motivation for such an exemption, domiciled on the fringe of the archdiocese of Sens, the monks remained on the periphery of the archbishop's political maneuverings. Affiliated with the congealing Order of Cîteaux, Abbot Artaud's foundation thus appealed to the personal and financial resources of this newly-powerful class. At the edge of existing political structures, the abbey of Vauluisant profited in the margins of feudal society. This marginal location provided the community with a degree of ecclesiastical and political autonomy that could not be obtained closer to the towns, and it facilitated access to the more powerful members of its patronage base. However, the brothers of Vauluisant were not alone in their association with the rural nobility. By the 1140s, when the church of Vauluisant was consecrated and the monks were entering into their most active period of expansion, the rural landscape in this region had been covered with new monastic foundations. Through a series of lawsuits and settlements at this time, the patronage base of Vauluisant acquired specific boundaries. Agreements with the Abbess Heloïse of the Paraclete, the Templars of Coulours, and Cîteaux's elder daughter of Pontigny established the boundaries for soliciting and acquiring property, particularly 31Christian Maillard and Christian Berruyer, "Rapports entre archevêques et monastères dans l'archidiaconé de Sens jusqu'au XIIe siècle," pp. 121-135 in Bulletin philologique et historique, 1979. pp. 134-136. 32Constance H. Berman, Medieval Agriculture, The Southern French Countryside and the Early Cistercians, Philadelphia, 1986. p. 83. e.g., #144 (40v, 1130), 208 (49r, 1129). 64 land.33 In effect, the number of houses drawing on the same patronage base appears to have reached a saturation point, and thus they carved up the landscape between them. These acquisition boundaries, established in the mid-twelfth century, formed the basis for the majority of the later inter-institutional conflicts that embroiled Vauluisant.34 The establishment of more or less clearly delineated fields for the cultivation of patronage implies an increased regularization of the acquisition of patrons. Certainly, the period around the Second Crusade was that of greatest growth for the abbey. During the two decades from 1140 to 1159, more charters donating land and property to Vauluisant appear in the cartulary than during any other twenty year period (See tables 3.1 and 3.2).35 Some of this munificent surge can be attributed to the crusading movement sponsored in part by Bernard of Clairvaux 33Paraclete, #204 (48r-v, 1130-1147); Coulours #319 (84r, 1129-1147); Pontigny #309 (82v, 1155). Paraclete #38 (10v-11r, 1218), 39 (11r, 1193-1204), 372 (99v-100r, 1209), Maximilien Quantin, Cartulaire Générale de l'Yonne, Auxerre, 1854-60 (hereafter referred to as CG).v. II, pp. 477-78, no. 469; Pontigny #274 (71v-72r, 1185); Coulours #270 (66r - 69, 1204, containing a vidimus of, among others, a decision from 1202), #271 (69v-70v, 1215), 272 (70v-71v, 1193); also note that disputes arise with the Premonstratensians of Dilo in #277 (72v-73r, 1188), #280 (79r-v, 1209) over rights in woods that the monastery starts to acquire, and the Hospitallers of Seboart in #8 (4r-v, 1208), 91 (25r-v, 1222), 104 (29v, 1210) over the state of land sold to the Hospitallers by the monks which was previously owned by Saint-Jean-de-Sens. 34e.g., 35Some comment should be made about the tables and dates in this introduction. They are unchanged from my April, 1994 M.A. essay, and hence not as accurate as they could be. I therefore include, unaltered, my justification offerred from the previous edition, although I am aware that some of the arguments no longer carry as much force. Before 1180, there are very few dated charters. For this reason, I had to use the average date within a range. For example, charters dated between 1127 and 1163, are counted as if they occurred in 1145. Because of this dangerous variability, I have made the first three categories 1127-39, 1140-59 and 1160-79 and then proceeded to group them by decade (minus a year so that the ranges would terminate with 1229, the last year of record). This breakdown helps to minimize the potential errors: Many charters are dated by some combination of Archbishop Hugues of Sens (1142-68), Bishop Henri of Troyes (114569) and Abbot Norpaud (1127-60). To cleave the dates at 1153 would be to introduce a false distinction. Quite simply, there are not enough charters with given dates this early to be able to determine anything about the significance of this date. 65 Whatever his role in the organization and preaching of the crusade, Bernard of Clairvaux closely associated the Second Crusade with the Cistercian Order.36 The evidence from Vauluisant suggests that some Cistercian houses may have profited from this spiritual and military pilgrimage. Perhaps the connection between Saint Bernard and the crusade provided the white monks with some sort of sympathetic magic. Knights leaving on crusade may have been inspired to donate property to Cistercians in exchange for substantial sums of cash, spiritual good fortune, or a combination of the two. In addition, the subcomital nobility was the group most in need of resources for the crusade and the new monastic groups such as the Cistercians had most fully incorporated this class into their patronage networks. Not only was an establishment such as Vauluisant most accustomed to receiving property and rights from this class of patrons, it possessed the resources to exploit the kind of donations the knights were most likely to give. Third, in the fifth decade of the twelfth century, Vauluisant had finished construction of its church and was entering its period of greatest expansion.37 In addition, when a castellan went on crusade, most of his financially-strapped retainers followed, facilitating the monastic assembling of holdings fragmented among several knights. These forces operated in the case of the castellan Milo de Nogent. As part of a pre-1147 settlement with Abbess Heloïse of the Paraclete, Abbot Norpaud of Vauluisant obtained rights to acquire land in the area of Bernières, just south of the Seine and a short distance from the 36John G. Rowe, "The Origins of the Second Crusade: Pope Eugenius III, Bernard of Clairvaux and Louis VII of France," pp. 79-89 in The Second Crusade and the Cistercians, ed. Michael Gervers, New York, 1992; George Ferzoco, "The Origin of the Second Crusade," pp. 91-99, ibid.; Hans Eberhard Mayer, The Crusades, Second Edition, trans. John Gillingham, Oxford, 1988. pp. 93-98. 37Bouvier, "Histoire de l'Abbaye de Vauluisant," pp. 23-144 in Annuaire de l'Yonne, 1887. pt. 3. p. 31, states that the archbishop of Sens, Hugues de Toucy, consecrated the church on October 9, 1144. cf. Robert-Henri Bautier and Monique Gilles, eds., Chronique de Saint-Pierre-le-Vif de Sens, dite de Clarius, Paris, 1979. p. 198, "Anno ab Incarnatione Domini MCXLIII .... Ecclesia Vallis [Lucentis] primo dedicata est." 66 castellany of Nogent-sur-Seine.38 One of the witnesses to this agreement was Lord Milo de Nogent. Later, the same Lord Milo de Nogent surrendered property and rights in the area of Bernières before departing on the Second Crusade in 1147.39 Whether this was a loan, sale or outright gift is difficult to determine; Milo's death by drowning in the Maeander river marked the only major Frankish casualty in one of the few successful battles of the entire campaign.40 Several of Milo's knights also supplied Vauluisant with Bernières property immediately before the Second Crusade; presumably these donations sprang from the desire to leave the west on firm spiritual and financial footing.41 In fine, the Cistercian abbey of Vauluisant increased its physical holdings significantly in the years immediately preceding the Second Crusade.42 After the Second Crusade and a flurry of charters in the two years following the death of Abbot Norpaud in 1159 or 1160, the pace of acquisitions slowed considerably for the next four decades under the Abbots Pierre, Ulric, Guillaume, Felix and Thomas. There are many possible explanations for this decline. While this decline may be attributed to a change in the treatment of documents, with the consequent loss of many, 38#204 (48r-v). 39#394-5 (104r). 40Odo of Deuil, de profectione Ludovici VII in orientem, ed. and trans. Virginia Gingerick Berry, New York, 1948. pp. 112-13. 41most notably, #380-83 (102r-v, 1146, December 25 - 1147, April 20). 42cf. Giles Constable, "The Financing of the Crusades," pp. 64-88 in Outremer: Studies in the history of the crusading kingdoms of Jerusalem, Jerusalem, 1982. Constable claims that the Cistercians benefited the least from the Second Crusade. Apparently, Constable's source is an early-twentienth century German study, perhaps the latter's evidentiary base favors the more recent foundations to the East of the County of Champagne, which may not have developed the financial resources necessary to secure "donations" and mortgages by departing knights. As this paragraph hopefully demonstrates, somewhat older houses with financial resources did participate in the financing of the crusade, and the reason for the low rate of Cistercian participation in this activity may have been more economic than idealistic. Nevertheless, this topic merits more study before any firm conclusions may be drawn. 67 an increased editorial discrimination on the part of the compilers of the addition made to the cartulary around 1185 probably played a role. Furthermore, the charters pertaining to one of the focal points for the abbey's expansion after 1176, the granges of Servins and Chevroy, no longer exist in the cartulary. Moreover, this series of abbots may not have felt temporal expansion was a pressing concern. Internally, the abbey may have reached a plateau at this time. After four decades of construction and acquisition, the community may have felt that it had achieved a desired level of sustenance, or at least paused to consolidate the gains. Outside of the cloisters, it seems that, for the regional nobility, the benefactors of the abbey, either beneficence sagged, sales to the monastery ceased, or resources dried up. The number and scope of property disputes greatly increased during this time (see table 3.3). If one does not discard this fact as the result of a change in editorial decisions, this surge in litigation suggests that not the traditional benefactors of the abbey felt that previous generations had been more than generous with what they perceived was their patrimony, and at least demonstrates that their situation was such that they could not ignore what they interpreted as monastic incursions. Additionally, if, as elsewhere, these Cistercian monks and conversi started to make use of donated rights at a level much higher than the donor envisioned, the litigious attention the abbey received may have resulted from divergent lay and religious views of the monastic enterprise.43 The drop in gifts of property to the abbey could be explained by the contemporary decline in the power of the subcomital nobility in the region. The efforts at centralization exerted by the countesses and counts of Champagne came at the expense of the autonomy of the knights and castellans. While this process had not yet reached the extreme stage it would during the succession crisis of the early thirteenth century, nonetheless, it must 43Berman, Medieval Agriculture. p. 116. 68 have taxed the resources of the local nobility to a measurable degree.44 Further, the knights of Champagne played a significant role in every major crusade of the twelfth century. As was the case with Vauluisant and the Second Crusade, the crusading movement brought considerable wealth into the hands of ecclesiastical institutions. Along with spiritual gains, however, the crusades brought financial losses to the knights and presumably bitterness towards their ecclesiastical creditors, . Finally, the economic and political state of the three major Champagne castellanies in the region entered into a steep decline during the last third of the twelfth century. As a result of this decline, the castellans fade from the circle of patrons of Vauluisant. The political and economic erosion in the status of the lords of Villemaur can only be guessed at from the final exchange of all rights in the town of Villemaur with the countess of Champagne in 1219.45 The timing of this exchange suggests that the castellans of Villemaur did not profit from the Champagne succession crisis. For whatever cause, appearances of the Villemaur family, which once was extremely prominent in the charters of Vauluisant, decrease in the cartulary during the last three decades of the twelfth century until they are almost entirely absent in the thirteenth century. A much stronger case can be made for the decline and demise of the lords of Nogent. The house of Nogent-sur-Seine never fully recovered from the death of Lord Milo on the Second Crusade. Outside of the documents sorting out the last gifts of Milo to Vauluisant, the next time the lord of Nogent appears in any charter in the region is in 1161, at which time Milo's son-in-law Gérard is in possession of the title.46 Some time 44Theodore Evergates, Feudal Society in the Bailliage of Troyes under the Counts of Champagne, 1152-1284, Baltimore, 1975. pp. 127-133. 45ibid., p. 210. 46#396 (104r-v); Evergates, Feudal Society in the Bailliage of Troyes, pp. 189-190. Note that Alphonse Roserot, Dictionnaire Historique de la Champagne Méridionale (Aube) 69 toward the end of the 1180s, all of Gérard's children were dead, and Lady Elizabeth de Nogent, apparently the only surviving member of the family is styled "former lady of Nogent"47 Finally, in 1199 the castellany of Nogent-sur-Seine was included as part of the dowry given by Count Thibaut III to his wife, Blanche.48 Without doubt, by the last decade of the twelfth century, Nogent was no longer an independent castellany but part of the comital domain. The last decades of the twelfth century and the beginning of the thirteenth were a period of restructuring for another major castellan family, the house of Traînel. By 1208, the last of the familial holdings in the castellany of Pont-sur-Seine had been sold.49 Further evidence of problems for the main Traînel line appears in the actions of Lady Ida, the widow of Anselm (III) de Traînel. In February 1211, the brothers of Vauluisant secured a judgment from the officialis of the Sens archbishop stating that Ida was to give sureties to return the land and goods that she unjustly seized.50 The monks' problem with Ida continued, and in December of the following year papal delagates rendered a comprehensive sentence, demanding that she allow the monks and their men to use their territory and that she permit the monks to exercise usage rights in certain woods dès origines à 1790, Langres, 1942 (Rep. Angers, 1948), v. 3. pp. 1777-78, does not cite any charters mentioning the lords of Villemaur in the thirteenth century. The only entry that he mentions is that of the Rôles des Fiefs from 1214. 47378 (101v), "quondam [sic] domina Nogenti." Another, admittedly weak argument can be mustered from the Vauluisant cartulary. The reference to Aerard de Nogent, elsewhere identified as the brother of the Prévôt of Nogent, as "Lord Erard de Nogent" and in rhetorical opposition to secular individuals furthers the suspicion that Nogent was being dismantled and the title of Lord of Nogent was in the process of being reclaimed by (possibly) the monks of Saint-Denis. (#409,106r, 1183) for brother of prévôt, #274,72r-v, 1184-1193, "Dominus Aerardus de Nogento"). 48Evergates, 49ibid., 50#24 loc. cit. p. 207. (7v). 70 surrounding the abbey.51 Ida's desparation in asserting as much power as possible manifests itself as the judgment includes a fairly comprehensive survey of the extent of Vauluisant's abbatial site;. Indeed, Ida's aggressiveness touched on more than the church of Vauluisant; in January 1213, the abbey of Saint-Pierre-le-Vif secured a judgment against Ida for a similar violent denial of rights.52 Although the lady of Traînel's lack of diplomacy may have found its origins in a personality trait, could it not also stem from a desire on the part of a head of a once-powerful seigneurial family to reclaim the economic and political power that the lineage had held in past years? The economic and political difficulties of the castellans should have had an effect on the generosity of the knights. With their lords' families in turmoil, or at least economic difficulties, the knights may have been reluctant to diminish their own source of power. Further, as noted above, crusading knights who did not stay in the Holy Land returned relatively impoverished and indebted. Thus, for the knightly class, the lack of donations and abundance of lawsuits could be explained by the assertion that those knights with wealth to donate probably were trying either to maintain or advance their position in an uncertain time. By the closing decades of the twelfth century, the castellans controlling the territories in which Vauluisant operated spiritually and economically found themselves in an economic and familial crisis, the knights under them were strapped for land, and the monks of Vauluisant owned what they may have felt was a suitable endowment, and thus proceeded to exploit it extensively. 51#121 (35r-36r). These usage rights were given by the lords of Traînel and concerned woods held by the family. Were only these rights in question, then I would suggest that, like elsewhere, this is evidence of the expansion of animal husbandry beyond levels envisioned by the original donors. 52Maximilien Quantin, Receuil des pièces pour faire suite au cartulaire générale de l'Yonne, Paris, 1873 (Hereafter referred to by CG., v. III). p. 55, no. 123. 71 If a transformation occurred in the monastic society and the nature of its ties with the exterior world, it would have occurred at this point, when, around the 1170s and 80s, a dramatic decline in wealth and potency on the part of the abbey's benefactors, as well as their shifting expectations of compensation would have necessitated fundamental alterations in the conceptualization of Vauluisant's internal and external communities. The existence of this development cannot be definitely illustrated; contemporary developments in diplomatic practice may have brought to light these seemingly novel elements. The shift in the value of documents from mnemonic aids to legally valid records and the parallel increased documentary awareness of society increased the complexity of the texts and the arrangements that they described. Whatever the origins, from the 1170s, the charters do not just speak of a passive monastery separated from the world of donors. Rather, the abbey appears to be an extension of the society that formed its benefactors, reciprocating their various benefactors with spiritual and material rewards condign to their social status. Along with this shift, the abbey appears to expand its interests towards the rising towns of the region. The apparent expansion and shift of the types of monastic ties with the castellan and knightly class suggests itself in the expansion of the old donor-abbey association into three categories of relationships between the parties. First, some members of the lower nobility continued to engage in the same sort of patron-convent client that characterized the first half-century, but with a different sort of property. Others ensured that they would be financially remunerated for their patronage while maintaining the spiritual benefits of donations in alms. Finally, the brothers of Vauluisant extended their spiritual community to include patrons who desired more active participation in the life of the convent. 72 First, some patrons of Vauluisant persisted in the older model of patronage, but without the same ability to give. In some cases, the patrons of Vauluisant, like those of other contemporary Cistercian houses, started giving gifts of a variety of types of income rather than land. Table 3.2 clearly demonstrates this increase in transactions involving income of grain, money and tithes. Such an increase in alienations of income rather than land suggests either a desire on the part of the benefactors, predominately knights and their offspring, not to alienate their land, an inability to transfer it, or a lack of land. Perhaps the increasingly centralized political structure remdered it difficult or undesirable for knights to alienate their patrimony; restrictions on mortmain could have been imposed. This might explain why when Henri, knight of Basson, set forth in his will, executed in 1216, his bequests (all to ecclesiastical institutions) of immovables consisted primarily of sources of income and only 9 oschia (plots in a village or town) and 3 anciglia, leaving the presumed bulk of his landed estate intact.53 Second, what few late-twelfth-century charters do contain transfers of land in increasingly contain provisions for material and spiritual remuneration. While some of this increase in returns may be the result of a change in diplomatic practice and monastic editorial discretion, the shift may have received additional impetus from the popular impression that the greed was the motive force behind the white monks. Perhaps this perception stemmed in part from the segregative impulse of the monastic life, 53#71, (18v-19r) see Translations, Appendix D, p. 124-26. See also #96(27v, 1219) where Lord Renaud, the Priest of Dierry-Saint-Pierre makes a testament giving 80 heads of sheep, 25 livres and one muid of rye to Vauluisant, but disposing of no land. Similarly, a quick glance at the testaments of Hagan d'Ervy (ca. 1190), Erard de Nully (1249), Thibaut V de Champagne (1257) and Marie d'Esternay (1279) (Evergates, Feudal Society in Medieval France. pp. 68-73) reveals that the only testator to dispose of land is Hagan d'Ervy. In this case, 2 arpents and three-quarters of a field are alienated (p. 69). This suggests that, much like England under common law, a restriction on the inclusion of land (as sources of income are immovables) in wills was in effect in this region at this time. 73 exacerbated by the uniquely Cistercian establishment of granges; monks and, above all, conversi were neighbors in the medieval landscape, but not of it. For whatever reason, qualified donations, sales and disguised sales are much more prominent among a large group of patrons in the second half-century than the first. The most striking example of a member of this patronage group is the last surviving member of the family of castellans of Nogent, Elisabeth. After earlier confirming and witnessing several donations and favorable settlements,54 around the year 1190, the former lady of Nogent donated to God and the church of Vauluisant a meadow near the grange of Bernières under the following conditions: A. that the gift should take effect after her death. B. that until that time, the conversi of Bernières would maintain the meadow. C. They would also make and collect hay which Elisabeth would then have transported to her own use. D. That this donation was made for the benefit of Elisabeth's soul, as well as those of her husband, children, mother, father and all her other relatives.55 The fact that she purchased this land from a certain Raoul, knight of Villuis, for the express purpose of alienating it to the monks of Vauluisant furthers the suspicion that Elisabeth took advantage of a perceived desire for land on the part of the monks of Vauluisant. For a former chatelaine with a castellany rapidly escheating to the count, perhaps the most economical way to maintain her manner of living involved buying land that the community of Vauluisant, to whose temporal benefit she had worked in the past, would work to her immediate and their ultimate material profit. The very effusiveness of the specified spiritual benefits hints at the economic motives behind the donation; 54e.g., 377 (101r-v, 1186), 395 (104r, 1148-1169), 396 (104r, 1161), 408 (105v-106r, 1164), 409 (106r, 1183). 55#378 (101v). 74 Elisabeth seems to have been determined to get the maximum spiritual and temporal return on her real estate investment. Such a compensatory aspect emerges in many of the charters of the early thirteenth century. Indeed, in the wave of charters running from 1218 to 1228 and cresting in 1225,56 a mercenary undertow can be clearly perceived. Not only does the last decade of the cartulary boast the highest percentage of sales and exchanges of property (eighteen percent), many of the donations appear to be only barely disguised sales (see table 3.1).57 The best example of this material exchange surfaces in the documents detailing the acquisition of the grange of Saint-Martin-le-Chennetron begun in 1218 under Abbot Gauthier and completed six years later by Abbot Aubert. Consistently referred to in the documents by variations of "Sanctus Martinus de Villa Franchein,"58 Saint-Martin-le-Chennetron probably became a franchised town or was established as a villeneuve in the twelfth century. From 1209 to 1213 a wealthy speculator, Artaud de Castello, who was not himself a knight, took advantage of the relatively free population and the absence of excessive manorial exactions to purchase and solidify his claim to a sizable portion of the land in the area and some of the rights to the cens, probably the 30 significant non-ecclesiastical exaction levied on the land or its tenants.59 only 20 10 0 56Total charters per1214 year, Vauluisant Cartulary. 1210 1211 1212 1213 1215 1216 1217 1218 1219 1220 1221 1222 1223 1224 1225 1226 1227 1228 1229 57Of course, there is evidence for disguised sales before this period. The one that creates the most difficulty for the monastery is #234 (56r-v -- 1198), where a "donation" of property by Godin de Courcelles, knight, is later consistently referred to as a sale (#270, 66r-69v, 1204; #271, 69v-70r, 1215; These are also translated, see translations, appendix D, pp. 134-138). 58#337 (39r-v, 1218). 59#341-43, 345 (90r-91v). The assumption that the cens was the only major exaction comes from the origin of this town as a villefranche. Artaud does, however, sell "tres integras costumas cum fornamentis" to Vauluisant. 75 In June 1218, Nicholas the cleric gave in alms whatever rights to cens he had in Saint-Martin-le-Chennetron. Some time over the summer, Artaud de Castello agreed to sell to Vauluisant as much of his property in the village as the lords of the cens would permit. For the next six years, the village, or a sizable portion of it, was converted into a grange.60 The manner in which this grange was consolidated reveals the contemporary attitudes towards Cistercians and land acquisition. Of the twenty-one transactions directly pertaining to Vauluisant's procurement of Saint-Martin contained in twenty charters, sixteen were alienations of one sort or another. Five of these alienations appear at first glance to have been direct donations or surrenders, but further inquiry raises the suspicion that the alienor received some compensation. For example, one of these "donations," the surrender of cens in Saint-Martin held by Montier-la-Celle's Provins priory of Saint-Ayoul, most likely included some form of compensation.61 While this surrender of a nominal 7 1/2 d. cens that carried with it the landlordship of a notinconsiderable 34 1/2 arpents owned by Vauluisant could have been given freely, the community of Saint-Ayoul had little motivation to do so. At the same time as the acquisition of Saint-Martin, Vauluisant encroached upon Saint-Ayoul's Provins holdings, acquiring property and landlordship in the heart of the priory's namesake district. Returning to Saint-Martin, of the eleven other alienations, six were straight sales and five were "partial sales." These partial sales represent a new development for Vauluisant, in diplomatic if not actual practice. The standard formula for partial sales is "N. gives the brothers of Vauluisant one third of X in alms and sells the other two thirds 60There are two charters donating property and rights in Saint-Martin to Vauluisant dated after 1224: #335(88v-89r, 1226) and #344(91r-v, 1227). Since, however, they concern a half-arpent of vineyards and 10 d. cens respectively, they can be considered minor additions. Artaud de Châtelet and Michel, his son, confirmed this donation in December 1228 (NC34). 61#346 (91v-92r, 1222) 76 for Y l., s., or d." At best, the monks obtained a "discount" through partial sales, more likely the formula operates as a fiction to give a seller the appearance of a somewhat beneficent spirit. That these partial sales were understood in this fashion can be seen in the monastery's cartulary. First, the rubrics, which were inserted around the year 1230, always introduce partial sale charters with the verb vendere and never with donare. Furthermore, there does not seem to be any reduction in sale price. For example, in consecutive charters both drawn up by the deacon of Pont-sur-Seine in January 1223, Philip des Essarts and Felix, called Rigaud, sold a cens that they held in allod at SaintMartin-le-Chennetron. Philip sold two-thirds of his two s. cens for eighteen livres, a rate of about 13.5 l. per s. sold, while Felix sold "whatever he had in cens," totaling at least 30 d., or two and two-thirds s., for only nine l., or approximately 3.4 livres per s.62 In this situation at least, the two-thirds part sale does not appear to have had any real effect on the sale price of the interest held by two people in what appears to be the same cens. Consequently, partial sales should be viewed as fictions designed to provide some spiritual compensation to the seller without significantly reducing the purchase price.63 Once the brothers of Vauluisant convinced a sufficient number of individuals to donate or sell their cens and land at Saint-Martin, they secured their property. In early 1224, they obtained a recognition from a certain knight Philip, who four years previously had sold seven and donated two arpents for slightly more than thirty-seven livres, that all the land he held in Saint-Martin was held from Vauluisant for an annual cens of two s.64 62#350, 351 (92v, 94r) I am forced to be imprecise on Felix's total sale price as the pertinent corner of the manuscript is missing. The reader is encouraged to scrutinize these documents. 63Note, however, that in the most elaborate instance of a 2/3 sale, Martha Chaillot of Provins' donation of six sous cens and sale of fourteen more, individual urban properties are grouped into two different charters, one for the sale and one for the donation. Moreover, the properties donated are in general the largest, while those sold tend to be the smaller and more numerous properties. 77 In addition, the abbey may have simply taken over the land of those unwilling to contribute to the creation of the grange. In December 1224, the abbot of Preuilly, Vauluisant's mother house, judged that Eudes de Caroli Domo should quit all rights to the land and cens at Saint-Martin-le-Chennetron of which he had claimed the monks had deprived him.65 Unfortunately, this method of creating granges and assembling land was extremely costly. In June, 1229, scarcely five years after the grange of Saint-Martin was pieced together, it was leased out to Garsias, prepositus of Saint-Quiriace de Provins, and cleric of the count of Champagne to pay Vauluisant's debts.66 Similar undertones, suggesting that prima facie donations silently entailed remuneration, can be perceived in several other contemporary land acquisitions executed by the monastery.67 For many other transactions involving land, the alienors were requiring clear compensation, whether spiritual or material. In addition to donors whose material concerns overshadows the spiritual ones, the final category of donors from the traditional class of benefactors consists of individuals who, in exchange for their munificence, require concessions of community on the part of the monks. This last group manifests itself in charters detailing gifts given to the monastery in exchange for participation in the community. Often, this participation takes the explicit form of a specialized type of pension, which starts to appear in the last three 64#349 (92v, 1224), 347 (92r, 1220). 65#352 (94r-v) 66NC35-6 67#e.g., (AD Yonne, H 674, 762), "Pro solutione debitorum suorum facienda." 256 (61v-62r, 1222), 285 (75v-76r, 1222), see translations Appendix C. These charters concern a sale of church properties by a consortium of townspeople, nobles and administrators, to Milo, the priest of Rigny-le-Ferron in exchange for money to rebuild the church of that town. Milo then donates the property to Vauluisant effective after his death. 78 decades of the twelfth century. The most research on these pensions has occurred in English history, where they acquired the title "corrodies" 68 At Vauluisant, pensions were occasionally provided to benefactors in exchange for substantial donations. 68The perceptions of contemporary scholarship should be examined. The word corrody, derived from the Latin con + redere, is applied by one scholar to four groups: (1.) the servants and (2.) monks of an ecclesiastical institution, (3.) patrons or those voluntarily granted corrodies by the institution, and (4.) those imposed by an outside secular or ecclesiastical force. Vauluisant had all four kinds of pensioners. The first two categories are self-evident, the third will be discussed:below, the existence of the fourth is suggested by F. Huot, "Documents pour servir à l'histoire de l'abbaye de Vauluisant," Société Archéologique de Sens. Bulletin de Liaison, Fasc. 1 Ser., Fasc. 4, "Notre abbé [Félix II] obtient encore de ne donner aucunes suites aux sollicitations des quémandeurs de bénéfices qui munis de lettres portant commandement signées quelquefois de légataires apostoliques se présentaient aux abbés de Vauluisant. Ces lettres les requéraient de les pourvoir du premier bénéfice vacant ou à défaut d'une pension... en attendant." The only group that concerns this discussion is the third and most problematic. Traditionally, scholars have viewed this class of corrodies, the ones willingly given by the abbey to outsiders, as functioning "much like the annuities of our modern life insurance companies" (Howard Morris Stuckert, Corrodies in the English Monasteries, Philadelphia, 1923. p. 23.) When the potential spiritual dimensions are mentioned, they are inevitably immediately followed by such an analogy to a contemporary secular institution, as is the case with C. H. Lawrence's survey of monasticism where he states, In twelfth-century Canterbury we find a number of townspeople who have granted the priory a house or a rent in return for an undertaking to provide them with daily food from the monks' kitchen and a cash allowance for the duration of their lives; sometimes the contract will include the spiritual privileges of confraternity and burial within the precincts. In effect, these corrodians were purchasing an annuity, and the monastery was discharging the role of an insurance company. (C. H. Lawrence, Medieval Monasticism: Forms of Religious Life in Western Europe in the Middle Ages, Second Edition, London, 1989. p. 127.) Here, the spiritual dimension of the corrody is not ignored, rather it is lumped in as another "benefit" offered in exchange for wealth. Corrodians themselves are seen as being primarily old couples and widows, and the corrody is explained as part of the social service agency of monasticism (Emily Zack Tabuteau, Transfers of Property in EleventhCentury Norman Law, Chapel Hill, 1988. pp. 22-23.). This interpretation tends to discount the spiritual impulses of corrodians and obfuscate their relationship with their monastery. In an important work on various aspects of the social environment of Westminster Abbey, Barbara Harvey contributes significantly to this pension conception. First, she offers some revisions of the idea that corrodians were uniformly old. To this category she adds those people at "high risk," and owners of property held from the abbey and desired by it. In the former group, she includes widows who, she assumes, were too old to remarry and families with too large a number of children below the productive age to support; corrodians by economic necessity. The members of the latter category, Harvey argues, were compelled to sell their lands in exchange for such a living. Further, she 79 Although it has been argued that abbeys assigned this sort of pension to marginal groups, such as widows, "retirees" and families with too many children, pensions did not always hinge upon a need for economic security . In addition to providing a steady source of sustenance, pensions at Vauluisant were a manner by which benefactors could enter into an association with the spiritual community more intense than mere patronage. Therefore, such arrangements appealed not merely to the widowed and infirm, but to those women and men desirous of entering into the daily life of the convent but unable to assume the burden of monastic vows. This spiritual spark can be elucidated from the Vauluisant cartulary. The earliest pension appearing in the cartulary of Vauluisant is that purchased by Lady Houdeard, who most likely was recently widowed when an agreement was entered into with Vauluisant sometime between 1169 and 1176. "That she might live without being a burden to the church", Houdeard donated whatever she had, namely 600 l., 115 claims that the corrodies used resources that would otherwise have been employed charitably; the corrodian ate in the place of the poor. The only perception that, at some time, in some cases, a corrody was something other than a cold economic arrangement is provided in a cryptic sentence describing the transformation of the corrody from the twelfth to the sixteenth century, where she states, "What began as a livelihood, comparable to that of a monk, for one who would become a resident member of the monastic household, ended, more often than not, as a basketful of consumables for one who need never actually put in an appearance in the monastery." (Barbara Harvey, Living and Dying in England, 1100--1540: The Monastic Experience, Oxford, 1993. pp. 179209, quoted from page 209) Finally, Harvey does include the useful observation that the corrodians became increasingly middle class, observing, Did monks ever reflect on the fate of their corrodies, or even notice what was happening, as entrepreneurs and officials with large savings supplanted peasants and minor gentry in the queue? If they did so, it was perhaps only to find the changes natural and entirely acceptable, for, after all, from the twelfth century onwards, many monks came from the middle class: the middle class corrodian was simply a projection of the monastic community itself. (ibid., p. 209.) Indeed, this notion of corrodians as extensions of the monastic community is one I use. 80 with which she had purchased an addition to the grange of Bernières (although the sale charters claim that the brothers of Vauluisant paid the money)69, while she added the remaining 485 towards the purchase of the grange of Servins-Chevroy from the Cistercian abbey of Larrivour. In return, the charter states, Wherefore I, brother Pierre, abbot of aforesaid church, and the other brothers, on account of the aforesaid [donation], we have assigned to her each year two modii of wheat, six sextarii of rye, three sextarii of barley, two sextarii of fish and one of beans (fabis) and twenty modii of wine from the vineyards of Vauluisant. Indeed, she conferred to the aforesaid church up to 36 of the stallions and mares that she brought with her, so that, for the profit of them, they will give to her 100 s. each year: 50 s. on Easter and 50 on the feast of Saint Remy (October 1). Concerning the grain (annona) which ought to be given to her, it is determined that it should be paid to her from the grange of Livanne and it should be milled and cooked (quoquatur). In addition, 50 cheeses will be given to her annually from the same grange, and 2 sextarii of oil, salt, and also wood and as much other necessities for this manner of nourishment as should be necessary for her. Moreover, no woman will live in her house against her will except for two sisters of Domnus Pierre, abbot.70 This passage indicates more than that Houdeard desired the life of ease that her money could buy. The detail with which the document specifies the amount of food to be dispensed and the manner in which it is to be reveals the nature of Houdeard's association with Vauluisant. In spite of the monastery's substantial resources of sheep, pigs and other cattle, and the apparent aristocratic origins of Houdeard, meat plays no role in her 69#410, 70#93 413 (106v-107r, 1172). (26r-v), "Unde et ego Frater Petrus, abbas predicte ecclesie, et alii fratres statuimus ei uno quoque anno de predictis duos modios frumenti, et sex sextarios siliginis, et tria ordei, duo de pisis, et unum de fabis, et viginti modios vini in vineis Vallis Lucentis. Equos vero et equas quas secum adduxit usque ad triginta sex predicte ecclesie contulit ut de fructu earum reddent ei singulis annis centum solidos, in Pascha, videlicet, quinquaginta solidos, in festum Sancti Remigii, quinquaginta solidos. De annona vero que sibi debetur, statutum est ut reddatur ei in Luvannia et apud Vallem Lucentem molatur et quoquatur. Insuper, dabuntur ei annuatim quinquaginta casei in eadem grangia et duo sextarii olei, sal quoque, et ligna, et cetera huiusmodi victui necessaria quantum sibi necesse fuerit. Nulla autem femina in domo sua contra voluntatem suam manebit, exceptis duabus sororibus Domni Petri, abbatis." The full charter is translated in Appendix D. 81 pension any more than it did in the contemporary Cistercian diet; Houdeard's probably ate the same food as the monks.71 Further evidence of Houdeard's desire to enter into the spiritual community can be gleaned from the provisions made for her children. This agreement specifies that the convent will educate her two sons, until the age of understanding, ad annos intelligibiles, at which point, provided the Devil does not convince them otherwise, they will become monks. Such an option, although carefully phrased to maintain the Benedictine spirit of child oblation and the letter of the Cistercian code forbidding it, is not open to her daughter; she will live on the corrody supplied to her or transfer to another religious house where the brothers will continue to pay her pension. Finally, the convent grants Houdeard burial rights in the cemetery of Vauluisant as a founder. Clearly, Houdeard's relationship with the community of Vauluisant transcends that of widow and welfare agency. In fact, I would argue that the religious dimension of this pension far outweighs the material provisions. This charter, while technically concerning wine, cheese, bread and fish, tells the story of a woman who desired to participate in the spiritual community of a Cistercian men's house. Therefore, it is not surprising that some four decades later, a meadow donated to the abbey carries the description of being "located next to the house of the religious woman Houdeard, conversa of Vauluisant."72 Houdeard may have been a widow, but judging by her apparent age and longevity, hardly an unmarriable one. Neither "at risk," incapable or 71Working with Benedictine sources, Harvey claims that charters which mention monks corrodies with pittances, "enabled the more fortunate corrodians, or the more demanding among them, to approach the greater glory of the full monastic diet," op. cit., p. 181. Certainly, the diet of a monk was something to be envied by many members of society, but would not it also be the diet of those most closely associated with the spiritual community of a monastery? 72#34 (10r, 1212), "quoddam pratum iuxta domum Religiose Mulieris Hudeardis, converse Vallislucentis, situm." 82 beyond the age of child production, nor, judging by her property, in need,73 Houdeard seems to have had choices other than purchasing monastic society. The uneasiness that the abbot and monks may have felt in providing such a spiritual and mundane livelihood for a female who set forth money for it shows up fairly clearly. First, instead of an outright purchase of the pension, Houdeard's donation is superficially altered to look like she donated land. In addition, the not-negligible equestrian holdings that establish Houdeard's claim to a yearly income could have resulted from creative financial practices designed to conceal the sale of an annuity. More tangible signs of uneasiness surface in the final clauses of the charter, where the abbot and brothers of Vauluisant reserve the right to stop payment of the pension and return to her the 485 l. that she put forth for the grange of Chevroy, retaining the addition to Bernières for their expenses. Finally, the creators of the charter took the pains to secure the confirmations of the abbots of Cîteaux, Larrivour and Preuilly, as well as the entire chapter of Vauluisant, steps not taken in any other remotely contemporary charter for Vauluisant. Such uneasiness might in part stem from concerns about simony, suggesting that the earthly goods discussed in the charter may have been accompanied by parallel spiritual concessions.74 Although we cannot perfectly know Houdeard's motives for choosing the dependent life of a pensioner, the existence of a genuine desire for spiritual association can be demonstrated from her charter. 73That is, according to the models established by other scholars, there is no perceivable reason why Houdeard would have been forced by necessity into this relationship. 74Concerning this sort of pension and simony, the thirteenth-century archbishop of Canterbury, Hubert Walter denounced the sale of corrodies as resembling simony, causing Harvey to wonder, "But how could the sale of anything as earthy as portions of food, the central feature of most corrodies, be regarded as the sale of something spiritual?" (Harvey, op. cit., p. 180). 83 But Houdeard's pension is clearly an extreme case.75 Nevertheless, the spiritual impulses evident in this particular relationship suggest a way to interpret other, less spectacular, associations. A desire for participation in the economic and, by extension, spiritual operations of Vauluisant seems to have been behind the pension that Lord Girard de Marnay-surSeine and his wife, Lady Ida, obtained. A charter dated May, 1225, shows Girard, knight, donating to Vauluisant, with Ida confirming, property situated near the abbey's grange of Bernières, namely land which Girard held at Fougeon with a herbergagium and a resident named Pierre, some property located near Mont Morvois which he acquired by purchase, and his entire territory of Fontenelles. In return for this donation, the abbot and convent of Vauluisant gave to the couple an annual income of five modii of grain: two of rye and three of oats to be dispensed at Bernières and a daily ration of two rolls of bread [michas]. The abbot and convent also gave to the same Girard and Ida the usufruct of 100 sheep. When one of the couple died, half of this concession, and the increase in sheep and ewes, was to revert to the abbey.76 That half of the sheep were to the abbey on the death of one of the two indicates that Girard and Ida planned to shepherd the flock themselves. The clause reserving the increase for the abbey implies that the sheep were not to be routinely slaughtered. The very modest size of the flock precludes interpretic this transaction as fundamentally economic in nature. Perhaps Girard and Ida's pastoral activity was a way in which they redefined their relationship to the monastery from that of external dependent to lay participant. This suspicion is reinforced by the sizable donation of Girard and Ida provided; having surrendered a considerable amount of land 75But it does not appear to have been so extreme that similar examples cannot be found. Sometime soon (=on the other side of an unrelated dissertation), I should be working on an extended version of this section where I would discuss numerous similar cases from the region around Troyes and throughout France. 76#369 (98v-99r, 1225). 84 and pasturage, perhaps the planned on pasturing the animals on monastic property.77 By tasting the bread of the conversi and maintaining the abbatial infrastructure, this couple may have participated, in a humble fashion, in the spiritual community of Vauluisant. Another element of the monastic pension suggested by the case of Houdeard is the qualitative similarity between dependent pensions for women and monastic profession for men. That is, although certainly not equivalent nor by any stretch of the imagination regular, in some ways this sort of pension fulfilled the same purpose as formal entry into the religious community. With Houdeard, her pension enabled her to pursue a life of religious contemplation in a controlled environment. Another case places a woman's entry into one of the abbey's houses rhetorically parallel to male monastic profession. This time, however, the spiritual impulse behind conversion, although present, can only with difficulty be argued to have been as strong as for many choir monks. The example that the cartulary of Vauluisant provides is that of Gautier Damoiseau78 of Rigny-le-Ferron and his wife, Emengard. In 1206, this couple gave to Vauluisant all of their property after their deaths. In exchange, Vauluisant agreed to provide for them should they decide to surrender their possessions earlier.79 The next year, the pair bought out the feudal rights that Godin de Courcelles, knight of Rigny, held over them and donated them to Vauluisant.80 Perhaps the purpose behind these donations was that the couple was childless and sought economic and physical security in their 77As for the size of the donation, I believe somewhere in my notes Fougeon gets referred to as a grange of Vauluisant by the mid-thirteenth century. 78In this cluster of charters, it appears that Gautier is surnamed Damoiseau and is not a domicellus. 79#249 (60r). 80#247 (59r-v). 85 senescence Nevertheless, other forces can be seen at work. Vauluisant had been actively engaged in obtaining land rights in the Rigny-le-Ferron area since at least 1188, when their rights over certain property that they acquired impinged upon those of the Premonstratensian abbey of Dilo's claims.81 Hemce, the abbey would have welcomed, if not actively pursued, Gautier's surrender of his property. With pressure from the abbey, an offer of economic and religious benefits probably persuaded the couple to surrender their land and rights. The spiritual element of this offer can be perceived in an earlier charter dating from the last decade of the twelfth century. In this document, the future dependent relationship is specified in greater detail. In exchange for a donation of some arable land distinct from the later gift, Gautier and Emengard were granted some vineyards and a house with winepress in Sens under the condition that it, along with any new Sens acquisitions made by the couple, revert to the monks after their death. The final clause should be considered, "The said monks also conceded to noted Gautier that whenever he should wish, he will be received into the Order in their [the monks'] house [domus] and to Emengard his wife that whenever she should wish she will be received in one of their houses [mansiones] and they will provide her with necessities."82 While it is tempting to claim that this is not a provision for entry ad succurrendum, no conclusion either way can be drawn. What can be determined is that at some time in the future Gautier and Emengard desired to enter the religious life. That Gautier could not canonically become a monk without Emengard also becoming a religious gives rise to the speculation that entry into a monastic mansio for her was a religious act parallel to his entry into the 81#276 (72v-73r). (17v, 1193/96) "Concesserit etiam dicti monachi Galtero memorato quod quando ipse voluerit in domo eorum in ordine recipietur et E. uxor eius quod quando voluerit ipsa in una mansionum eorum et recipietur et providebunt ei necessaria." 82#66 86 domus, most likely the abbey itself. Further, the existence of more than one mansio implies the existence of other individuals engaged in a similar spiritual vocation. At Vauluisant, monastic pensions were flexible agreements by which wealthy members of society would enter dependent relationships with the monastery with widely varying levels of participation in the abbatial spiritual and economic activity. At its highest level, the pension at Vauluisant was not merely a partial extension of the benefits of Cistercian monasticism to lay persons, it was a partial monasticization of those persons. Hence, pensioners fell somewhere between monks and boarders, and it would be inappropriate to concentrate on only one of these two aspects. In the second half-century of the corporate existence of Vauluisant, the abbey's lower-nobility benefactors immovable alms shifted from land to income. Those that gave land, or purchased it with their donation, increasingly demanded to be reciprocated, financially, religiously or by some combination of the two. Yet the religious community of Vauluisant did not exclude the humbler members of society. The conclusion that those subject to the lordship of the monastery interacted with the abbey on strictly economic and manorial terms, that servitude to the church was much like servitude to a lay lord, is easily reached. Indeed, servitude to any lord, including a Cistercian monastery, was a relatively onerous state that unfree persons were eager to distance themselves from. Jean and Oeline, said to be villani of Villeneuve-le-Roi (currently Villeneuve-sur-Yonne) constituted one unfree couple that seems to have tried to elude the abbey.83 Nevertheless, not every relationship of servitude to Vauluisant lacked a spiritual edge. 83#215 (50r, 1229). Evidently Saint-Pierre-le-Vif's archives contain several similar charters. 87 For example, another case suggests the possibility of a spiritual component to some unfree states. The circumstances surrounding the donation of Herbert de Rigny-laNonneuse, his wife and children to the abbey of Vauluisant imply that some nonmonastic persons may have desired to be subject to the abbot. A Herbert de Rigny first appears in the documents in May 1204, confirming his father Ernaud's donation of eight sextarii from the mill of Nosement (alternate reading: 8 sextarii of mill profits) located between Somme-Fontaine and Grange-l'Evêque.84 The next year, Herbert de Rigny, son of Ernaud, donated his mill at Somme-Fontaine, and included an adjacent piece of arable land. His wife, Marie, confirmed the transaction.85 In February 1226, Herbert de Rignyla-Nonneuse and his wife, Marie, gave to Vauluisant their half interest in the mill next to Somme-Fontaine called Becherelle, along with some cens amounting to three s. heavy money of Provins.86 Up to this point, Herbert and Marie function little differently than any other patron of the abbey. Then, in some charters dated January, 1229, their unfree status comes to light. In these documents, the lord of Marigny-le-Châtel, andhis wife, give, concede and quit to the church of Vauluisant, Herbert de Rigny and Marie, his wife, their eight sons and four daughters, along with another family of three. The following charters contain confirmations by the regional overlords, up to the count of Champagne.87 Assuming that the Herberts and Maries in each document refer to the same couple, and the odds are fairly high that they do,88 this transition from donor to donated complicates 84#81 85#77 (22v). (21r-v). 86#264 (64r-v). included in these transactions are two other, married, daughters of Herbert and Marie. #125-127 (37r-v). 87Not 88Jordan: Herbert or Marie < 10:366 (M and F). Garrigues: Herbert, common, but not in top 20 names. 1229 cartulary, general section, counting each occurrence of a name, excluding the same reference in the same charter, Officiales and "notarizing" bishops: Herbert 16:403 (4.0%), Marie 7:142 (4.9%), probability of any couple having the names Herbert and Marie: .20% or 1 in 500. Same, but excluding all the data from the charters 88 matters considerably. Herbert and Marie had already established a relationship with the abbey based on two generations of patronage. Might this donation have been made with the consent or even the desire of those being donated? If so, the family may have perceived being subject to the abbey as spiritually and personally beneficial. Unfortunately, there are no later charters to record the further development of this association. Nonetheless, the existence of such a relationship suggests that the state of servitude to an abbey was not always undesired. In another case, the desire of the donated individuals is explicitly made known in a separate charter. In April, 1224, Eudes Noblet and Archemburgis, his wife, gave themselves and their belongings to the church of Vauluisant in such a manner that their possessions would devolve on the church after their death. Henri de Villiers-Bonneux, squire, a man who also gave other servile individuals to the abbey,89 who was Archemburgis' lord, confirmed the transaction, and warrantied the woman.90 The following January, Count Thibaut IV records in a charter that Hugues de Saint-Mauriceaux-Riches-Hommes recognized that he gave Eudes Noblet, a man of Fontenay-deBossery, in alms to Vauluisant.91 Finally, the next month, Eudes Noblet of Fontenay-deBossery gave himself and all his belongings to the abbey.92 This pattern suggests that some persons may have desired to be subservient to a successful Cistercian abbey. Perhaps conversi were recruited from this population. Another interpretation might be where Herbert and Marie de rigny are mentioned: Herbert 12:379 (3.2%), Marie 4:131 (3.1%), probably of the two together .10% or 1 in 1000. Of course, these numbers are only approximates. 89#47 (13v, 1227). 90NC15 91#106 92#58 (AD Yonne, H 725). (30r, 1225). (16r, 1225). 89 that unfree persons not happy with their current arrangement could petition their lord, not to free them, but to make them a praiseworthy gift in alms to an ecclesiastical institution. Whatever the precise arrangement was, some evidence exists to show that the abbey did not deal with its homines de corpore in a uniform manner. Finally, the economic operations of Vauluisant began to encompass contemporary urban society. Vauluisant's entry into the urban milieu had several manifestations, and may have arisen in connection with the faltering fortunes of their rural knightly patrons, or simply a desire to capitalize on their pious gifts by finding an output for a huge surplus. For watever purpose, by the last decade of the twelfth century at the latest, Vauluisant maintained a regular presence in the cities. Hence, one of the chief indicators of the growing urban presence of Vauluisant is the mention of houses. Mentions of urban houses start to appear in the cartulary from the last decade of the twelfth century, roughly contemporary with the mention made of them in the Cistercian General Chapter meetings.93 By the 1220s, urban houses form a significant part of the abbey's transactions (see table 3.2). There is no evidence that any of these buildings were used as the abbot's residence, but at least one house appears to have been a location where the abbey's representatives sold products.94 In this particular charter, the abbot and convent of Saint-Pierre-le-Vif sued the abbot and convent of Vauluisant because of some transgressions resulting from the sale of goods, particularly wine, at a house in Sens. One of the arguments the monks responded with is that the monks of the 93Reinhard Schneider, "Stadthöfe der Zisterzienser: Zu ihrer Funktion und Bedeutung," pp. 11-28 in Zisterzienser Studien IV, 1979. p. 18. The first mention of any house is #166, 168 (44r-v, 1183), a building located in Villeneuve-sur-Vanne (later Villeneuvel'Archevêque). 94ibid, pp. 13-15. NC11-12 (AD Yonne, H675, 1217) 90 Cistercian Order enjoy such a privilege and liberty that none of them are held to pay any customs for venal goods.95 This and similar claims to exemption from tolls on goods for sale may hold the key to the circumstances surrounding a house in Provins. In early 1225, Jacques Doyns, a canon of the church of Notre-Dame de Val-Provins gave to the church of Vauluisant a large stone house in Provins, under the condition that he could live there for the rest of his life like a hospes for a not-inconsiderable rent of six l.96 Either Jacques' wealth compelled him to agree to make such generous donations to the church for the rest of his life, or performing the functions of a hospes contained more allure than simply being subject to a distant lord.97 If hospes is taken in the sense to mean a guest of the abbey in the traditional Benedictine sense, but applied to the fair cities of Champagne, this term might begin to make sense. That is, a hospes could be seen to be someone who, by virtue of holding a stall or house owned by a monastery, and by being considered a guest of the abbot, entitled to nothing more than the portion of the monks, took advantage of privileges conferred upon ecclesiastical institutions, possibly involving the evasion of tolls that the brothers of Vauluisant claimed in the situation discussed above.98 Such a 95ibid., "Ad tercium respondebant monachos Cisterciencis Ordinis tali privilegio et libertate gaudere quod de bonis suis venalibus nulli prorsus consuetudinem reddere tenebantur." 96#68-69 (18r-v). 97Some additional discussion of the various meanings of hospes can also be found in Appendix J. 98This usage of the term can find some support in the Cartulary of Montier-la-Celle, published in Charles Lalore, Collection des Principaux Cartulaires du diocèse de Troyes, Paris, v. 6, 1882. One contemporary charter issued by Count Thibaut IV and pertaining to hospites in the same quarter of Provins states, Ego Theobaldus, Campanie et Brie comes palatinus, notum facio universis presentes litteras inspecturis, quod, cum esset contentio inter me, ex una parte, et abbatem et conventum Cellensem, ex altera, de logiis et stallis que fuerunt annis singulis in nundinis 91 reading would explain the apparently exorbitant rent; compared to the amount a prosperous merchant would have to pay in tolls, the sum, similar to the average (and burdensome) annual contribution of a Sens family towards its manumission from SaintPierre-le-Vif, appears reasonable.99 The location of this large house in the Val-SaintAyoul suggests that it was ideally suited to take advantage of the mercantile activities of this fair town, particularly the fair of Saint-Ayoul. The equipment of this house, a pantry Sancti Aygulphi apud Pruvinum ante domos Sancti Aygulphi, ex eo scilicet quod dicti abbas et conventus debebant removere dictas logias et stalla in crastinum postquam pagamentum defecerit. Tandem, ob remedium anime mee et incliti patris mei et antecessorum meorum concessi et concedo, volui et volo quod dicti abbas et conventus dictas logias et stalla teneant in perpetuum per XV dies post defectum pagamenti: ita quod hospites, qui erant in dictis logiis et stallis, remaneant in eisdem pacifice, sicut in tempore nundinarum, salvo quod si ad dictum terminum abbas et conventus, aut mandatum eorum, dictas logias et stalla non removerent, ex tunc in antea servientes mei easdem logias et stalla statim diruerent et removerent (ibid., pp. 4-5, no 2, 1229). This passage shows that hospites manned the loges and stalls of the abbey at the fair of Saint-Ayoul. Also, Ego Littericus, monasterii Celle dictus abbas, et ejusdem loci conventus omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis in Domino salutem. Noverint universi, quod nos, considerata devotione quam magister Galterus Trecensis erga nos et ecclesiam nostram habuit ex antiquo, concessimus ei VII libras Pruvinensium annuatim quamdiu vixerit, quas percipiet in domo nostra que fuit defuncte Ameline, in Draperia Trecensi sita, sed medietatem in nundinis sancti Johannis et alteram in sequentibus nundinis sancti Remegii Trecensis; predictos denarios ab hospitibus predicte domus ei faceimus creantari (ibid., pp. 334-35, no. 286, 1219 o. st., January). This extract presents a house in Troyes with hospites over which the abbot has jurisdiction and can make pay the rather large sum of seven l. Although the fairs were a traditional time to assign payment, the fact that this was to be paid annually at a Troyes fair when both parties were residents (or hospites) of Troyes, implies that the source of the hospites' payment would be the fairs. 99Jordan, From Servitude to Freedom. p. 63. Jordan's calculations, through which he arrives at a figure of 4 l.t. (roughly equivalent to 4 l.provinois) are rather complex and a trifle deceptive. Nevertheless, Jordan achieves the proper order of magnitude. This comparison further illustrates that hospites cannot be understood here to mean individuals of subservient status. 92 or winecellar, three camerae, a large hall and a winepress in the rear, suggest that it was an ideal place to conduct business, make and sell wine, and lodge visitors. Perhaps this purpose, of sheltering his property by donating it to Vauluisant, would explain the existence of two charters approximately a month apart. The first document merely states that Jacques may live in the house for a rent of six l. The second, Jacques' recognition of his donation done a week before the beginning of the May Fair, specifies that he may live in the house as a hospes. It could have been that Jacques needed to precisely state the nature of this arrangement to avoid being taxed. Later in the same year, the abbey acquired by means of an elaborate partial sale 20 sous of cens in Provins, including the rent that what appears to be this same house was to pay.100 Indeed, Vauluisant's urban cens speculation parallel its interest in houses. While the argument has been made that the cens was a nominal ground rent that provided a meager return,101 the acquisition history of Vauluisant implies a much greater value. First, it should be noted that neither the cens nor Vauluisant's pattern of their acquisition was limited to urban centers. Nevertheless, the abbey's largest investments in cens appear in the town of Provins. Further, since the abbey purchased some annual cens incomes at prices incommensurate with their return, in one of the most extreme cases paying in 1228 30 l. for 16 d. of cens, which, if the cens were simply a quit-rent, would repay the initial investment and give the monks just over a century of before-interest profits (totaling something on the order of 7 l. 8 s.) before the final dissolution of the 100#41-45 (11v-13r, 1225-26), 84(23r-v), 338 (89v). This house is mentioned in #84, as "domo Iacobi Doyn, clerici, lapidea, octo denarios," its eight denarii rent being one of the largest single cens payments in those listed for Provins. Unless Jacques possessed two stone houses in Provins, or there were two Jacques Doyns with stone houses in Provins, the two houses are the same. It is also interesting to note that the only two times the adjective lapideus, -a, -um is used in the cartulary occur in #69, and #84, both from 1225 and referring to a house in Provins belonging to a Jacques Doyns. 101Jordan, op. cit. pp. 28-30. 93 abbey.102 I find the conclusion that the monks were remarkably incompetent mathematicians and merchants unsupported by additional evidence, and thus prefer the explanation of Jacques Flach that owning the rights to the cens in the region was a form of landlordship; the owner of the censiva had jurisdictional rights over issues involving the land, but not the tenant.103 Therefore when property changed hands, owner of the censiva needed to approve of the transaction.104 Furthermore, the procurement of cens was a critical element in the acquisition of the grange of Saint-Martin-le-Chennetron.105 One charter speaks of a donation of cens and "et omnem actionem que ei erga omnes res homines ratione dicte census competebat."106 The cens, then, would appear to have a value far greater than the nominal fee paid each year. This would explain why, in the few documents that detail sale prices, the brothers of Vauluisant spent more money on urban cens than for cens located in villages. The higher velocity of real estate transactions and the larger cash flow associated with urban centers and fair towns would have allowed for plenty of opportunities to reap the benefits of landlordship. In essence, the acquisition of cens was a logical extension of the abbey's incursion into the cities. By acquiring rights over urban property, the abbey of Vauluisant, like the contemporary nobility, tapped into the wealth of urban society, profiting from those individuals, mostly non-noble, who were neither patrons nor choir monks. 102#80 (22r-v). This calculation is assuming, of course, that they collected their cens during the monastery's dispersal during the Hundred Years War. The 16 d. cens were on three houses near, if not in, the section of Provins where the Saint-Ayoul fair was held. 103Jacques 104e.g., Flach, Les Origines de l'Ancienne France, vol. 1, Paris, 1886. pp. 277-82. #201 (47v, before 1164). 105#335 ff (88v-96r, 1218). 106#336 (89r, 1218). 94 From its inception, the Cistercian house of Vauluisant drew its choir personnel and patronage from the knightly class of the region. A careful prosopographical examination of the charters would reveal a small group of benefactor families that traced their benefaction of the abbey bilaterally. Whatever the case, the physical design, geographical location and particularly Cistercian outlook of Vauluisant appealed to this group. With the start of the third generation of monks at Vauluisant, a change in the nature of charters appears. To what precise degree an increasingly accurate use of charters and a reorientation of the abbey and its patrons are responsible for this change is uncertain, but both forces can be seen to exist. Whatever the exact composition of this shift, the next fifty years of the institutional life of the abbey saw an the convent of Vauluisant as the focus of an extended monastic community, stratified by class, but inclusive to some degree of all the faithful. All these conclusions are, of course, tentative. Only so much information can be ascertained from one Cistercian cartulary. Further research is not only warranted, it is required. 95 Table 3.1. Transactions by Selected Type, Vauluisant Cartulary ________________________________________________________________________ Type 1127-1139 1140-1159 1160-1179 11801190120012101220Total Donations Surrenders Sales (inc. partial) Exchanges Recognitions Confirmations 36 11 76 4 3 1 4 2 6 4 27 1 5 1189 3 3 2 1199 12 1 4 1209 1219 1229 14 1 3 19 4 4 76 6 19 263 30 31 2 2 8 4 6 13 19 8 31 42 Total 52 95 33 13 12 22 39 139 405 ________________________________________________________________________ Table 3.2. Transactions by Type of Property Transacted, Vauluisant Cartulary. _______________________________________________________________________ Type 1127-1139 1140-1159 1160-1179 11801190120012101220Total 1189 1199 1209 1219 1229 Land 24 44 16 7 5 4 13 37 150 Property 9 24 6 3 1 4 2 3 52 (generic) Rightsa 6 19 8 3 4 11 51 Urban Houses 1 1 7 9 Mills 1 3 4 cens 1 2 2 1 1 4 9 39 59 Tithes 10b 6 1 1 3 1 2 5 29 Other Income 2 1 2 8 22 35 1 1 1 11 14 homines de corpore 1 1 2 Cash (donations) Total 52 95 33 13 12 22 39 139 405 ________________________________________________________________________ aThese are specific rights, not partial interest in one of the other categories. The formula quicquid iuris seems to refer to a larger interest in property and is included under the term "property." bAll these are surrenders of tithes on land worked by the monks. 96 Table 3.3. Issues disputed in Judgments and Settlements, Vauluisant Cartulary ________________________________________________________________________ Issue in dispute 1127-1139 1140-1159 1160-1179 11801190120012101220Total 1189 1199 1209 1219 1229 Land 2 5 3 1 5 6 1 23 Property 1 2 2 1 3 1 10 Rights 2 3 6 4 4 3 4 26 Mills 1 1 cens 1 1 1 3 Income 1 2 2 5 3 13 Boundaries 2 1 1 1 2 2 1 10 Movables 1 4 3 8 Total 8 12 15 9 20 22 8 94 ________________________________________________________________________ Table 3.4. Charters in the Vauluisant Cartulary, by Month Given, 1200-1229. ________________________________________________________________________ type Act Rec Leg Pop e total Jan 10 7 4 Feb 16 1 2 Mar 15 2 6 Apr 8 3 3 2 May 2 5 Jun 6 1 1 Jul 9 3 Aug 9 2 1 Sep 2 1 1 Oct 6 2 Nov 13 2 5 Dec 10 1 4 total 106 22 34 3 21 19 23 16 7 8 12 12 4 8 20 15 165 ________________________________________________________________________ Act = a charter recording a transaction voluntarily entered into by Vauluisant in the perfect tense. Rec = "Reflexive recognitions," a charter recording a transaction employing the formula recognoscere + perfect infinitive. Leg = a charter indicating a judgment, settlement, pledge, testament or execution thereof. Pope = a charter from Pope Gregory IX. 97 Table 3.5. Total Charters in Pontigny Cartulary, 1190-1249, by Month. ________________________________________________________________________ Jan Feb Mar Apr May Jun Jul Aug Sep Oct Nov Dec total 9 4 12 6 13 7 16 12 16 6 5 12 118 ________________________________________________________________________ total Table 3.6. Adjusted Totals for Vauluisant Cartulary, 1200-1229, by Month. ________________________________________________________________________ type Act Leg total Jan Feb Mar Apr May Jun Jul Aug Sep Oct Nov Dec total 6 15 13 7 2 4 7 8 2 4 12 9 90 3 2 5 1 4 1 3 1 5 4 29 9 17 18 8 6 5 10 8 4 4 17 13 119 ________________________________________________________________________ Excluding charters from the same month dealing with the same transaction, or originating from the same curia on the same day, or, if undated, the same month. 98 APPENDIX A VILLENEUVE-L'ARCHEVÊQUE Villeneuve-l'Archevêque is a town with a colorful and confused history. This confusion stems substatially from the interaction of the institutional form of the villeneuve with the twelfth century political milieu compounded by spotty evidence. Indeed, as this appendix will demonstrate, the creation of Villeneuve-l'Archevêque,1 and by extension villeneuves in the Parisian basin in general, was substantially the result of a confluence of the demographic, political, ecclesiopolitical, economic and social forces at work in twelfth-century France. These forces can only be understood in the context of the individuals and groups who attempted to shape them and, in turn, were shaped by them. To show the role that these actors played in the drama of Villeneuve-l'Archevêque, the current thinking on the role of the villeneuve in twelfth-century French society should be explored. After this general introduction to the issues at hand, the evidence for the establishment and development of Villeneuve-l'Archevêque will be examined, followed by a presentation of the most eloquent interpretation of this evidence. Finally, I will produce my own treatment of the development of this new town and conclude by drawing some implications that this treatment has on the current understanding of central French villeneuves. For the most part, villeneuves are perceived to have been an element of the land expansion that took place from the late eleventh to the thirteenth century. Usually, 1One note of caution is warranted. Villeneuve-l'Archevêque is the current name of the town under consideration. It is attested in two charters, #5 (3v-4r, 1219) and #7 (4r, 1213). I also use the term Villeneuve-sur-Vanne, which was in use before the current appellation. 99 scholars portray the marches between Champagne and the Île-de-France as an area of tension, a twelfth-century Maginot line increasingly studded with fortresses for defense, abbeys to neutralize disputed territories and villeneuves to penetrate into the wilderness. The purpose of frontier fortresses is self-evident, and this assumption about the establishment of monastic houses is discussed elsewhere; here the implications that this frontier scheme has for villeneuves will be considered. In such a scheme, the establishment of villeneuves geographically extended the realms of the count of Champagne and king of France by putting them in direct control of a new settlement on the frontier.2 While this notion does have some merit, the association of the foundation of villeneuves with the desire to extend political power appears to be an oversimplified portrayal of the issues involved. The establishment and "evolution" of a highly successful villeneuve, Villeneuve-l'Archevêque, presents a concrete example of the role political power played among a complex set of variables. An analysis of the interplay of these variables will point the way towards a more nuanced synthesis. The first evidence for a Villeneuve in the region appears in the ninth century. In 833, the Sens abbey of Saint-Remy moved from Sens up the Vanne river to Vareilles, , in the modern canton of Villeneuve-l'Archevêque. Along with this transfer, the charters of Saint-Remy enumerate the donation of several territories, stating that the total is 19 hospitia and 190 villae owned by monastery.3 One of these villae is called "novamvillam." Some of the other locations given in these charters can be found on a current 2Jean Hubert, "La frontière occidentale du comté de Champagne du XIe au XIIIe siècle," pp. 563-579 in Arts et vie sociale de la fin du monde antique au Moyen Age, Geneva, 1977. Original article pp. 14-30 in Recueil des travaux offerts à M. Clovis Brunel, v. 2, Paris, 1955. For villeneuves, see also pp. 428-451 in Norman Schlesser, Frontiers, Politics and Power in Eastern France 1152-1369, Ph.D. Thesis, The University of Iowa, 1981. 3Benedictine congregation of Saint-Maur, Gallia Christiana, v. 12, Paris, 1770. instrumenta, cols. 3-6, 10-11 (nos. 3, 8). 100 map. In contrast to this obscurity, 1520 and 1650 copies made of an "original" from between 852 and 865 enumerate the donation of several properties, most, if not all, of which can be ascertained on a current map. In this charter, the Archbishop of Sens, Wenilo, gives to the monastery of Saint-Remy several pieces of land, including "in loco nuncupante Nova Villa super fluvium Vedena," which is said to be "in fine Viciacense," that is, in the area of Voisines.4 To make sure that the word vedena is not mistake, for some river other than the Vanne, the town of Vareilles is also so identified. Prou also suspects that the use of viciacense was the result of the early modern scribes' missing an abbreviation on the more correct vicinacense. The association of this villeneuve with Neuville-sur-Vanne has been universally discarded as there is no record of its ever having pertained to the archbishopric or diocese of Sens.5 Further, Neuville-sur-Vanne should have been referred to as in the finage of Villemaur, or barring the existence of such a finage, that of Troyes. In any case, I am aware of no other documentary evidence for Neuville-sur-Vanne before at least the thirteenth century. Therefore, if the Nova Villa on the Vanne is not identical with the current Villeneuve-l'Archevêque, then it is very close. This is also suggested by the other territories in the region mentioned in the charter, namely Cérilly, Coulours, Rigny-leFerron and Lancy. Perhaps to counter those who desire to posit the origins of this charter in a sixteenth-century legal dispute between Vauluisant (which had seigneury over three of the four above-noted territories) and Saint-Remy, Maurice Prou provides a devastating argument for the authenticity of this document.6 4Maurice Prou, "Le transfert de l'abbaye de Saint-Remy de Sens à Vareilles: étude sur les plus anciens privilèges de Saint Remy," pp. 254-321 in Bulletin de la Société Archéologique de Sens 10 (1913). pp. 316-321. 5Charles Higounet, Defrichements et villeneuves du bassin parisien (XIe - XIVe siècles), Paris, 1990. pp. 113-14. 6Prou, op. cit., pp. 277-283. 101 Another piece of evidence is the gift of Pierre de Lumni to Vauluisant of "quicquid habebat de feodo Berengarii fratris Guerrici de Buci ubicumque esset et apud Novam Villulam et in Riveria Iegie et in bosco et in plano," made in the second quarter of the twelfth century.7 In 1163, the monastery procured a confirmation by Pope Alexander III, including that property, "Ex dono Petri de Lumni, quicquid habebat de feudo Berengarii, fratris Guerrici de Buci, ubicunque esset, et apud Villam-Novam, et in riveria Iegie, in bosco et plano."8 Complicating matters is the discovery of a cemetery. In 1923, workers erecting a World War I monument in the public square of Villeneuvel'Archevêque uncovered skeletal remains at a depth of 60 centimeters, suggesting that, because the new town was designed on top of a cemetery, a human population existed before the town took its current form (See figure 28).9 Nevertheless, the establishment of the current town has been most commonly associated with the development of the town associated with the extension of priviliges. Specifically, in 1172 the Archbishop of Sens, Guillaume de Champagne, extended the customs of Lorris to the inhabitants of Villeneuve-l'Archevêque.10 To explain the significance of this event, it is necessary to digress. The customs of Lorris were 7#196 (47r); copy in Quantin, Cartulaire Générale de l'Yonne, Auxerre, 1854-60. v. I, pp. 464-465, no. 312. Quantin dates this before 1150. In any case, it is well before 1163. 8ibid., v. II, p. 156, no. 143. 9Nazaie Lajon, "Note sur l'origine de Villeneuve-l'Archevêque," pp. 110-123, Bulletin de la Société des Sciences Historiques et Naturelles de l'Yonne, 84 (5 ser., n. 14), 1930 (1931). p. 122. 10Maurice Prou, "Les coutumes de Lorris et leur propagation aux XIIe et XIIIe siècles," pp. 139-209, 267-320, 441-57, 523-56 in Revue historique de droit français et étranger, 18 (1884). p. 268. A 1250 Old French translation of the franchise extended by Guillaume to Villeneuve l'Archevêque is published in Quantin, Cartulaire Générale, v. II, pp. 239241, no. 125, and reads as follows, Ge Guillaume, par la grâce Dieu arcevesque de Senz et légat dou siége de Rome, faisons savoir à touz cels qui sont 102 originally extended to the inhabitants of Lorris by King Louis VI in the first half of the twelfth ———————————————————————————————————– et qui à venir sont que por la Noeve-Vile estre acreuee en laquele l'iglise de Saint-Jehan.de Senz, de l'otroi de l'abbé et de tout le chapitre, nos avoit acompaigniez, avons otroié à touz les demoranz iki et confermé lez coustumes que li home de Lorriz ont en telle manière : que quicunques aura maison en la parroisse de la Noeve Vile, por sa moaison et por un arpent de terre, se il l'a en cele parroche, sis deniers de cens paiera tant seulement, et se il acquiert iceli au cens de sa maison le tiegne ; nous hons de la paroisse de la Noeve-Vile thonlieu ou autre costume rende de sa norreture, ne de sa blée que il aura de son labour ou du labour de ses bestes queles que il soient, rende minage ; et de son vin que il aura de ses vignes, onques ne rende forage. Nus d'els en besoigne, n'en chevauchie aille se il ne veut revenir celi jour à sa maison ; et quicunques en la paroisse de la Noeve-Vile aura sa possession, nule chose de cele perdra por nul forfait que il face, s'en vers nous ou en vers l'iglise Saint-Jehan, ou aucun de nos hostes aura forfait. Nus à la foire ou au marchié de la Noeve-Vile, venant ou alant, soit pris nec destorbez, se il n'a forfairt celi jour ; et nus en jour de marchié ou de foire de la NoeveVille gage de son plege preigne, s'en jour semblable cele plevine n'a esté faite , et le forfait de soisante sols à cint sols, et le forfait de cint sols viegne à douse deniers, et la clameur du prévost à quatre deniers. Et nul d'aus avec nos ou avec l'abbé isse de la Noeve-Vile tenir plez. Nus, ne nous ni autre, aus homes de la Noeve-Vile tailiée, ne tolte, ne prière face ; et nus en la Noeve-Vile vin à ban vende. A la Noeve-Vile nos aurons créance en viandes à nostre cels ou de l'abbé ad quinse jors acompliz estre paiée. Et se aucuns de cels homes aura en nostre gage, ou de l'abbe, ou d'autre, il nel tendra pas outre huit jours, fors de son gré. Et se li uns vers l'autre aura encoru immistié, et il se soient accordé sanz enfrainte et cri dou chastel ou du borc, le prévost ne mie fait : nule chose porce à nos ni à nostre prévost il amendera ; et se clameur sera fete, de ce il leur list accorder els de que il auront paié le droiture jugiée ; et se li un de l'autre ara fet clameur et li autre envers l'autre nule amende aura fet, nule chose por ce à nos ni a nostre prévost il iert à amender ; et se li uns à l'autre ara deu fere sairement, il li list pardoner li. Et se les homes de la Noeve-Vile auront doné gages de bataille folement et de l'otroi du prévost, ançois que li ostages soient livré, se seront acordé : l'un et l'autre pait deus sols et sis deniers ; et se li ostages auront esté doné, set sols et sis deniers pait l'un 103 et l'autres ; et se de loiaus homes aura esté faite la bataille, les ostages del veincu cent et 104 century. In the latter half of the century, their popularity grew as various lords extended them to new towns in an effort to encourage settlement. Primarily, the customs of Lorris ———————————————————————————————————– douse sols paieront. Nul de cels nos face corvée ; li vilain la busche à nostre cuisine et de l'abbé ameneront. Nul de cels soit tenu pris se il peutdoner plége de venir à droit. Et chescun d'aus vende ses choses se il les veut vendre et ses ventes rendues, se il se veut de la vile départir, franc et quite se départe, se en la vile n'aura forfait fet. Et quicunques en la parroisse de la Noeve-Vile aura mes, se cri l'aura, soi et par nos et par e prévost aura voulu fere droiture, franc et quite ilec demeurt, se il ne l'aura voulu fere, desques à lieu seur ait nostre conduit. Et nus avec aucun pledera fors que por cause de suire sa droiture et de recevoir. Es noces de la Noeve-Vile li crieur aura nule chose par costume, ne la guete. Et nul gaeigneur de la parroche de la Noeve-Vile qui terre coutit à charrue, plus que une mine de froment à touz les serganz de la NoeveVile doinst par costume quant meisson sera. Et se chevalier aucun ou sergant les chevaus ou les autres bestes des homes de la Noeve-Vile in nos bois aura trové, il nes doit pas mener fors qu'au prévost de la Noeve-Vile ; et se aucune beste de la parroise de la Noeve-Vile, chaciée de toriaus ou contrainte de mosches, aura entré nostre forest ou haie, nule chose por ce devra au prévost amender celi qui la beste sera, se il puet jurer que, malgré la garde, fust ilec entrée. Et se aucun gardant li à escient i sera trovée, douse deniers por li dorra. Et se pluseurs, autre tant por chescune pait. Es fors de la Noeve-Vile ne seront pas porteurs par costume, ne les gueteurs ne seront pas par costume. Et les homes de Noeve-Vile le bois mort à lor us hors la forest preignent. Et quicunques el marchié de la Noeve-Vile achètera aucune chose ou vendra, et par oubliance son tonlieu aura retenu, enprès huit jors le pait sanz aucune acheison, se il puet jurer que il ne l'est mie retenu à escient. Et se aucun des homes de la Noeve-Vile aura esté acusé d'aucun et il ne porra estre prové par tesmoign contre la provance del demandant, par sa seule main se descoupera. Nus de cele parroise, de quelque chose que il vendra sus semaine, ou achètera en jour de marchié, en ce marchié por son us nule costume dorra. Por ce nos avons establi que toutes les foiz qu'en la vile sera muez li prévost, l'un emprès l'autre jurt soi establiement garder toutes ces costumes, e ensement li novel toutes les foiz que li sergant seront muez. Que ce soit dès or en avant ferme et estable à touz jors, nos avons commandé escrire ceste prénte page et aferme la de l'autorité de nostre scel. Ce fut fet communément à Senz, el palais l'arcevesque, l'an 105 de l'Incarnation Nostre-Seigneur mil et cent et soisante et douse. were privileges. That is to say, they were a release from many of the burdens that seigneurs imposed upon their subjects. These privileges were only extended to householders who were homines de corpore of the seigneur. In other words, those without a house or whose lord was someone other than the local seigneur town were subject to the old exactions. Nonetheless, the privileges of Lorris represent one of the oldest recorded instances of the rule whereby a seigneur loses rights over an emigrant if those rights are not claimed for a year and a day, after which time the emigrant becomes subservient to the local seigneur (i.e., the person who extended the customs of Lorris). Furthermore, they constituted a regularization and reduction of exactions imposed on villagers and townspeople.11 When the archbishop extended the privileges of Lorris to the inhabitants of Villeneuve-l'Archevêque, he also entered into a paréage contract with the house of SaintJean de Sens to develop Villeneuve-sur-Vanne. He gave the regular canons several parish churches in the region in exchange for their managing the town's development. Indeed, compensation with parish churches was one of the most common methods by which the archbishop of Sens employed the material and personnel resources of urban Benedictine houses to effect his regional interests.12 Nevertheless, this point needs some elaboration if the role of archbishop and developing house is to be properly understood. In the early twelfth century, Saint-Jean was reformed into a chapter of canons following the rule of Saint Augustine. While it tapped into a relatively new source of revenue, its 11Prou, "Coutumes de Lorris," passim. Perhaps the aspect that Prou finds most engaging about the customs of Lorris is that they are an example of relaxations of exactions given by lords, particularly the king, to the underclass. 12Christian Maillard and Christian Berruyer, "Les rapports entre archevêques et monastères dans l'archidiaconé de Sens jusqu'au XIIe siècle," pp. 121-35 in Bulletin philologique et historique, 1979. p. 130. 106 economic foundation was considerably different than the system of knightly patronage and satellite granges developed by the Cistercians. Rather, the canons of Saint-Jean supplemented their not inconsiderable one year post-mortem income from the prebend of every canon of the Sens cathedral chapter with the extremely lucrative control of an increasing number of parish churches. Before their acquisition by Saint-Jean, many of these churches may have lapsed into ruin or fallen into secular hands. In 1132, the archbishop of Sens confirmed the control of three houses and added an additional three.13 In this charter, the archbishop distinguishes between the houses that he gives and those that he confirms, suggesting that he did have some control over the distribution of churches in his diocese. From this apparently modest base, the canons of Saint-Jean continued in their acquisitive efforts. An 1152 archepiscopal confirmation lists nineteen parish churches controlled by the canons.14 Apparently, from whomever the canons acquired the control of churches from, they (or the archbishop) deemed it necessary to have them periodically confirmed by the archbishop of Sens. This act of confirmation is the recognition of a de facto situation. So when Archbishop Guillaume gave Saint-Jean the control of seven parish churches in 1172, of which one was the church of Villeneuvesur-Vanne, and four others in the region, this was a genuine donation as means of compensation, and not an administrative veneer on a situation beyond archepiscopal control.15 13Quantin, Cartulaire Générale. v.1, p. 290, no. 169. Archbishop Henri confirms Marrolles, Voisins, Chevry, Voux and adds Soisy, Carres, and Nibelles. 14ibid.; pp. 502-3, no. 346. In 1152, Eugenius III confirms the churches of Marolles, Chevry, Voux, Soisy, Carres, Nibelles, Châteaurenard, Sainte-Geneviève-des-Bois, Vinneuf, Montargis, Saint-Léon, Grez, Noyen, Saint-Sauveur, Pecy, Mirrault and NotreDame d'Orléans 15ibid.; v. 2. pp. 238-9, no. 223 (1172) the Archbishop concedes Molinons, Villeneuvesur-Vanne, Theil, Vaumort, Serbonnes, Montebarrois and Boiscommun. 107 Following the reception of the privileges of Lorris, the next time Villeneuve-surVanne appears in the documentation is in 1177, when the powerful castellan Anselm de Traînel swore to hold the fortress (firmitate) of Villeneuve-sur-Vanne half from the king and half from the count of Champagne.16 Next, in 1183, the monastery of Vauluisant is seen surrendering to the archbishop of Sens and lord of Traînel all its possessions in the parish of Villeneuve-sur-Vanne, with the exception of a house and meadow, in exchange for a rent of four setiers of grain from each of them.17 Towards the end of the twelfth century, in 1197, the archbishop and lord of Traînel acting together made further concessions to the inhabitants of the villeneuve.18 16ibid., v. 2, p. 292. no. 273. Note that Schlesser, op. cit., pp. 449-451, cites this as an example of a contract of Pariage where the king used to command strategic military and road junctions and extend his royal power into an unorganized area. I do not think that the text supports this reading. Nevertheless, I include a copy of it here so that the reader may arrive at an independent judgment, In nomine sancte et individue Trinitatis, amen. Ludovicus, Dei gratia Francorum rex. Notum fieri volumus universis, presentibus pariter ac futuris, quod Ansellus de Triangulo medietatem firmitatis Ville-Nove-super-Vennam tenet de nobis, et alteram medietatem tenet de amico et fideli nostro Henrico, comite Trecensium, sub tali conditione quod nec nos, nec heredes nostri, de eadem firmitate, comiti Henrico vel heredibus ejus forifacere poterimus, nec comes Henricus, vel heredes sui poterunt inde nobis vel heredibus nostris forifacere, salvis tamen justiciis et servitiis que idem Ansellus nobis inde, et comiti Henrico et heredibus nostris exhibit. Quod ne in posterum valeat immutari, presentem cartam sigilli nostri auctoritate, ac regii nominis subter inscripto karactere jussimus communiri. Actum Parisiis, anno ab Incarnatione Domini M° C° LXX° VII° ; astantibus in palatio nostro quorum supposita sunt nomina et signa: S. comitis Theobaldi, dapiferi nostri ; S. Guidonis buticularii ; S. Reginaldi, camerarii ; S. Radulphi, constabularii ; vacante cancellaria. 17#166 (44r), 168 (44r-v). 18Quantin, op. cit., v. 2, pp. 241-242, no. 125, Michael, par la grâce Dieu, arcevesque de Sens et Ansiáuz de Trainel, à touz cels à cui ces lettres venront, salut en NostreSeigneur. Nos volons fere à savoir que cum entre nos, d'une part, et les homes de la Vile-Noeve-sus-Venne, de l'autre, demandé fust 108 Finally, there is the evidence of the town itself (figure 27, 28). Villeneuvel'Archevêque lies north of the swampy region that forms the north bank of the Vanne. South of the villeneuve, between the arms of the Vanne, lies a fortress.19 The shape of the town itself is slightly irregular. In particular, the south-east corner of town, where the church is located, does not conform to the otherwise square plan of the town. In spite of the determination by a 1912 delegation from the Société Française d'Archéologie that the physiognomy of Villeneuve reveals a foundation in a single 1172 blow,20 this irregular shape implies that an original nuclear settlement predated the current plan. Specifically, the town developed as a cluster of buildings around the church, and at some point a regular plan which extended the confines of the town to include the section of the SensTroyes Roman road was established. Higounet presents an admirable argument for the development of Villeneuvel'Archevêque. The Carolingian villa may or may not have been situated in the same place as the current villeneuve; it would have been a rather small geographic phenomenon, and tornée des contes avoir par costume det de nostre vin amener à leurs cherretes et de la moisson avoir de leur terres, et des costumes des molins. Les costumes diligamment enquises qui sont gardées à lor uz en ces manières de cas, nos avons otroié as devandiz homes celes mesmes costumes à estre gardées, c'est à savoir que nos n'aurons nules contes de costumes, et se nos aurons volu vin amener lesdiz homes le vin de nos vignes et de noz rentes de l'espace de quatorse liées ou là environ, à leur chevaux qui traihent seront tenuz amener, se par nostre volunté et par la leur ne nos auront doné deniers, mes à ce ne porront estre contraint. Enseurquetout nul borgois de cele meisme Vile-Noeve devra moisson, se il ne tient terre de vilennage. Les gaaigneurs de terre qui seront hors de vile devront moisson as serganz. Li monniers de cele vile sera tenu de costume porter le blé et raporter, et vaner, et les revanes seront celi qui le blé sera. Se li monniers n'aura volu fere si comme nos avons dit devant, il porront moudre à quelque molin que il voudront. Que ce soit ferm, nos avons fet confermer la présent charte don garnissement de nos seaus. Ce fut fet l'an de Nostre Seigneur mil et cent et quatre vinz e disset. 19Higounet, 20Lajon, Defrichements et villeneuves. p. 115. op. cit., p. 118. 109 therefore does not need to exist in exactly the same place as the later settlement. The "novam villulam" mentioned in the cartulary of Vauluisant signifies an ephemeral attempt to establish a villeneuve on the river Lalain (then called the riveria Iegye). Moreover, later pre-1172 references to a villeneuve in the area, including the 1163 papal confirmation noted above, more likely refer to the Carolingian villa than Villeneuve-surVanne. With some reservation, Higounet proposes that Guillaume de Champagne extended the privileges of Lorris to a new town that was in the very first stages of formation, hence Guillaume is most likely the founder of Villeneuve-l'Archevêque.21 Anyway, Higounet sees the establishment of the fortress and partition so that the Archbishop and Lord of Traînel each possessed a half-interest in Villeneuve-sur-Vanne as perhaps the result of tensions between the secular and ecclesiastical powers. He speculates, "Elle laisse soupçonner peut être un dépit des deux pouvoirs de s'être ici laissé devancer, des tractations, un compromis enfin." Finally, Higounet dates the replanning and expansion of the town to the early thirteenth century.22 As can be imagined, there are several difficulties with such an ordering of the data. Basically, Higounet's central problem is that he does not take his theses far enough. First, not only is there no relation between the Carolingian nova villa and the later villeneuve beyond mere coincidence, it is unnecessary to associate any twelfth-century reference to the Carolingian site. Furthermore, there never existed a nova villula on the Lalain. If there had, it would have been a major landmark and would have been 21Higounet, Defrichements et villeneuves, pp. 113-15. Quote on p. 115. Note that Higounet suggests that Guillaume's predecessor, Hugues de Toucy may have been the one who first sponsored the town. Hubert, op. cit., p. 578, also believes that the current plan of the villeneuve was established in the early thirteenth century. 22ibid., pp. 115-16. Villeneuve-l'Archevêque is also discussed by Higounet in a 1985 conference paper, "Villeneuves des Campagnes Parisiennes," pp. 69-86 in Actes du 100e Congrès nationale des Sociétés savantes, Paris, 1975. Section Philologique et historique, v. 2. 110 mentioned in more than two documents in the Vauluisant cartulary.23 In any case, Higounet's location on the Lalain appears to be based on a misreading of the documents; Higounet reads "et apud Villam-Novam, et in riveria Iegie,"24 as meaning "at the villeneuve on the Lalain rivulet," instead of "at the villeneuve and in (i.e., on the banks and in the waters of) the Lalain rivulet." In addition, that the papal confirmation of Pierre de Lumni's gift locates it "apud Villam-Novam," could be interpreted more plausibly as a sign that the town had grown than as an indication of a location entirely different from the earlier charter. While any evidence for demographic growth taken from a dropped diminutive must be taken as dubious, the other locations given in the two charters, namely, property in the Lalain rivulet and the Lalain corridor from the abbey to Pouy, as well as the inclusion of these charters in the section of the cartulary pertaining to the abbey site suggest that this villeneuve must be fairly close to the monastery. Villeneuve-aux-Riches-Hommes should be ruled out because it constituted one of the boundaries of the grange of Luvanne. Therefore, almost all charters referring to this village have been removed from the cartulary. In any case, Villeneuve-aux-RichesHommes appears to be signified in the 1263 confirmation by "Francam-Villam." Hence, the new town indicated in the Vauluisant cartulary is near the abbey, not north of it (as that would put it in the grange of Luvanne), and not on the Lalain. This would seem to locate it on the Vanne, most likely on the site of the future Villeneuve-l'Archevêque. Most likely, Villeneuve-sur-Vanne began as a focal point for groups of displaced peasants in the mid-twelfth century. Its location in the marches near the principal artery between two urban centers and major political bodies undoubtedly aided its growth. 23#196 (47r, before 1150), #206 (48v, 1136). esp. pp. 75-77. At this time, Higounet stated that he had only begun to research this new town. Judging from what was included in the posthumous publication Défrichements et villeneuves, I suspect that he never fully completed the area of inquiry. 24Quantin, op. cit., v. II, p. 156, no. 143. 111 This site is part of the reason the archbishop of Sens actively encouraged the growth of the town through the extension of the customs of Lorris. By doing so, he brought a group of effectively autonomous parishioners under his control. Naturally, the question why the archbishop was the individual exercising dominion needs to be asked. To do this properly, the institution of the Archbishopric needs to be understood as operating as an extension of one of the most powerful French ecclesiopolitical personages of the twelfth century, Guillaume de Champagne, also known as Guillaumeaux-blanches-mains. Therefore, a discussion of Guillaume de Champagne will naturally provide an explanation for his claims to seigneury over this town, as well as for the motivations behind the extension of the privileges of Lorris, and the later partition of the village between secular and ecclesiastical authorities. Guillaume de Champagne, the fourth son of Count Thibaut IV, was destined at birth for the church.25 His ecclesiastical career is an example of how the ambitions of a younger son of the high nobility could be realized through the conscientious utilization of consanguineous and affinitive kinship ties as well as by political savvy. Guillaume became bishop of Chartres in 1165 and archbishop of Sens in 1169. The influence exercised by his brother-in-law, King Louis VII, and his brother Henri the Liberal, in this last election, unusual for the time, raised some concern in the minds of contemporary chroniclers.26 When he was archbishop of Sens, he was also papal legate, a fact that he does not hesitate to include in his charters.27 In 1176 Guillaume moved on to the 25Opera Genuina Sancti Bernardi, v.1, Laon, 1845. p. 228, ep. 271 (1151). Saint Bernard rebukes Thibaud II, count of Champagne, for requesting his assistance in acquiring an ecclesiastical office for his son Guillaume. 26Constance Bouchard, Sword, Miter, and Cloister: Nobility and the Church in Burgundy, 980-1198, Ithaca, 1987. p. 73; Solange Bidou, "La réforme grégorienne dans le diocèse de Sens (fin du Xe - fin du XIIe siècle)," pp.17-22 in Ecole nationale des chartes, positions des thèses, 1985. 27#161 (43r-v - 1174), 165 (44r - n.d.), 410 (106v - 1172). 112 Archbishopric of Reims. Yet his rapid ascendancy in the ecclesiastical hierarchy owed at least as much to his political abilities as to his familial ties. In 1180 he was named Cardinal Bishop of Saint Sabina, and in the years 1190-92 Guillaume and the queen mother, Adèle de Champage, were made regents of France while Philip II Augustus engaged in the Third Crusade.28 While closely related to both the king and the count, Guillaume de Champagne was extremely loyal to both and subservient to neither.29 Furthermore, throughout his career Guillaume was interested in expanding the political power of the archbishoprics that he occupied. After extending the privileges of Lorris to Villeneuve-sur-Vanne and enlisting the assistance of the abbey of Saint-Jeande-Sens in developing this town, Guillaume extended the privileges to three other villages: Brannay (west of Sens, before 1175), Bussy (south of Sens, near the count of Joigny's territory, after 1174) and La Chapelle-l'Archevêque-sur-Yonne (more or less a faubourg of Villeneuve-le-Roi, also in the marches between Joigny and the Sénonais, 1175).30 Of course, these latter foundatons were not of the same magnitude as Villeneuve-sur-Vanne, but they do represent his commitment to extending the power of the archbishop beyond the cure of souls to a position where he was not entirely dependent on being in the favor of the French king. Further, Guillaume continued his interest in urban administration as archbishop of Reims where he worked to develop the economy of the archepiscopal town.31 28John Baldwin, The Government of Philip Augustus, Berkeley, 1986. p. 102. 29ibid., p. 83 for support in Philip Augustus' attempt to annul his marriage with Ingeborg, p. 179 for loyalty to king during the Great Interdict of 1200. 30Higounet, Défrichements et Villeneuves. p. 116. For La Chapelle-l'Archevêque, see Christian Maillard, Villeneuve-sur-Yonne et son territoire dès origines à 1328, Villeneuve-sur-Yonne, 1983. pp. 56-57. 31Patric Demouy, "Leglise de Reims et la Croisade aux XIe - XIIe siècles," pp. 19-33 in Les Champenois et la Croisade, ed. Yvonne Bellenger and Danielle Quéruel, Paris, 1989. pp. 31-32. 113 As a twelfth-century archbishop, Guillaume's political ties and economic interests placed him in a unique category. Similarly, the geographical and political context of the town that was to become Villeneuve-l'Archevêque put the villeneuve in a small group of such developments. First, located on a Roman road, Villeneuve-sur-Vanne should not be understood to be a typical new village, but rather a member of a subgroup of Southern Champagne villeneuves situated on major communication routes. Therefore, this new town emerged at a time when both the king, with Villeneuve-le-Roi (1163-64),32 and the count, with Villeneuve-au-Châtelot (1175) and Villeneuve-au-Chemin (before 1178),33 were extending charters of privileges to villeneuves on Roman roads in the marches of their domains. But whereas the other frontier viatic villeneuves were situated in an area that formed the boundary between two greatly unequal political bodies, Villeneuve-surVanne was situated between the realms of the two most powerful men in France. Complicating matters, the territorial claims of the viscount (sometimes count) of Joigny came within five kilometers of the town. The coupling of a unique individual with a unique situation spawned Villeneuvel'Archevêque. A few revisions to the accepted history of the town bring its origins to light. if the current town plan of the villeneuve was laid out at the same time as the extension of the privileges of Lorris, then both the administrative organization and geographical structure of the villeneuve would be contemporary developments. Positing a thirty-year lag between the two to maintain the fiction that the new town was created more or less ex nihilo is unnecessary and misleading. Rather than asserting that the town was founded in one blow and developed in a second, undocumented one, the evidence of previous habitation seems to suggest that Guillaume extended the privileges and size of 32Higounet, 33ibid., Defrichements et villeneuves, p. 142, 150. p. 117, 142. 114 the town in one blow. This would also account for the necessity of entering into a contract of paréage with the canons of Saint-Jean. As part of this 1172 reorganization of the town, the cemetery in the southern churchyard was turned into a square and the village was stretched north to include the Roman road, thereby ensuring a lucrative income through tolls. A new settlement was already in existence in 1172 in the ill-defined marches between the two major political bodies. As the success of Villeneuve-le-Roi showed, extending the customs of Lorris to such a town would enhance the power of the extending lord at the expense of the political neighbors. Therefore, the development of Villeneuve-sur-Vanne as a franchised town by the king would have created strife with the count of Champagne. Thirty-five years after the extension of the customs of Lorris to this villeneuve, Philip Augustus agreed to abort his development of Thorigny and not enter into any further contracts of paréage for the establishment of new or franchised towns east of a line approximately ten kilometers to the west of Villeneuvel'Archevêque.34 In other words, in spite of his intensive program of foundations in the region, at no time did the king of France establish a villeneuve anywhere near as close to the Champagne border as Villeneuve-sur-Vanne. Perhaps this is why Archbishop Guillaume de Champagne managed to develop the town; he had the political and familial ties to the king and count of Champagne that would assure both lords that the villeneuve would not flourish at the expense of their homines de corpore. Naturally, the unfree peasants of their vassals and of other lords and vassals, particularly those of Joigny, would be welcome in the Archbishop's new town. 34Quantin, p. 76. op. cit., no. 62. Cited in Higounet, "Villeneuves des Campagnes Parisiennes," 115 When Guillaume became archbishop of Reims, he was replaced by the Burgundian Guy de Noyers. Although Guy was a competent churchman, the founder of a familial ecclesiastical dynasty and tied by marriage to the royal family, there is no evidence of such close ties to the count of Champagne.35 Shortly after Guy's election, the villeneuve was divided between the archbishop and the count and the king, represented by Anselm de Traînel, the butler of Champagne. Therefore, this division reflects not so much the result of a church-state struggle as a reification of the status quo; Villeneuvel'Archevêque was the product of the influence of the king and count at least as much as the Sens archbishop. The assignment of half of the seigneurial responsibilities to Anselm de Traînel logically follows. Not only was he a powerful and loyal man of unimpeachable character, but the location of his castellany in the marches north of Villeneuve-sur-Vanne made his management feasible. Finally, unlike the castellans of Villemaur who held their property directly from the count, the lords of Traînel owed homage on most of their land to the lords of Nogent, who were still rather autonomous at the time. In this way, the Lord of Traînel's relationship to Henri the Liberal, loyal but not directly subject to him, reflected the character and strength of Guy de Noyers' tie, and consequently made him an ideal candidate to represent the secular powers in Villeneuve-l'Archevêque for the next century. This conclusion is verified by a comparison of the situation of Villeneuvel'Archevêque with Guillaume's other foundations. Villeneuve-l'Archevêque was the only such foundation to be later split with a secular lord. The other three, closely tied with the king's efforts in founding new towns on the Joigny frontier, remained entirely in the hands of the archbishop. Thus, the archbishop did not retreat from Villeneuvel'Archevêque because of managerial ability; rather, his alignment with royal interests 35Constance Bouchard, "The Geographical, Social and Ecclesiastical Origins of the Bishops of Auxerre and Sens in the Central Middle Ages," pp. 277-295 in Church History 46:3(1977). Baldwin, op. cit., p. 67. 116 threatened the political equilibrium of the frontier town and a vital communication corridor. Nevertheless, the town still remained largely in the hands of the archbishop. The Lords of Traînel maintained the fortress south of the town, shared the income with the archbishop and ensured that the interests of the king and count were preserved. In short, it took two powerful figures, one a secular lord, the other an archbishop to match the political influence, spiritual leadership and managerial resources of the "founder" of Villeneuve-l'Archevêque. The development of Villeneuve-l'Archevêque has significant implications for similar villeneuves. In particular, the evolution of the villeneuves noted above as being situated in the marches on a major thoroughfare could be partially, if tentatively, explicated from this history of Villeneuve-l'Archevêque. First, the location of these villeneuves was not accidental, and substantially predated the encouragement of development evidenced by the extension of privileges. For groups of unfree peasants that had left their original land, the most desirable course of action was to relocate to an area outside the reach of their overlord's justice; hence they settled near a major road in the relatively underpopulated regions far from the reach of the established powers. Some of these settlements would become sizable enough that a powerful lord would use the extension of privileges, such as those of Lorris, to extend their power, safeguard their seigneurial interests and encourage the resettlement of peasants subservient to competing or lesser lords. This act of extending privileges, therefore, could be seen as an attempt to channel an extant demographic phenomenon, that of resettlement and expansion, into a competitive instrument for political gain. This attempt to organize a chaotic force can be seen in the very structure of the new towns -- a grid imposed over an early chaotic agglomeration. In short, the villeneuve was in one sense a conscious effort on the part of 117 a lord to augment her or his power, but it was a more opportunistic than premeditated development than certain scholars claim. 118 APPENDIX B CALENDRICAL NEW YEARS The body of scholarship concerned with the beginning of the calendar year in the region surrounding Vauluisant appears to be more pontifical than exegetical in nature. That is, chronologically critical information concerning the style of starting the new yeear in individual courts and curia has been apparently been determined by a tenuous reliance on evidence from a handful of unreliable or dubious sources. The central problem is that three styles, Nativity, Annunciation and Easter, were all used in the Champagne-Sénonais region in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. Perhaps much of the problem stems from an attempt to read curial regularity into small regional chanceries. Whatever the cause, the conclusions of chronographical scholarship in this region need to be critically re-examined. Before engaging in such an examination, however, the styles of starting the calendar year themselves should be explored. As noted above, there were three primary calendrical styles in use in twelfth- and thirteenth-century Sénonais, Southern Champagne and Auxerrois. First, and apparently the oldest in the region, is the style of beginning the new year with the Nativity (December 25). This style appears to have been dominant in Western Europe from the tenth century.1 Next, the method of reckoning the new year from the feast of the Annunciation (Lady Day, March 25) became widespread during the eleventh and twelfth centuries, and in some places, such as England, continued to be the standard method until 1R. Dean Ware, "Medieval Chronology: Theory and Practice," pp. 252-277 in James M. Powell, Ed., Medieval Studies, Second Edition, Syracuse, 1992. p. 260. 119 the eighteenth century.2 The more common version, the Florentine style, reckons the year from the March 25 after the nativity (i.e., 1 A.D.), whereas the somewhat more correct Pisan style calculates from March 25, 1 B.C. In spite of this discrepency, the Florentine style became extremely popular, perhaps due in part to popularity of the cult of the Virgin and the Cistercian Order in the twelfth century.3 Further references in this appendix to starting the new year from the Annunciation can be taken to mean the Florentine style. Finally, there is the sinister Easter style. In short, this method calculates the beginning of the calendar year begins on the Easter after the nativity (Easter, 1 A.D.) and continues to the next Easter. Hence, the beginning of the new year can vary by as much as 35 days. Chronological sources are unanimous in declaring that this style, a mos Gallicanus, was employed by the courts of the king of France and count of Champagne after the first quarter of the thirteenth century.4 Before this time, however, there considerable confusion exists as to who followed what system at what time. Out of this uncertainy, two critical camps have emerged with divergent views of the emergence and popularity of the Easter system, which I have labeled "liberal" and "conservative." One of the exponents of the "liberal" position, Artaud Giry suggests that the Easter style is of ancient origin; Flanders demonstrates its usage in the ninth century; Béarn employs it since the end of the same century. Further, the kings of France since at least Louis VI (1108-31) employ the Easter style.5 Franz 2John J. Bond, Handy-Book of Rules and Tables for Verifying Dates, London, 1866. p. 3. 3Hans Lietzmann and Kurt Aland, Zeitrechnung der römischen Kaiserziet, des Mittelalters und der Neuzeit für die Jahre 1--2000 nach Christus, Berlin, 1956. p. 129. 4Reginald L. Poole, "The Beginning of the Year in the Middle Ages," pp. 1-27 in Poole, Studies in Chronology and History, Oxford, 1934 (Reprinted from Proceedings of the British Academy, vol. 10 (1921). p. 23; Artaud Giry, Manuel de Diplomatique, Paris, 1894. p. 114, 117; Franz Rühl, Chronologie des Mittelalters und der Neuzeit, Berlin, 1897. p. 34. 5Giry, op. cit., p. 109-111. 120 Rühl claims that "Seit Philipp I (1060 bis 1108) sind sie häufig...."6 Against this broad interpretation is the more "conservative" view espoused by R.L. Poole. In a valuable, if somewhat insular, essay from the early twentienth century, Poole argues that "there is no clear proof before 1215" for the use of Easter to start the calendrical year. In the process of his argument, he sheds doubt upon what evidence has been supplied to the contrary, especially the data marshalled by Giry.7 Part of the reason that such a wide range of chronological interpretations manifest themselves is that there a miniscule "window" of possible dates that could distinguish between the use of the Easter and Annunciation styles in an individual chancery. Consequently, chronographers will often cite dates which are compatible with the Annunciation style as evidence of the use of the Easter style. As a result, the distinction between styles is more of a matter of opinion that of fruitful historical inquiry. This opiniated orientation, coupled with the rare number of fully dated charters in Central France in the twelfth century makes the distinction between the employment of the Annunciation and Easter methods in the chanceries of the region around Vauluisant nearly impossible. Given all this obscurity about the beginning of the new year, what can be known about the calendrical systems employed in the region around Vauluisant at this time? Perhaps the best way to determine this is to examine the traditional sources for determining calendrical style in a curia.8 6Ruhl, loc. cit. A. Capelli, Cronologia, Cronografia e Calendario Perpetuo, Milan, 1930. p. 18, claims that Rühl, "trovansi fequenti esempi dello stile Francese fino dai tempo di Filippo I (1060-1108)." 7Poole, op. cit., pp. 19-25. The quote is on page 19. R. Dean Ware also embraces this conservative position, loc. cit. 8In large part, I am relying on the chronological material employed by Martine Garrigues, Le premier cartulaire de l'abbaye Cistercienne de Pontigny, Paris, 1981. p. 71, where in half of a page she sketches out the curial practices according to her sources. Admittedly, 121 Vauluisant, like Pontigny and all other Cistercian houses, followed the Florentine style.9 While there may be some doubt as to how much unanimity of practice the Cistercian Order was able to enforce before the close of the twelfth century,10 this statement can be considered valid for at least those houses established in the traditional fashion, by six or twelve monks and an abbot emanating from a mother house which in turn can trace a similar lineage of foundation back to Cîteaux. In other words, for those houses such as Vauluisant that were founded ex nihilo and therefore lacked the influence of an extra-Cistercian chancery practice, this may be a valid assumption to make. Further, if Pontigny's foundation story is valid, and the house was established as the result of a hermit-priest's petitioning Stephen Harding for monks, the non-Cîteaux influence on Pontigniacan Cistercian curial practice may be considered negligible. Hence, Pontigny and Vauluisant can be assumed with relative security to have begun they year on the Annunciation. Giry claims that the same style was followed by the Archbishop of Sens.11 Certainly on this point Giry appears very authoritative, stating that there is evidence that the archiepicopal curia employed this method since the beginning of the twelfth century. The only evidence that I have is a charter drawn up by the officialis of the Sens curia this aspect of chronology is not a major concern of Garrigues, but I have not been able to find any other chronological sources pertaining to the region. Garrigues can be seen not only as the first person in quite some time to consider the chronological material for this region, but also as someone who espouses the "Liberal" tradition above. The principal reason why I am embarking on a lengthy description of the apparent futility of attempting to determine the new year is to explain perhaps my most major deviation from the traditional Prou cartulary standard, where charters which only give a year and supplemented by the range of dates for that year according to that chancery. 9Garrigues, loc. cit. 10J.-B. Auberger, L'Unanimité Cistercienne Primitive, Paris, 1986. Berman, Monks and Nuns, Forthcoming. passim. 11Garrigues, loc. cit. Giry, op. cit., p. 107. 122 (most likely being the archbishop's officialis, but perhaps the officialis of the archdeacon) dated the month of April, 1222, on the Saturday before Letare Iherusalem is sung, that is the fourth Sunday of Lent.12 In 1222, Easter fell on April 3; the Saturday before the fourth Sunday of Lent fell was March 12. In other words, if the charter is accurate,13 the Sens curia could not have followed the Annunciation style. If, on the other hand, the Easter dating system was followed, the date referred to would fall in 1223, specifically on Saturday, April 1. Therefore, this charter suggests that at least one scribe in the Sens curia started the new year with Easter. I have found even less solid evidence for the practices of the other curie.14 Evidently, the authority on the style of the Counts of Champagne is still Henri d'Arbois de Jubainville.15 An oft-cited passage states, "Nous supposons que, dans la chancellerie d'Henri [le Libéral], on commençait ordinairement l'année à Pâques."16 He 12#21 (6v-7r). 13As far as it goes the word secundo is fully spelled out in the charter; this is not, of course, a reliable guarantee that the original did not have iii. 14For the bishops of Auxerre, Capelli seems to support the use of the Easter style, stating that Auxerre followed "stile della Pasqua più frequentemente, ma anche stile a Natività," Cronologia, p. 17. .Garrigues, loc. cit., also claims that the bishops followed the Easter Style. While discarding the contention of her source (Lebeuf's Auxerre history) that the bishops followed this style since the sixth century, she maintains the main thrust of his argument, stating, "mais il est sûr qu'aux XIIe et XIIIe siècles ils suivaient ce style," without providing any justificative evidence. 15Judging by the references in the notes to the pre-edition of his Recueil des Actes des Comtes de Champagne, it appears that John Benton had worked out more thoroughly than anyone else the various calendrical styles employed by the comital scribes. Unfortunately, the lack of an introduction (and hence a place to discuss chronology) and the lack of accessibility inherent in this posthumous edition rendered the inclusion of its findings here impossible; I simply did not have the time to reconstruct Benton's findings from his scattered footnotes. 16Henri d'Arbois de Jubainville, Histoires des ducs et des comtes de Champagne, Paris, 1859-69. v. 3, p. 309. 123 then supports this claim with two cases where "il ne peut y avoir de doute."17 Some doubts are nevertheless able to be had. The first case hinges on the year of Henri I's accession to the throne and the dates of two documents. The first charter that he cites is one issued by Henri le Libéral and dated 1151. The other is given at "Trecis, V° Kal. Martii, 1151," that is, at Troyes on February 25.18 D'Arbois de Jubainville argues that neither of these charters could have been dated 1151 as Henri was not made count until March 10, 1152. Even if the obvious difficulty that the February 25, 1152 charter presents for his argument is ignored, d'Arbois de Jubainville has at best proved that the counts of Champagne in these documents followed either the Annunciation style or Easter. For this reason, he commits an uncharacteristic inaccuracy when he takes a step beyond his proof to the conclusion that the counts of Champagne mostly followed the Easter style. D'Arbois de Jubainville presents some further evidence for a Champagne court Resurrection calendar that is not as easily discarded. Specifically, he indicates three charters issued by Count Hugues de Troyes while laying siege to Nogent-le-Roi on April 2, 1104. Because two of these give the year 1104 and one 1103, he concludes that two followed the Christmas or Circumcision style and one Easter.19 A more likely possibility is to cling to the belief that Henri's chancery did not shift chronological practice in the course of a few hours, and that the 1103 date is simply in error. This error could be explained in a few ways. Most likely is that the scribe who copied the version simply 17ibid. 18ibid., pp. 325-26, nos. 1-2. 19ibid., p. 309; v. II, pp. 86-87. Note that D'Arbois de Jubainville does not consider the Annunciation Style a possibility. 124 missed or dropped the fourth minim. Another possibility is that the four was originally written as IV and mistranscribed as III.20 Finally, Garrigues correctly points out that we know very little about how the lesser chanceries operated and what systems they employed, and wisely leaves all those dates as old style.21 Indeed, perhaps we know less about these "larger" chanceries than we think. Maybe only the largest chanceries, the ones that had several scribes, could maintain rigid control over diplomatic production. If this was the case, the medium-level chanceries, such as that of the Archbishop of Sens or the Count of Champagne, might have been more dependent on the individual preferences of the one or two individuals who at that time filled the role of scribe, particularly during the period examined here, when the use of written records was not fully regularized. Perhaps the style followed in a smaller chancery reflects the education and origins of the scribe more than a conscious adherence to a notion of chancery practice which may be anachronistic. To conclude, there is no solid evidence in the secondary literature that I have examined to determine what style of starting the new year was practiced in certain chanceries around Vauluisant. Nevertheless, there is no strong evidence against the current opinions either. Even though by the end of the first quarter of the thirteenth century the Easter method appears to have been the dominate form, I am extremely conservative in my rendering of dates. Almost always, old style dating is used and so indicated with (o. st.). Only in rare circumstances, usually involving the necessity to 20This latter explanation has been suggested to me by Dr. Lynn Nelson. While undoubtedly this is the cause of many transcription errors, I am hesitant to ascribe it to Champagne at this time until I come across a contemporary scribe who writes the numeral 4 as IV instead of IIII. 21Garrigues, loc. cit. Certainly, the only evidence I have for this lesser curia is that Jean, deacon of the Vanne Basin, used the Easter Style, see Appendix J, officialis. 125 determine a date by the day of the week or a movable feast, do I deviate and also supply a new style (n. st.) date as well. 126 APPENDIX C TRANSLATIONS 32 1221, June. No location. Master Hugh, officialis of the curia of Sens to all who will examine this document, eternal greetings in the Lord. Let it be known to all that Brother Gautier, abbot, and the convent of Vauluisant, at the petition of Jean, domicellus of Courgenay, conceded that they will pay to Domina Fressendis, Jean's mother, fourteen sextarii of grain from molitura and one sextarius of wheat, namely seven sextarii from molitura and one mina of wheat to be paid on the day after the octaves of the Nativity of the Lord (January 2) and the remaining seven sextarii of molitura and one mina of wheat on the day after the octaves of Easter (Monday, the week after). And those fifteen sextarii will be from the four modii of grain that the church of Vauluisant owes each year to the aforesaid Jean. Truly after the death of said domina, the aforesaid fifteen sextarii will revert to the above-mentioned Jean and to his heirs without contradiction. Moreover the aforesaid domina and Jean, her son, conceded to the brothers of Vauluisant that as often as they should wish, they shall be able to manage (curare) the Lo Bierz mill at Courgenay, and to remove earth from the upper and lower parts of the mill to carry it away (dimittere) to the left and the right across the land of said domina and Jean, her son. They also conceded that the new trench (fossatum) which the aforesaid brothers made with their assent in the part below the mill, shall have nine feet (pedes) in width and it shall remain where it was made in perpetuity. And, as often as they should wish, the brothers of Vauluisant shall be able to manage and repair it and from it to remove earth and carry it across the land of said domina and Jean, her son. The same domina and her son, Jean, also conceded that said brothers may make a mill race (vannam) for diverting water from the upper part of mill, next to the head of the garden (ortus) of the same Jean, towards the mill, and they conceded that those brothers as often as they may want they can employ for the use of the mill already noted above soil (cespites) and earth (terra) in the marshes of the same domina and Jean from the lower part of the mill, and chalk and earth in their land. They also conceded to the same brothers a cart road (viam quadrigariam), by which whatever they wish shall be able to go to the mill and to return, which road shall begin next to the head of the garden (oschia) of Fiorie from the higher part and shall extend until the mill through the land and through the meadows of said domina and Jean. And that same road, if the brothers should wish, may be two tesie wide through arable land (terram arabilem) and seven feet through meadows. And the brothers may make on top of this (desuper) [road], if they should wish, one causeway (una calceia) of the same width; and, if they should wish, they may make trenches through the meadows, one on one side of the road and one on the other and both may be four feet wide until the mill. They also conceded to the same monks four tesie of land on all sides around the mill within which tesie those brothers shall be able to do and build whatever they should wish. But indeed, the aforesaid domina may be able to mill her grain in the same mill for her entire life without molitura. The aforesaid domina and Jean, her son, conceded that they will hold all this in good faith except the justice which they are said to have in the above-mentioned road; we thus say “except the justice” as the brothers of Vauluisant will not deny them, saying that they [themselves] have justice in the same road (my earlier translation: so that we say that except for that justice, the brothers of Vauluisant have justice that will not deny theirs in the same road). Moreover, the abbot and convent of Vauluisant conceded this just as it is reported to us in the letters patent of the Venerable Guy, prior of Villeneuve l'Archévêque, whom we sent to the abbot and convent for this purpose. That these things should be firm and stably last in perpetuity we make this document to be firmly affixed with the seal of the Sens curia. Acted in the One Thousand, Two Hundred Twenty-First year of Our Lord, the month of June. 33 1225 (o. st.), March. No location. Master Michel, officialis of the curia of Sens, to all who will examine the present document, greetings in the Lord. Let it be known to all that when the brothers of Vauluisant were being held by Jean, domicellus of Courgenay [to pay] 3 modii of molitura and one modius of wheat, which [grain] said brothers were paying to Jean annually at Courgenay for the mill of that same village, just as it is contained in the document of Nobilis Mulier Blanche, countess of Champagne, finally the aforenoted Jean, standing in our presence, quit in perpetuity to the forementioned brothers the half of one modius of the aforesaid 127 molitura so that there should only remain two and a half modii of molitura and one modius of wheat. Indeed, for this surrender the said brothers have quit to the same Jean the entire bequest, in lands as in other things, that the deceased Guiot, brother of same Jean, made to them so that nevertheless these brothers licitly and without any contradiction may lay hold of (perciperent) the land in the territory of the same Jean which is called "Valle de Fonte-Raoul" for making tiles (pro tegulis faciendis). Indeed, Hodierna, wife of the same Jean, who was in our presence confirming and equally conceding this, swore that she did this [concession and confirmation] spontaneously and was not coerced. And she and said Jean, her husband, swore that they would not raise any dispute (questio) in the future over this issue either for themselves or for others. The same Hodierna also renounced all rights of dower or from any other cause [or to a lawsuit on the grounds of dower or any other grounds] concerning the half modius of molitura surrendered to the aforenoted brothers. Acted in the One Thousand, Two Hundred, Twenty-Fifth year of Grace, the month of March. 49 1222 (o. st.), February. No location. To all who will examine the present document, the officialis of the curia of Sens, greetings in the Lord. All should know that, standing in our presence, Henri Gâtebléd, miles, willed, confirmed and conceded the donation which Pierre de Fontenay-en-Bossery, squire, made to the church of Vauluisant, namely of land, cens and other things which he had at Souligny-les-Etangs and elsewhere wherever they should be, and which things moved from the feudal domain of Henri. The aforesaid miles [Henri] also released [lit. quit] Pierre from his homage that the aforesaid Pierre had made to him [Henri] for the aforesaid, namely land, cens and other things. In the memory of such things, at the petition of both parties, we make the present letter to be written and affixed with the seal of the Sens curia. Acted in the One Thousand, Two Hundred Twenty-Second year of the Lord, in the month of February. 50 1222, December. No location. The officialis of the curia of Sens, to all who will examine the present document, greetings in the Lord. All should know that Pierre de Fontenay-en-Bossery, squire, standing in our presence, recognized that he gave in perpetual alms to the brothers of Vauluisant his lands, and his vineyard, and 3 1/2 s. provinois in cens, and whatever he had in the lands of Fontenay-en-Bossery and Beauvoir, excepting one house at Fontenay-en-Bossery, and an orchard, and a plot/garden situated behind the same house, which Pierre retained for himself. He also gave to the same brothers in alms his lands and 22 1/2 d. in cens, and whatever rights he had and ought to have had at Souligny-les-Etangs, and three pieces of meadow situated in the finage of Motte-Tilly, and his men and women wherever they should be, and whatever rights he had and ought to have had in the territories of Pouy and Barbuise, the faith being given by the same Pierre that he will raise no dispute against said brothers in the future over these things, neither for himself, nor for others. Moreover, Philippa, wife of the same Pierre, who was present, having given faith not to lay claim to it, confirmed, willed and conceded said alms, renouncing all rights that she had in the aforesaid things by reason of dower or from any other sort of cause, and every privilege of law and canons, of customs and use, which in this transaction could have benefited her and indeed could have stood in the way of the same brothers. She swore in addition that she made this [renunciation] spontaneously and cautiously without fraud, and was not coerced. At the petition of both parties, without prejudice to either, we testify that we heard this [renunciation of Philippa], and that it [the gift in alms of Pierre] has been recognized in our presence, with the seal of the Sens curia. Acted in the One Thousand, Two Hundred Twenty-Second year of Grace, in the month of December. 71 1216, November. No location. Hervée, by the grace of God humble minister of the church of Troyes, to all to whom the present document should come, greetings in the Lord. Let your entirety know that we, having inspected the tenor of the document of the venerable man, the abbot of Vauluisant of the Cistercian order, and [been informed] more fully (plenius) by the declarations of said abbot, and our dear Garnier, the precentor (cantoris) of Traînel, we have recognized and understood that Henri, miles of Basson, having recently embarked on the way of all flesh, made, with the assent of his wife Rancia and his sons, with said abbot and precentor and with many other good men present and listening, his testament in this manner: "I, Henri de Basson, setting out to the Albigeois, with the assent of Rancia, my wife, and with the counsel of my friends, in the presence of the priest who has care of my soul and many others, have constituted my testament concerning my properties, movable and immovable, in this way: [Immovables] I bequeath to the church of Vauluisant, six plots (oschie) at Molinons, namely those that I had for the meadow of Dominus Nicholas, except for the justice of those same plots which I retain for myself, and 128 three sextarii of wheat in my rents (redditus) from Bagneux and I bequeath these things for making my anniversary mass. Item, to the church of Dilo, I bequeath for my anniversary mass the payments from two plots at Pâlis, retaining nevertheless for myself the justice of those same plots. Item, to the monks of Villemaur, I bequeath for my anniversary one plot at Pâlis, nevertheless I retain its justice for myself. Item, to three priests, namely of Bagneux, Molinons and Pâlis, I bequeath three sextarii of oats annual payments so that one [sextarius] goes to each. Moreover, any of them will receive their [sextarius] in their village from my customs that I have there. And I bequeath this so that all the priests of the aforesaid parishes shall individually make my anniversary mass. Item, the monastery of Chapelle d'Oze, 20 s. of payments from my census and customs, which whoever of my successors who will hold my lad will pay (reddet) every year on the feast. And those 20 s. will be expended on a pittance for the nuns every year on the day of my anniversary. Item, to the priest of Villetart, I bequeath one anciglia of land for my anniversary mass. Item, to the lepers of Deux-Eux, I bequeath two ancinglie of land at Villetart for my anniversary mass. Item, the church of Larrivour, I bequeath a half-modius of grain annual rent -- two sextarii of rye and four of barley - to be received in the mill of Basson. Item, to the church of Marcilly[-le-Hayer], I give, whether I return it or not, two sextarii of grain annual payment -- one of rye and one of barley -- for the soul of the deceased Renier and his ancestors. And because of this, their anniversary mass shall be made in the aforesaid church. Moreover, those two sextarii will be taken (sumentur) from the terragium of Basson, so that the priest shall take half and the church building (fabrica ecclesie - church builder?) the remaining half. Item, I bequeath to the same church, for my anniversary mass, if by chance it should happen that on this pilgrimage I should enter upon the way of all flesh, two sextarii of grain -- one of rye and one of barley -from the aforesaid terragium of Basson, to be received every year, so that the priest will have his half and the church building the other. [Movables] Item, if the Lord should wish that I pay my debt to nature on this road (trip to the Albigeois, or the more general way of this existence?), I wish and dispose in testament that from my movables forty s. be given to the nuns of Chapelle d'Oze for a pittance for the nuns on the day on which they should make my office. Item, to the nuns of Foissy, forty s. Item, to the church building of Saint-Pierre de Troyes, twenty s. Item, to the lepers of Deux-Eux, twenty s. for a pittance. Item, to Master Thomas of Marcilly-[le-Hayer], twenty s. and a half-modius of grain -- three sextarii of rye and three of barley. To Dominus Jean, priest, ten s. To Garnier, cleric, five s. To the lepers of Marcilly[le-Hayer], five s. To the lepers of Molinons, five s. To the church of Saint-Esprit de Troyes,1 five s. To the chapel of Traînel, ten s. To Godin, ten s. To all the priests who are in the deaconry [deanery] of Pont[sur-Seine], seven l. and a half to be equally distributed to them for my service to be made by them in whatever way. And that this shall persist stable and firm, I asked the Venerable Man, Gautier, abbot of Vauluisant, that he securely affix the document with his seal. Since, therefore, said miles laboring in extremis -- as we humbly acknowledged by said abbot and precentor as well as by their instrument (relatio) -- would have commanded by way of supplication that we deign to confirm his solemnly made testament. Piously agreeing (concurrentes assensu) to the gentle request of the deceased man, we have said that the aforesaid constitution of a testament noted in the present document should be confirmed. Acted in the One Thousand, Two Hundred Sixteenth year of the incarnation of the Word, the month of November. 72 1223 (o. st.), January. Vauluisant. Gautier, by the grace of God archbishop of Sens, to all whom this present document should come greetings in the Lord. We make it known that the men of Séant (n.b., today Bérulles) of Nobilis Vir Erard de Brienne and Nobilis Mulier Philippa, his wife, namely Simon, prepositus, Girard, son of Geoffroy Tyrant, Herbert, son of Chrétien le Duc, Guibert and Renaud, his brothers, the heirs of the deceased Herbert Sarpete, namely Herbert and others, Gautier Savant (Sapiens), the son of Renaud de Plesseto, Jacques and Grivellus, his brother, Etienne, son of Robillart, and Fillons, his sister, Raoul le Grand, Guiot, son of Chrétien Pertuiset and Bernard, his brother, the relatives and heirs of the aforesaid and many others from Séant said that they had by hereditary right the usage rights for charcoal from dead wood, having two capita from the ground in the woods of the church of Vauluisant which adjoin the borders of the granges of Cérilly and les Loges. Those above-mentioned men and also the rest who demanded the aforesaid usage rights in the above-mentioned woods, being summoned to the presence of the aforesaid Erard and his wife in the Church of Séant, quit in perpetuity to the requests and petition of the beloved in Christ, abbot and convent of Vauluisant of the Cistercian Order, promising by oath that they will not demand that usage right for the any remaining part, retaining absolutely nothing of that usage right neither for themselves nor for their heirs, with our dear son, Renaud, deacon of the Vanne Basin present and listening, who, just as indicated (innotuit) by his letter to us, had been specially sent for this purpose on our part (i.e., to represent 1I have not confirmed the modern name for this church. 129 the Archbishop). Truly, the aforesaid Erard in our presence offered his bodily faith that he would carry the warranty over this sort of surrender to the monks of Vauluisant. And if any of the men of Séant or any of their heirs should vex them by reason of the aforesaid usage rights, the same Erard shall make to be restored the damages and losses which would have occurred because of this [vexing]. Moreover, said Erard and his wife, in our presence, gave to the monks the usage rights of pasture for all the animals of the granges of Cérilly and Les Loges in his woods which are called Bois de Saint-Etienne and in all the woods and lands which exist under his dominion and power. They also recognized in our presence that the church of Vauluisant has a sixth part all things in the woods called Notre-Dame[-de-Séant] and in the woods of les Alleux and that they [Erard and his wife] would conserve their usage rights just as if they owned it. Moreover, so that all these things be firmly observed, Dominus Erard and his wife in our presence confirmed and conceded this, obliging their heirs in perpetuirty to this. In order that this shall firmly and stably remain in the future, we made the present document, at the request of said Erard and his wife, to be notarized and firmly attached to our seal. Acted at Vauluisant, in the One Thousand, Two Hundred Twenty-Third year of Grace, the month of January. 93 [1169-76] No location. Because human memory is fleeting and what present people set up lies hidden from those in the future, we have been led by utility to commit to memory that Domina Houdéard conferred whatever she had, at the value of 600 l., to the church of Vauluisant. Moreover, so that she may live without difficulty to the church, from the aforesaid money she bought of the monks of [the priory of] Notre-Dame-de-Pont-surSeine in the territory of Bernières for 115 l., and she put forth 485 l. for the grange [Chevroy] which the brothers of Vauluisant bought from the brothers of Larrivour. Wherefore I, brother Pierre, abbot of aforesaid church, and the other brothers, on account of the aforesaid [donation], we have assigned to her each year two modii of wheat, six sextarii of rye, three sextarii of barley, two sextarii of fish and one of beans (fabis) and twenty modii of wine from the vineyards of Vauluisant. Indeed, she conferred to the aforesaid church up to 36 of the stallions and mares that she brought with her, so that, for the profit of them, they will give to her 100 s. each year: 50 s. on Easter and 50 on the feast of Saint Remy [October 1]. Concerning the grain (annona) which ought to be given to her, it is determined that it should be paid to her from the grange of Livanne and it should be milled and cooked (quoquatur). In addition, 50 cheeses will be given to her annually from the same grange, and 2 sextarii of oil, salt, and also wood and as much other necessities for this manner of nourishment as should be necessary for her. Moreover, no woman will live in her house against her will except for two sisters of Domnus Pierre, abbot. Further, concerning her sons, we have ordered that we shall teach them until they reach the years of understanding [i.e., their majority] and then they may become monks. But if, persuaded by the devil, heaven forbid (quod absit)2 they should want to desert their vow at some time before receiving the habit, 100 l. from the aforesaid money will be paid to their mother so that she may distribute at her will, or if she prefers, she may return it to the brothers of Vauluisant. Truly, as long as her daughter should live with her, the house of Vauluisant will provide her with necessities. In addition, they will give to her each year 5 modii of wine and 5 sextarii of wheat and as much clothes as should be necessary. If, moreover, on some occasion in the future she is not able to live peacefully in her house, or if she wishes to transfer to another house, the abbot and aforesaid brothers nevertheless will pay to her each year what has been determined above, and they will pay for her own expenses in the religious house that she should choose for her peace. Truly, if she should wish to remain until death, she will be buried in the place of a fundatrix in the cemetary of Vauluisant and every benefit will be given to her, just as to one of the brothers. But if the abbot and the aforesaid brothers who are stated should not want to pay her [her pension], they will freely and absolutely repay her whatever she put forth for purchasing the grange [Chevroy], and she will waive 2quod absit is an interjected use of the optative subjunctive, implying the wish for the absence or nonoccurrence of a set of circumstances over which the author has no control. While the translation "heaven forbid" does represent a departure from my otherwise literal rendering, it seems to capture the sense. The phrase quod absit seems to be used with some regularity; it occurs in #88 and #218, and a quick perusal of the CETEDOC Christian Latin Texts CD-ROM reveals close to 500 different loci. For this discussion of the usage of quod absit, I rely on Anthony Blase Paluszak, C. PP. S., The Subjunctive in the Letters of Saint Augustine, doctoral dissertation, The Catholic University of America, Patristic Studies, vol. 46, 1935, esp. p. 11. Paluszak also cites (with the aid of the Thesaurus Linguae Latinae) Quintilian, inst. 12, 10, 12, quod procul absit as the first time this form is used. 130 the money that she put forth for the lands of Bernières for the expenses that they had incurred for her [upkeep]. Witnesses: [monks:] Ulric prior, Foulques subprior, P. Precentor (Cantor), Isembard, Guy subcentor, Renier, Robert de Rigny, Arnaud, Guillaume de Stampis, Hugues Rufus, Gerard, Herbert cellarer, Raoul. Conversi: Renaud, Albert, Etienne, Andre, Gautier Sutor (possibly sty master), Richard Pellepier (Pelliparius), Gautier, Guerric Charron (Rotarius). Finally, lest the aforesaid deliberations disappear through neglect or forgetfulness, it is confirmed with the seals of the abbots, namely, Dominus Alexander, abbot of Cîteaux, Domnus Hugues of Preuilly, Domnus Harduin of Larrivour and Domnus Pierre, abbot of Vauluisant, and also confirmed with the assent of the chapter. 94 1220 (o. st.), March. No location. I, Gautier, abbot, and the entire convent of Vauluisant, to all who will inspect the present document, greetings in true healthfulness (salutari). Let it be known to your entirety that when Renaud de Villeneuve-aux-Riches-Hommes, priest3 of Dierry[-Saint-Pierre] held from us for his life by a certain agreement (compositione) a certain mill at Pouy, five s. annual payment, three sextarii oats, two loaves at the value of (sub precio) four d., and two chickens in customs from three plots (ochas) and a piece of arable land which is next to the place called Sorlein which moves of the church building (fabrica) of SaintJean-de-Pouy under an annual cens of one d., all of which was, by his consent and that of his heirs, to be returned to our church after the death of Renaud, finally, that Renaud, being directed by the counsel of good men, so that he would thus provide for the peace and quiet of our church in the future, divesting himself of all the abovementioned, of the mill as of the other things noted above, in the hands of Venerabilis Vir G., Archdeacon and officialis, willed and made that our said church, by the hand of the same officialis, be solemnly invested, retaining no rights whatsoever for himself or for his heirs in those things with respect to the possession or property under an oath of religion, firmly promising again that he will carry the legal warranty to our (i.e., will warrant our church) church for all these things. Sensibly, in recompense for this gift made to us, we have assigned to said Renaud three modii of praiseworthy and good grain in the measure of Villeneuve-l'Archévêque -- namely one modius of wheat, one of rye, the third of oats -- from our grange of Livanne, every year before Christmas and four modii of praiseworthy and good red wine in the measure of Auxerre in the vat (ad cuvam - cuvée) from our cellars to be paid to him within four days of his having been requested by us to receive wine, all of which he will receive only for his life. Renaud shall not be able to assign or pledge, sell or trade this assignation of grain or of wine to any other person whatsoever, who, after the death of the same Renaud, would be able or ought to raise a complaint against our church over anything, In the memory of such affairs we have made the present document to be affixed with our seal. Acted in the One Thousand, Two Hundred Twentieth year of Grace, the month of March. 97 1224 (o. st.), March. No location. To all inspecting the present document, Renaud, deacon of the Vanne Basin (lit. of the banks of the Vanne), greetings. Let it be known to everyone that Jean, domicellus of Courgenay, traded to the church of Vauluisant a certain piece of meadow with springs moving of himself situated between the mill of Courgenay and the territory towards Vauluisant, which belongs to the same church, for another piece of meadow which is next to the canal, in this fashion: that the aforesaid church will have around the piece of meadow with its springs three tesie in every direction, with this addition: that it will have ten tesie in width from the same piece towards the territory of the same church. If in that piece animals should come for the purpose of pasturing, the aforesaid Jean may seize them and then will be permitted to levy the payment of forfeit (forefacti emendam), except that he may not seize there the animals of the aforesaid church, but he will only be permitted to repel them. And if there should be grass in that same piece, the already-mentioned church may make hay from it (lit. to dry) and whatever the church may want to do there, they will be permitted to do. Indeed, the same Jean promised that he would do nothing and permit nothing to be done regarding the aforesaid piece of meadow with springs by which those springs would be lessened or could be lessened. He also swore that he will raise no further dispute over this trade; neither for himself, nor for another will he disturb the aforesaid church regarding the same trade but rather he will carry the legal warranty. Similarly, the wife of the aforesaid Jean swore that she would observe the trade in this manner and entirely renounced all rights whatsoever or of whatever kind she might have in that piece and nor would she make anything to be sued for, nor would she sue for anything by which that church could be 3reading presbiter for presbiterum (pbr for pb4). 131 bothered in the future. Similarly, Guy, domicellus, the brother of already-mentioned Jean, conceded this trade and swore that he would observe it. Nobilis Mulier Fressendis, the mother of already-mentioned Jean and Guy, domicelli, quit to the already-mentioned church all rights that she had in that aforesaid piece. And she renounced to the same [church] by means of her faith the rights that she had, whether by right of dower (dotalicium) or by any other cause. Acted in the One Thousand, Two Hundred Twenty-Fourth year of the Lord, the month of March. 120 1218 (o. st.), March. No location. I, Blanche, countess palatine of Troyes, make it to be known to all equally in the present and the future that when a dispute was held (discordia verteretur) between my dear and loyal Jean and Bartholomé, brothers, domini of Courgenay, on one side, and the abbot and convent of Vauluisant, on the other, over a certain weir (exclusa) which those monks had made below the mill of Courgenay which mill belonged to said Jean and Bartholomé; through which weir those monks were intending (volebant) to lead the water from Courgenay to a certain mill of theirs which they had recently constructed above their abbey, finally by the intervention of trustworthy men, they (the brothers and monks) settled their claims (partes suas composuerunt) in my presence in this fashion: That said brothers Jean and Bartholomé, conceded to the monks that they maymake a weir there and a paved road of whatever sort and quantity they might want, and that it shall be permitted to those monks to water their meadows situated above Courgenay whenever, as much as, and as often as it should please them, as long as the water which leaves the meadows is returned to the mill of Courgenay. In addition, the aforementioned brothers, Jean and Bartholomé, quit to the aforesaid monks that mill of Courgenay and they conceded it to them to be possessed in perpetuity, willing and conceding that those monks take from the land of those same brothers whatever might be necessary for the work of the mill: namely for moving (adduco) earth by two-horse/oxen teams (bigis) and for it being carried by barrows. And, as often as the abovesaid monks should want to repair that mill of Courgenay, it will be permitted to them to lead water through the land of the Domini of Courgenay until it is repaired. Moreover, said brothers retained for themselves in that same mill that which their mother is able to mill there for as long as she should live without payment of molitura. Moreover, from the land of said brothers, the monks will have around the mill on all sinds four tesie of land beyond the spaces (extra soleas -- feet?) which now pertain to the the mill (que nunc in molendino apparent); and those brothers are held to surrender the road through their lands to the mill. And so for the surrender of said mill and for the concession of all the aforesaid those monks are held to pay to the noted brothers and their heirs in perpetuity four modii of grain annual payment to be paid at Courgenay in the measure of Villeneuve-l'Archévêque: namely, one modius of praiseworthy wheat and three modii of praiseworthy molitura to be paid according to these terms: namely, half on the day after the octave of Easter (Monday, one week after) and the other half on the day after the octave of Christmas (January 2). But if that grain is not paid according to the established terms and the reason for its non-payment is the fault of the monks (per monachos staret quin esset persolutum), as a penalty the monks will pay two s. to the said brothers or their heirs for every day past the deadline that they withhold it.4 Moreover, said brothers are held to carry the legal warranty for the mill and other abovesaid things. From the paved road (calceia or foot road?) and the weir up to the garden (ortum) of Livanne all fishing rights belong to the brothers Jean and Bartholomé and the monks are not able to demand anything. Truly, in the weirs (exclotura) of the mill, neither those brothers, nor their heirs, nor even the monks are allowed to attach devices for catching fish. Other mills are not allowed to be constructed around or near Courgenay. But the monks are held to maintain (retinere) the mill lest it fall into ruins, so that, by paying reasonable moliture, both the domini and people (homines) of Courgenay may have rights of easement in that mill. If the monks should overburden the mill with milling and the domini or men should come for the purpose of milling their grain, the monks will not be permitted to mill more than two sextarii until the domini or men, paying their molitura, mill their millables. As often as they should want, the monks may appoint or remove a miller, who whenever he is to be appointed, will make faith and swear an oath (fidelitatem faciet) in the church of Courgenay that he will take reasonable molitura from the domini and men of Courgenay according to the use and customs of other mills by constructed in those parts. The monks will indicate to the domini of Courgenay the day on which the miller will make this sort of oath so that they may be present if they should so desire. But if they should desire to be present, both the miller and the monks will remain there to be quit (released? sent away?). It will be similarly so whenever a miller is appointed. 4this sentence is once again an example of the much-feared imperfect-less-vivid conditional clause. 132 Moreover, the domini of Courgenay will be able to build trenches for watering (ad aquare) as long as the water is not diverted so that all of the water does not return to the mill. Indeed, the said brothers swore in my presence that they would firmly observe these agreements with the monks and those monks promised that they would inviolably observe them. And so I, from whom the aforesaid mill moves in fief, and from whom aforesaid Jean holds that grain which is assigned in fief and hommage, desire, approve and firmly affix my seal. Acted in the One Thousand, Two Hundred Eighteenth year of Grace, the month of March. 137 - option A (Papal Bull in vidimus. This is largely taken from AD Yonne, H 1402 -- Pontigny). 1227, December 10. Lateran. Gregory, bishop, servant of the servants of God, to dear sons, . ., abbot of Cîteaux, and all his fellow abbots and the brothers serving God under the same order, greetings and apostolic benediction. When those things which, are offered to you in consideration of piety, as if they were yielded entirely to the paupers in Christ, but which rather weigh as a burden upon your administration, than the use of the commodity (commoditas) benefits you, it should be considered not only impious but also abusive for something from the gifts to you in alms to be sliced away (defalcari) by the greed or hatred of others. Indeed, on your behalf it was shown in our presence that if ever the faithful in Christ, being seized by devotion in his life (via sua), gave something from his goods, movables or immovables, to your monasteries, the prelates of the churches, in whose parishes the donors live, heedlessly interpose themselves in these affairs by demanding a certain portion. Wishing, therefore, to provide you with a suitable remedy for this surrender, we indulge you from henceforth with the authority (auctoritate vobis presentium indulgemus)5 that from those things that are offered to your monasteries in this manner, you shall not be compelled to pay any portion to anybody. Moreover, absolutely no one shall be allowed to infringe upon our page of concession or to arrogate heedlessly to their own use. But if someone should presume to attempt this, they shall know that they have incurred the indignation of omnipotent God and the Blessed Peter and Paul, his apostles. Given at the Lateran, 5 Ides of December, the first year of our pontificate. 180 [1127 - 1151]1140, April 1? Sens, in the house of Etienne de Thorigny. Recognized at Vauluisant, in front of the doors to the oratory. Let it be known to all that Foulques de Lailly recognized at Vauluisant, in front of the gates of the oratory, in the presence of Domnus Anselm [de Traînel] and his son Anselm and also Thibaut de Villiers[Bonneux], that, for the salvation of his soul and remission of his sins, he had given to the monks of Vauluisant certain parts of his lands, namely that which he had from the grange [Toucheboeuf] to the abbey, on both banks of the water, and a certain part of land which was between the grange and Lailly, above the road, also whatever he had in common lands and woods, and that which he held in the valley of Putigny in common with Helia de Bagneux and in the woods which are called Luato behind the abbey and a certain part of land that he had below the valley of Putigny which Dreux de Courgenay was accustomed to farm; also, [he recognized that] he had conceded to the monks whatever he had in the woods which are called Sorlein and in Tremblay, which is below the valley of Putigny, and in the woods which are called Livanne for an annual cens of 20 d.. He also conceded to the monks whatever he had from Etienne Panneau in the parish of Courgenay which was held in fief from him. He also gave to the monks two small pieces of land, of which one is above the meadow that the men of Molinons hold and the other is above the meadow that Guiard de Lailly holds. This charter was made with the assent of that Foulques in his presence and many others at the house at Sens of Etienne de Thorigny, read on the day that the relics were displayed by the hand of the abbot of Clairvaux. He and his wife praised and confirmed in the presence of Girard, priest of Villemaur, Itier, canon, Dreux Strabo, Girard his brother, Etienne de Joigny, Garnier de Foissy, Etienne de Thorigny and his sons Odard and Seguin. 201 [1127 - 1163] No location. Let it be known to all sons of the Holy Church that Girard Leogardfils, conversus of Notre-Dame (actually Sainte-Marie) de Vauluisant, at that time when he came for conversion (in tempore illo quo ad conversionem venit), conceded, with the assent of his mother, to the church of Vauluisant, in which he made himself a conversus, to freely have and perpetually possess, that part of the land of his father and 5this is, by all appearances, a standard formula, and thus an ideal locus for an embarassing translation error). 133 mother that pertained to him, both that part that owed cens to Saint-Germain of Paris and that part that he held in allod. Indeed, after an interval of time, Thibaut, monk, who at that time was administering the affairs of Saint-Germain at Bagneux, conceded to the monks of Vauluisant that land owing cens (terram illam censualem), which Brother Girard ought to hold from Saint-Germain, [conceding in the same terms] as to other heirs, to have and freely possess, for every year one penny, in coins for that an. For the reception of the penny for annual cens made and conceded by the aforesaid Thibaut , the witnesses were: Milo the Priest, Bern Valius, manorial administrator (villicus) of that monk, Hescelin Molinier, Eudes Favre, Arnoul, son of Gautier Revellus. 204 [1127 - 1147] Traînel at the monastery (Priory) of the Paraclete. In the name of the holy and individual Trinity, let it be known to all faithful, both in the present and the future that Norpaud, abbot of Vauluisant, and Heloïse, abbess of the Paraclete, having set aside certain disputes which the two churches had had among themselves for some time, have arranged among themselves a certain agreement (federationem) for the maintenance of peace and charity, namely such that the aforesaid abbot of Vauluisant gave and conceded to the church of the Paraclete all parts of the woods that the church of Vauluisant had and possessed in the territory of Pouy, namely from the road which goes from Pouy to Bagneux, that is those woods called Fauconnais, and those woods that Elisabeth de Villemaur gave to the church of Vauluisant and those woods that Gautier de Fontenay gave to the same church of Vauluisant, such that nevertheless the church of Vauluisant retained for itself the arable land, wherever it should be. The church of Vauluisant gave and conceded those aforesaid and named things to the church of the Paraclete and conversely, the abbess of the Paraclete gave and conceded to the church of Vauluisant whatever she had and possessed in the territory of Pouy, such that nevertheless she retained for herself the woods from the road of Pouy which goes to Bagneux, and by this agreement: that the church of the Paraclete may acquire nothing further by whatever means in that territory. And if anything in that territory should be given in alms to the church of the Paraclete, and if the church of Vauluisant should want to have it, the church of the Paraclete will relinquish it to that church at the advice of wise and discrete men. Similarly, the abbess of the Paraclete also gave to the church of Vauluisant whatever she had and possessed in the territory of Bernières, and by this agreement: that the church of the Paraclete may acquire nothing further from the ford which is below the house of Raoul de Fucherol, and from the road which goes to the sandy beach (graveriam) of Pont-sur-Seine between the two forests of Chapelle and from the marker (piro: pile of stones) which is called de Croisun through the road which fords (vadit) at Fontaine Mâcon until the river Seine, except what might be given to them for alms. And if the church of Vauluisant should want to have that which the church of the Paraclete was given in alms, it will be relinquished to the church [of Vauluisant] at the advice of wise and discrete men. Similarly, the church of Vauluisant shall be able to acquire nothing from those boundaries that have been indicated up to the Paraclete and from Trancault up to Saint-Martin-de-Bossenay and from Saint-Martin up to Gellanes through the bridge of Alberic. Similarly, the church of Vauluisant will also be able to acquire nothing from the boundaries of Pouy through the road which leads (from?) Lasnerey6 to Marcilly[-le-Hayer] and up to Planty, except perhaps for something that would be given in alms to the church. And if the church of the Paraclete should want to have that which is given to the church of Vauluisant inside those boundaries, it will be relinquished to them at the advice of wise and discrete men. Again, from the creek of Trancault up to the abbey of Vauluisant, the church of the Paraclete may acquire nothing, except in this way in which it was said [i.e., alms]. Again, the abbot of Vauluisant gave to the church of the Paraclete those woods which he had retained from the road of Pouy which goes to Bagneux except for the woods of Hugues Pautonnier (Paltunerii) and the woods of Saint-Paul, so that [the Paraclete?] does not cut them down (ita illud non scinderet) except for what is necessary for the use of plows. He retained the remaining glandage rights, namely that the pigs of the Paraclete are not able to pasture there without the consent of the abbot of Vauluisant. This agreement was made first at Traînel in the monastery of nuns, such that the mediator and witnesses were: Domnus Anselm of Traînel and his son, Garnier, Thibaut, chaplain, Gundric, priest, Raoul Buissuns, Thibaut de Vénizy and Domina Hélissende, the wife of Domnus Anselm, and her sister, Domna Comtesse. This agreement was afterwards accredited and confirmed at the Paraclete and in the chapter with the consent of that entire chapter of the Paraclete and with Domnus Milo de Nogent, Gaucher, his nephew, and Erard, priest, and many others. And that this shall be held firm and unshaken for all time, it is sealed and confirmed with the seal of the abbot of Vauluisant and of the abbess of the Paraclete. And this 6Unless, of course, Lanerieum could be an accusative meaning some sort of woolens. 134 should be known: that each (unaqueque) church gave <this agreement> to the other. And if perhaps at some time a dispute should arise, it will be , it will be void for all time. 227 [1216 n. st.] 1215, March 15. No location. Pierre [de Corbeil], by the grace of God archbishop of Sens, Pierre [de Nemours], bishop of Paris, and Guillaume [de Nemours], bishop of Meaux, to all who will inspect the present document, greetings in the Lord. Let it be known to all that we have inspected the document of the abbot-prior of Saint-Pierre de Monte and the abbot of Saint-Sauveur de Meaux, judges delegated by the Apostolic See, [which document is] in this form: . ., Abbot-Prior of Saint-Pierre de Monte, and the prior of Saint-Sauveur de Meaux to all who will examine the present document, greetings. When {see note at Appendix D, #227}a case was disputed in our presence, by the authority of the lord pope, between the abbot and convent of Vauluisant, on one side, and Nobilis Vir Jean, viscount of Joigny on the other, and the same Jean sought to be absolved from the sentence which he said had been attached to him by the Sens official. Indeed, after the appeal to the lord pope had been legitimately made, the abovesaid monks took exception to the letter (contra litteras exceperunt) [of appeal], saying that it was not valid inasmuch as it was requested while concealing the truth, for since said Viscount at the time of the sending of the letter had been excommunicated in a different case, as they said, by the acts of judges delegated by the Apostolic See, and that he did not signify the truth to the lord pope concerning this, they said that this appeal is entirely invalid and further sought an interlocutory [i.e., temporary] sentence. We, moreover, by the counsel of good men, by way of interlocuatory [i.e. provisionally] stated that this exception notwithstanding we ought to absolve that man following the tenor of the apostolic mandate. Indeed, the monks appealed this interlocutory to the Roman Curia, setting the deadline at the octaves of the Ascension of the Lord [May 26]. . . . Indeed, said Jean shortened [the deadline of] the appeal to the quindene of the Resurrection [April 24]. We, moreover, out of reverence to the Apostolic See, led ourselves to defer to the appeal of this sort. Acted in the One Thousand, Two Hundred Fifteenth year of the Lord, the month of March, the Friday before the Sunday when Oculi Mei is sung[March 11, 1216]. That, moreover, we saw this to be contained word for word in the aforesaid document we testified with our seals at the petition of the said monks. Acted in the One Thousand, Two Hundred Fifteenth year of Grace, the month of March, the Tuesday after the Sunday when Oculi Mei is sung[March 15, 1216]. 256 1222, August. No location. To all who will inspect the present document, . ., officialis of the archdeacon of Sens greetings in the Lord. Let it be known to all that, standing in our presence, Milo de Rigny[-le-Ferron], priest, for the remedy of his soul, gave and conceded in perpetual alms to the brothers of Vauluisant those lands situated in the parish of Rigny[-le-Ferron] that he bought from Nobilis Vir Jean, Viscount of Rigny, Thierry, miles, Brocard, chaplain of the same town, Geoffroy and Benedict, prepositi, Martin Eve, Robert de Nantreio, and Mineto parishoners of Rigny, for 11 l. provinois for the repair of the same church, namely the land situated at Gravon, another piece of land next to the lands of Thierry, miles, another in Brocheriis, another in Cormorino, another in Loisy and another below the vineyard of the deacon. The aforesaid priest stated that the already-mentioned viscount and all the others already-named confirmed and conceded this sale and also promised that they would carry the debt of warranty (debitum garantiam) for that priest over this sale against all. The oft-said priest wanted nonetheless that he possess the above-said lands while he lived so that he is held to pay 20 s. annual payment (redditus--some would translate as rent) to the aforesaid brothers. The noted priest also gave to the oft-said monks 6 l. provinois annual payment (redditus) from other lands which he has at Rigny, namely in the land called Champs Lambert and in the land that he bought from Garnier and in the land that he bought from the son of Jean, called le Roy, and in the land that is called "de Ardillières" and in the meadow de vado [of the ford?] and in two pieces of land which he bought from the daughter of the deceased Ansaud and in all lands and holdings that he bought in the parishes of Avrolles to be received every year after the death of said priest so that if nevertheless the heirs of the noted priest should not want to pay annually the said 6 l. in the form it is expressed above, or if in any year they should be deficient in payment, the said brothers may legally cultivate those lands just as if they were their own and possess them peacefully and quietly in perpetuity. Moreover, the aforesaid priest gave and conceded to the noted brothers whatever he should acquire in movables or immovables to be freely occupied and to be possessed peacefully in perpetuity after his death. That this remain stable and firm, at the petition of the parties, without prejudice to either, we make the present charter to be written and to be affixed with the seal of the curia of the Archdeacon of Sens. Acted the One Thousand, Two Hundred Twenty-Seventh year of Grace, the month of August. 135 270 1204, December 2. Troyes. First vidimus: 1202 (o. st.), February 6. Paris, at Saint-Victor. Pierre, humble abbot of Saint-Pierre [=Montier]-la-Celle, and Milo, Archdeacon of Troyes, to all whom the present document should come, greetings in the Saviour of all. Let it be known to your entirety that when a case was disputed between the abbot and monks of Vauluisant, on one side, and the Templars and their men of Coulours, on the other, over the pasturage of Coulours and the woods pertaining to the granges of les Loges and Cérilly and certain roads located there in the same woods and other affairs -namely, that case that those monks requested to be commited to us by the lord Pope Innocent III -- finally, a compromise {=i.e., third-party arbitration. Both parties promise to adhere to the decision of the arbitrators} was made in us and Jobert de Virtute, former Prepositus of Troyes, with the assent of both parties, namely the abbot of Vauluisant for his church and the procurator of the Temple, with letters of approval which had been established for the Templars and their men, both sides having given pledges to this effect under the penalty of 100 marks of silver which that side that falls short (resiliret) of our judgment will be held to pay. Truly, we and said Jobert diligently considering the agreements already made between the parties concerning similar circumstances by Blessed Bernard, former abbot of Clairvaux, over the same disputes, and by Dominus Guy, of good memory former archbishop of Sens, and also the definitve sentence promulgated by the venerable men delegated by the Apostolic See, Absalon, former abbot of Saint-Victor, and Magister Pierre de l'Hôpital, lest we appear to exclude with closed eyes the works of so many men, their authentic charters, both of agreement (compositio) and of sentence, we have made to be exhibited in our presence and added to the present document word for word. I, Absalon, abbot of Saint-Victor of Paris, and [I,] Magister Pierre de l'Hôpital, canon of SaintMarcel, wish it to be made known to all, both in the present and in the future that, by commission of the Lord Pope Innocent a case was disputed (querela vertebatur) in our presence between the Templars of Coulours on one side and the monks of Vauluisant on the other, that the aforesaid monks purchased a third part of the tithe of Rigny and the forest of Séant which belonged to Robert le Veau and the woods and land which belonged to Godin, miles, against the agreement made between them by the Venerable Bernard, Abbot of Clairvaux, whose charter they have in this form: In the name of the holy and individual Trinity, let it be known to all in the present and future that between the monks of Vauluisant and the Knights of the Temple of Coulours, this agreement was made by the hand of Bernard, Abbot of Clairvaux: That the Knights of the Temple concede totally to the monks whatever they had in the territory of Cérilly from the division which is between the grange of those knights and the grange of the monks; that is, half of the altaria, half of the tithe, and other lands so that beginning from that aforesaid division until Sévy the Knights of the Temple shall be able to acquire nothing of woods nor of land except perhaps that which entirely freely given in alms so that he who should give would accept neeither land nor material goods (substantie). And similarly, the monks of Vauluisant conceded to the Knights of the Temple whatever they have from the aforesaid division until the bank of the Vanne so that in that valley they shall be able to acquire nothing of woods or land, except perhaps what is entirely freely given by someone so that he who gave shall accept neither land nor material goods. There was also among them a disagreement over enclosures of meadows, pasturage and the glandage in the woods pertaining to the granges of Les Loges and Cérilly about which an agreement had already been made by the Venerable Guy, archbishop of Sens, in this form: Guy, by the grace of God Archbishop of Sens, to all those to whom the present document should come, greetings in the Lord. We wish it to be made known that a disagreement was held for a long time between the brothers of Vauluisant, on one side, and the Brothers of the Knighthood of the Temple and the men of Coulours, on the other, over the pasturage in the woods of Cérilly and les Loges and glandage and certain roads. Whence, such an agreement was made in our presence: There were only two roads concerning which there was a disagreemen -- One which goes from Villemaur to Joigny and the other from Coulours to Arces and a path which is between two lands from the house of the lepers of Coulours until in the woods (boscus). The enclosures of meadows that are in front of the gate to the (?) grange of les Loges will remain with the brothers of Vauluisant free from roads and pasturage. In the woods belonging to the same brothers and in the plains which pertain to the granges of les Loges and Cérilly, the said brothers of the Temple and the men of Coulours will have pasturage in common (communiter) without contradiction for all their cattle so that land is not dug by men for a "ferny field" (fulcheria -- pig sty?) for the work of pigs. But, they may seize there however many pigs or other cattle they are able to seize by themselves. In the meadows that are outside of the enclosure, cattle will not enter from the middle of March until the quindene of the feast of Saint John the Baptist [July 10], unless within those times the meadows the meadows should be mowed; and if they should be mowed, they shall be able to enter freely. In the time of glandage [=acorns], they will give four d. for pigs of one year or older for pannage [lit. the pigs will give four d.], two d. for pigs under one year of age, and no money will be given for the pannage of suckling pigs. And if perhaps a disagreement should be held concerning the age of a pig, it will be held according 136 to the proof of his whose pig it should be. Also, goats will not enter the woods from the feast of Saint Remy [October 1] to the Purification of the Virgin [February 2]. And if they should enter, they will pay pannage in the same way as pigs. Oxen and all other cattle except pigs and goats at all times will enter into pasturage freely and without contradiction. The brothers of Vauluisant will also be able to uproot, clear, make arable, sell or give the aforesaid woods except the pasturage of the said Templars. And for these things the men of Coulours will give to the brothers of Vauluisant each year in the house of Cérilly twenty s. money of Provins on the octaves of Saint Remi [October 8]. And if on that day it [the 20 s.] should not be paid, from that moment they will be held to pay it with a penalty (cum lege)of five s., and the brothers of Vauluisant will be able to seize the cattle of the men of Coulours in said pasturages for those d. and penalty. In memory of which things we made this charter to be written and the impression of our seal to be attached. And so, all having received such attestations and having heard allegations, (and, throughout it all, having followed the judiciary order), finally on the prefixed day of giving the sentence, with the procurator of the Templars contumaciously absent (when he had broken forth in a call for an appeal, we did not defer to that appeal as it was groundless), with the advice of men of law (viri iuris periti) we give a sentence concerning the aforesaid disputes in this way: Concerning the lands, woods and tithes which the Templars claimed that the monks of Vauluisant purchased within the boundaries designated in the instrument of Saint Bernard, against the tenor of that instrument, we recognized from the sayings of witnesses and authentic instruments that the monks have the tithe of Rigny from a [judicial] sentence and not by purchase nor by any other prohibited way and that the woods of Sévy [or Séant -- sevant] were given to them in alms and therefore we judged that those aforesaid monks be absolved from the charge of the Templars concerning the aforesaid tithe and woods. Moreover, concerning the land and woods which belonged to Godin, miles, because, as we recognized, it came to the monks by the title of sale, we judged that whatever of that lands or woods of the monks that should be discovered within the boundaries designated above in the charter of Saint Bernard, they will sell to the Templars or transfer it to other persons within a year, retaining no rights in that aforesaid land or woods so that the tenor of the charter which Saint Bernard made between them for the good of peace shall be inviolably observed. Indeed, concerning the pasturage which the Templars were suing for in the woods, both in the meadows and in the plains, pertaining to the granges of Les Loges and Cérilly, we judge that the Templars shall have suitable (compententi) pasturage at the stated time for their cattle in the aforesaid woods, both in the plains and in the meadows, except only the enclosures of meadows which are in front of the gate of the grange of les Loges. These enclosures will remain with the monks free from roads (passage?) and pasturage according to the agreement between the aforesaid Templars and monks already established by the Venerable Guy, archbishop of Sens. Also, concerning the glandage for the work of pigs and the pannage of pigs and goats we resolve that it ought to be inviolably observed just as it was determined in the charter of the lord archbishop of Sens. And it will not be permitted for the monks of Vauluisant to sell the glandage of the aforesaid woods nor to receive other pigs or cattle that do not belong to those monks in the aforesaid woods, [these things are prohibited] so that the amount (commoditas) of pasturage or pannage owed to the Templars for pigs or cattle will not be reduced or diminished. And since a disagreement was held in our presence concerning the understanding of those words "except the pasturage," having inspecting the tenor of that charter [the agreement of Guy, archbishop], with the advice of experienced men (viri periti, i.e., experienced in law), we determine that clause, in which the aforesaid words are, [viz: "The brothers of Vauluisant will also be able to uproot, clear, make arable, sell or give the aforesaid woods except the pasturage of the said Templars."] such that the monks of Vauluisant may uproot, clear, make arable and cultivate, sell and give, except the pasturage which may be discovered in the woods as long as they will stand, or in assarts, whether under cultivation or lying fallow, as long as the cattle of the Templars do not enter or remain on the crops of the monks, mainting through all this the charters of the archbishop of Sens and Saint Bernard which are inserted above. We gave this sentence in such a way between the monks and Templars that the men of Coulours or their rights as much as it pertains to us is not encompassed by this. Acted at Paris at Saint-Victor, the One Thousand, Two Hundred Second year of the Lord, the day before the nones of February [6]. Having inspected the noted authentic documents, we and the aforesaid Jobert decreed that those things which were done by such men should remain unshaken, so that nevertheless from our arbitration and with the friendly assent of both parties, we ad that the monks of Vauluisant will have the pasturage of Coulours for all time without any contradiction both in the forests and in the meadows and plains, for all their animals communally (communiter)7, and further, in the woods of the Templars, but only those next to Coulours, nevertheless, with this exception: At no time can those monks send pigs into the meadows of the Templars or of their men for pasturing, but nor will Templars or their men, vice versa, send any pigs to 7This word seems to convey a sense of being shared, that is, rights in common.. 137 pasture into the meadows. Also, the decree was made by us with said Josbert among the parties that those monks, will be able to, without contradiction from the Templars or their men, assart, make arable, seed, cultivate, sell, give and dispose of the aforesaid woods according to their own will. Moreover, it is ordained by us and the aforesaid Jobert that from the village of Coulours up to the woods through the place where I, Pierre, abbot of [Montier-la-]Celle, and Jobert de Virtute and Magister Pierre de Tonnerre (sent by me, Milo, archdeacon, to this place and accepted by both parties in person for my proper person [i.e., proxy]) have designated the road to extend 35 tesie; which road having in width -- it will extend continuously from however much is assarted from the woods until the woods themselves. And the animals of the Templars and of the men of Coulours will be able to freely wander from the entrance of the woods through the woods for the purpose of entering the pastures, so that nevertheless no new customary [=toll?] road be made through the woods. And so we, and the oft-said Jobert, with diligent deliberation and also by a certain delay, having also the advice of prudent men, by the grace of God discerning in the aforesaid way settled this between the parties with the express assent of both parties that what things were ordered by us will be immutably observed in perpetuity by those monks and not less by the Templars and their men. We, therefore, in memory of which affair, with said Jobert not having an authentic seal, firmly make the present writing to be affixed with our seals. Acted at Troyes the One Thousand, Two Hundred Fourth year of our Lord, IV nones of December [2]. 271 1215 (o. st.). No location. To all faithful in Christ to whom the present document should come, brother Arnaud called abbot of Cîteaux and brother A[ndré], preceptor of the brothers of the Knighthood of the Temple in France (Francia), greetings in the Lord. We make it known to your entirety that when a case was disputed between Dominus Gautier, venerable abbot, and the brothers of Vauluisant, on one side, and brother P., magister, and the brothers and their men of Coulours, on the other, over certain articles which appeared to be in doubt (dubii) in their charters and over certain other affairs, they finally promised to adhere to our judgment (compromiserunt in nos -- again arbitration), under the penalty of 100 marks, by their will and with our assent. We, therefore, carrying out the arbitration stated that the aforesaid brothers of Colours shall be able to send only their pigs from Coulours and Galbaux (Gelboel) for pannage to the glandage (acorns) of the woods of Cérilly and les Loges, as established in their charters. [We also stated] that if the brothers of Vauluisant should sell the aforesaid woods or should arrogate it for their own use, the aforesaid Templars and their men of Coulours will herd their cattle from the entrance of the felling area according to the customs of Villemaur. But they will not be able to send pigs from their other houses, unless those being lead for the same pannage; but the men of Coulours; nevertheless the men of Coulours and also the monks should only send their own pigs for that same glandage, without any those of any other party. Concerning the road which, according to their charter should be 35 tesie [long], with the assent of both parties, we determined that it will only have 15 tesie and be transferred from the determined location to the location which is called "the path" (semita) in their charters, still extending up to the woods. The Templars and men of Coulours may proceed by the road which leads to Sormery and by other roads by which other people proceed without contradiction. Concerning the lands which were cleared or acquired by the Templars in the woods of Les Sièges, where the monks have no justice over the Templars, with the assent of both parties we stated that they will freely remain with the same Templars under an annual payment of 4 sextarii of praiseworthy grain (of which one sextarius will be of wheat, one of rye, one of barley and one of oats, to be paid to the brothers of Vauluisant before the feast of Saint Martin [November 11] from the terragium of the Templars at Coulours. We also stated, with the assent of both parties, that the orchard (viridarium) that was enclosed between the woods and grange of Cérilly, the meadow in front of the gate of the same grange, where there are nut trees (nuces), and which is called "the enclosure" (clausura) and the meadow which is in front of the gate of Les Loges towards Arces, with another close shall remain with the monks free from pasturage and roads. With the assent of the Templars, we also absolved the brothers of Vauluisant from the 20 s. of cens that the Templars sought from the grange of Cérilly and its appurtenances, as well as from the usage of brush for fences (roortarum) and vine stocks (paxillorum) that the they claimed they had in the woods of Marnecreuse, stating that both parts may plant vineyards in their lands and cultivate them, free from roads and pasturage rights to the accepted custom, returning them to pasturage if they should at some point be deserted (si quando fuerit in vastitatem redacte). In addition, it should be known that the abbot and brothers of Vauluisant conceded to the aforesaid Templars whatever they had towards the water of Rigny (citra aquam de Regniaco), in the woods or finage of Bosse, from the sale of the deceased Godin, with all their jurisdiction and justice, for the price that they bought it; which sale the brothers of Vauluisant warrantied to the said Templars as much as they they will need under such a condition: that neither will the Templars have by the reason (occasio) of this posession any justice, jurisdiction or customary right in the affairs of the monks, nor shall the monks have 138 any justice or rights in that possession. The remaining part of the possession which is from the sale of the deceased Godin will remain freely and peacefully with the brothers of Vauluisant, except that the cattle of the Templars and of their men of Coulours will have pasturage in that part just as in the aforesaid woods. If it happen that the forester or the representative of the abbot should catch someone carrying or leading something from the woods of the monks, he may seize his pledge in the land, roads and woods of the aforesaid granges according to the customs of the country. But if he should catch him in the lands, roads, or village of the Templars, his right (ius suum) may be repeated in their court, if they should wish or must. Moreover, the conversi will not be permitted to lead water by their canal (ab alveo)'from Cérilly to the meadows for watering their canal, except only from Saturday evening until the following Monday morning from the beginning of March until the end of May. So that, moreover, all this will have perpetual firmness, maintaining the charters of the monks and Templars, except for the headings (capitula) that are treated here, we made the present writing to be confirmed with our seal. Acted in the One Thousand, Two Hundred Fifteenth year of Grace. 285 1222, July. No location. Renaud, deacon of the Banks of the Vanne in the diocese of Sens, to all who will inspect the present document, greetings. Let it be known to your entirety that, standing in our presence, Nobilis Vir Jean, viscount of Rigny, Thierry, miles, Brochard, chaplain of the same village, Geoffroy and Benoît, prepositi, Martin Eve, Robert de Hentreio and Minetus, parishioners of Rigny, acting for the community of all parishioners, recognized that they sold to Milo, priest of the same village, for 11 l. provinois for the repair of their church of Rigny, all lands of the same church situated at Rigny, namely the land at Gravum, one ext to the lands of Thierry, miles, another in Brosse, another in Cormorino, another in Loisy and another below the vineyard of the deacon. Moreover, the aforesaid viscount confirmed and conceded this sale and all others already named, promising that they will carry the debt of warranty (debitam garantiam) for this to the said priest. That this shall be held valid and virm, at their petition we make the present document to be secured with the application of our seal Acted in the One Thousand, Two Hundred, Twenty-Second year of the Lord, the month of July. 369 1225, May. No location. To all who will examine the present document, Guiard, archdeacon of Troyes, greetings in the Lord. Let it your entirety know that Dominus Girard de Marnay, standing in our presence, recognized that he gave in perpetual alms to the church of Vauluisant his dwelling (herbergagium) at Foujon with the lands surrounding that dwelling and one piece of land which he bought from the son of Silvestre de Quincy situated next to Mont Morvois and his entire territory of Fontenelles [to the West] which moved of the fief of Renaud de Marpiniaco, and [he gave] Pierre de Foujon, man of the same Girard. Indeed, Domina Ida, wife of the same Girard, standing in our presence, confirmed and conceded the aforesaid donations. Also, Renaud de Marpiniaco, standing in our presence, from whose fief the said territory of Fontenelles moved (de cuius feodo movebat), divested himself of that fief (de eodem feodo) and invested the church of Vauluisant with it (de eo) and quit entirely that fief and confirmed the aforesaid donation. In return (retributio) for the aforesaid donation, the venerable men Aubert, abbot of Vauluisant, and the convent of the same monastery gave and conceded to the aforesaud Dominus Girard, miles, and Domina Ida, his wife, 5 modii of grain in the measure of Nogent, namely 2 of rye and 3 of oats every year as long as the aforesaid Girard and Ida should live, to be received at Bernières and two rolls of bread (michas) to be received every day. The aforesaid abbot and convent also gave to the same Girard and Ida the usufruct of 100 sheep which they have entrusted to them, so that when one of them dies, half of the aforesaid sheep with their increase, in sheep as in lambs, and one of the aforesaid rolls of bread and, similarly, half of the aforesaid grain will return to the church of Vauluisant; the other half he (ille) who should outlive will hold for the entirety of his life. After whose death all grain and bread above noted and sheep, with their increase, will return to the aforesaid church without any diminution whatsoever, just as it was determined. The aforesaid Girard and Ida also swore in our hands [in manu nostra -- some sort of figurative connotation?] that they will hold and observe the aforesaid donations and agreements in good faith and they will not raise a dispute, nor cause one to be raised, over this either for themselves or for others. in memory of which affair we made the present document to be written and to be firmly affixed with our seal at the petition of both parties. Acted in the One Thousand, Two Hundred, Twenty-Fifth year of the Lord, the month of May. 139 APPENDIX D THE VAULUISANT CARTULARY {1va Script F}1 De Haimone et Eustachia 1 IX Compositio Hospitalis confirmata Senonensis ibid X Renerius de Poisi dat quicquid habet in Fauconnais 2 Hugo prepositus dat Balduinum ibid De Poterio et Usuario de Perta 3 Donum Petri lo Paaler ibid De fossatis de Suboart ibid XI Nicholaus de Molinons dat pasturam 4 De rebus Iohannis Capellani de Fonteneto 5 De terra de Grom ibid Felicius de Lalleio dat omnia sua ibid XII De molendinis de Villa Nova 6 Elemosina Arnulphi de Gumeri ibid Herbelinus et Garnerus de Molinons quitant terram ibid Stephanus de Lacon dat sextarios bladi 7 De domo in burgo Sancti Iohannis ibid XIII De relicta Garneri de Prato ibid Margareta vendit terram retro domum nostram 8 Approbat Henricus Belet elemosinam patris ibid Bartholomeus vendit de marneria de Grom 9 XIIII Stephanus de corfrauth obligat terram ibid Sententia data contra dominam Ydam 10 Domina Bila dedit XL solidos pro pitantia ibid XV Sententia contra Poterium de nemore de Perta 11 De terra de Suboart data ad terragium ibid De nemore Hie de Clarino de Poisi ibid XVI Hugo de Malopassu dedit VIII sextarios 12 (inter12+13: XVIII quedam De Molendino de Corgenai 13 carta de Cereli de usuario) Iohannes de Corgenaio quittat dimidium modium 14 XVIII Gilo filius Manasserii Ribaudi dedit terram 15 Bencelina quitat quicquid habet apud Corgenaium ibid Bertrannus quitat terram de Suboart 16 De limitatione decime Corgenai 16 Attestatione Guidonis Trecensis episcopi contra Paraclitum 17 XIX Iterius de Malo Nido dedit modium bladi ibid 1These indices of rubrics are expanded according to the sense of the charters cited, with weight given first to the rubrics of the entries they refer to, second to the actual text of the charters, and third, in a few cases (such as the consistent expansion of hospitl. as hospitalares) to the sense given in other charters on the same subject. Otherwise, one suspects that the expanded orthography would be much more regular. 140 {1vb} Distributio census quam vendidit Massa de Pruvino 18 Approbat Willelmus Chailoth venditionem eiusdem 20 De plegiis census Masse ibid Recognovit Massa venditionem 21 Approbat Willelmus elemosinam Masse ibid Felicius testart dat terram quondam Perrote ibid Henricus de Villau Bonoso dedit partem furni de Fonteneto 22 Petrus de Revello dedit modium bladi Henricus gasteble approbat elemosinam Petri de Fontenaio ibid Petrus de Fontenaio dedit terras vineas censum 23 Iohannes Chauchart dat vineam 24 Renaudus de Cresenci dat terragium ibid Commutatio vinee Barri 25 Stephanus de Villa Nova dat duos solidos ibid Herbertus de Viconovo dat dimidium modium ibid De domo Pruvinense ex dono Philippus de Nogento 26 Guillelmus prepositus de Triangulo dat XII denarios census 27 Odo Nobleth dat se et sua 27 Garnerius de Marcelliaco dat decimam 27 de quibusdam vineis datis ad censum 28 De C solidis pro pitantia a domino Garnero de Marigniaco 28 Henricus miles dat terram Vallisputei apud Origniacum 29 Donum Edeline de vinea de Bar 29 Approbat domina Trianguli elomsinam viri sui 30 De nemore defuncti Rogeri de la Perte 31 Iacobus Doins dedit domum Pruvinensem 31 De dono Iacobi Doin 32 Commutatio facta cum Domo Dei de Triangulo 32 Legatum Henrici de Baachun 32 {Fr. Hand adds to last entry} de 3 sextarii frumenti apud Bagneux Felix clericus quitat hereditatem patris et matris 36 Legatum Aaliz de Marcelliaco De ochiis et terra apud Lalleium ex dono Garnerii 36 Garnerus de Villa Nova dat quicquit habet 37 De molendino de Summo Fonte 37 De usuario in nemore de Lalleio 38 De censu domorum Iacobi Doin 39 {2ra} Henricus de Regniaco recognovit elemosinam 40 De nemore de la Perte 40 Garnerus de Foissi dat tres denarios cens 40 Massa dat vi solidos censuales 41 De legato Stephani de Reson 42 De legato cuiusdam Iohannis 42 De legato Bile pro pitantia 43 Henricus approbat elemosinam Bile 44 Thomas de Pruvino abrenuntiat querele 45 Compositio inter Hospitalares de Coldreto et nos 45 Compositio inter eosdem 46 Pensio Huldeardis de Corgenaio 47 IX X XI ibid XII XIII (#58) (#60) XIIII {entry in Fr. hand} XV XVI XVIII 36 XIX XX XXI XXII XXIII (#78) 141 Odo de Pars dedit II denarios cens 49 XXIIII Legatum Renaudi de Dirreto 50 XXV Commutatio prati cuisudam cum fontibus de Curgenaio 50 Elemosina Adeline de vinea de Barro 51 De clauso Vallium ante portam 52 XXVI De masura in Vallibus data 53 De querela presbiteri de Sancto Benedicto 53 Renaudus de Praella dat VII denarios census 53 Sententia contra Hospitalares de Coldreto 54 XXVII Littere de rato abbatisse Paracliti 54 Elemosina Hugonis de Sancto Mauricio 55 De domo in foro Trianguli 55 Elemosina Petri lo Flammang de Pomeriaus 55 De ferragio nemoris de Leusaint 55 Hugo prepositus remittit VIII denarios 56 XXVIII Hugo remittit VIII denarios 57 Legatum Aalix domine de Marcelliaco 57 Legatum Garneri domini de Marigniaco 57 Milo de Corbolio approbat venditionem 58 XXIX De decima Espineti 58 Elemosina Leterici de Corgeneto 58 De controversia cum Domina Freersant 59 XXX De molendino de Corgenaio 62 XXXI {2rb}(small script: post hanc sequantur carte de Cerilliaco et de Cervins: XXXIII, XXXIIII). Sententia contra Dominam Ydam 65 XXXII Garnerus de Marigniaco dat Herbertum et Galterum 69 XXXIIII Item de eisdem 70 XXXV Item de eisdem 70 De pasturis de Valeriis {crossed out} Cervins Remittit dominus Rex consuetudines 71 Vicecomes remittit consuetudines Corbolii 71 Remissio exactionum paagii de Corbolio 72 XXXVI Littere Philippus regis pro domo Vallis Lucentis 72 Remittit Freerius de Monstrello salagium 73 Fulco dat XXIII denarios census 75 XXXVII Helyas de Malo Passu quitat possessionem 75 Gernerius de Marcelleio dat pasturas et nemores 75 De decima Lalleii 75 Donum Hylduini de Matriolis 76 XXXVIII Stephanus de Firmitate dat decimam in Lalliaco 76 Adelelmus dat terram inter Corgenai et Lalleium 76 Compositio inter Vallis Lucentis et Flasceium 77 Milo de Nogento dat quicquit acquirere possumus 78 XXXIX Pactio inter ecclesiam Sancti Iohannis Senonensis et Valles L. 78 (#151) Iterus bussun laudat donum patris de usuario 78 (#150) Fulco et Grimardus dant decimas 79 Item de Grimardo et de decima 79 De prato secus abbatiam 79 De Arturo et de nemoribus 80 XL De fulcone et de prato et terra circa Corgene 80 142 De vinea de Bellomonte Ermengardis dat quicquid habebat in terra de Corgenato De terra que grava dicitur Ansellus et Garnerius fratres confirmant acquisita Garnerius de Fosseio dat pratum De arpento vinee ad Pancas Symon de Noys dat pasturas De domo Ville Nove Sententia de pedagio salis {2va} De domo et vineis de Grom De terra Felicis Capre Exordium Vallis Lucentis Philippus Bibens Sequanam de acquirendo Concessio Hyldeeri de acquirendo Concessio Hiduini de acquirendo Concessio Hugoni de Vareliis de acquirendo Donum Petri de Vareliis Donum Bovonis de Vareliis Donum Fulconis de Lalleio [E]lemosina Anselli de Fonte Venne Donum Notranni de Marcelliaco Donum Havini de Tranquello Concessio Anserici de Catheniaco de acquirendo Donum Odonis de Villamauri Donum Warnerii de Ulmis Donum Petri filii Holdieri De terragio Lalleii Berengarius de acquirendo Donum Guerrici de Bucci de bosco Donum Stephani Hyspanieners Donum Havini de Tranquello Fulco de Lalleio dat terra prope fontem De feodo Berengarii Stephanus Albus dat terram preter atrium Donum Raaldi de Lenis Donum Mauricii de Lenis Donum Balduini Senonensis De Girardo converso et de allodio Philippus dedit vineam in Bello Monte Federatio inter ecclesiam Vallis Lucentis et Paracliti Abbas Sancti Petri Vivi vendit terram apud Corgeneum Donum Heduini de Matriolis Venditio Helduini de Matriolis De decima de Corgeneio {2vb} De domo Trecensi Item de eodem De domo Ammiraudi {charters pertaining to granges} Gaufridus de Sancti Preiecto quitat minam frumenti 81 81 81 81 81 83 83 83 83 84 84 85 85 85 85 85 86 ibid ibid 87 ibid ibid ibid ibid ibid 88 ibid ibid ibid ibid ibid 89 ibid ibid ibid ibid 90 ibid ibid 91 92 ibid ibid 93 94 94 95 4 XLI XLII XLIII XLIIII XLV XLVI LVII 143 Iohannes de Corleon quitat II sextarios 12 Herbertus et Elysabeth dant quicquid habent apud Torini Garinus clericus vendit IIII sextarios et minam apud Torini Michel de Sancto Remigio dat XII arpenta prati 27 Henricus de paisi dat terram Vallis Putei 29 Galterus dat terram de Boceiis 30 De usuario nemorum de Cerili 34 De decima Regni 38 De molendino de Poisi 44 Item de eodem 48 De fossatis nemoris Cerilli 52 De bosco Raaud 58 De nemoribus Cerili 67 De pasturis de Valeriis 70 De nemore Rabiosa 69 De pasturis de Valeriis 63 De modio avene apud Florini. 70 [D]onum Isnardi comitis {crossed out} 76 De nemore Eschegiarum 77 De pasturis Torini Item de eodem [D]onum Milonem de Nogento de acquisitione {crossed out} De decima Poisei 88 Donum Bovonis de Varellis 89 Donum Hectoris de Nogento 93 De pasturis Torini 94 ceril. ceril. ceril. ceril. luv. luv. ceril. cerv. ceril. cerv. ceril. cerv. cerv. armen. ceril. cerv. Bern. luv. ceril. luv. cerv. 1 [1227], August 3. Anagnie. Privilege and Protection issued by Pope Gregory IX A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 3r. Script E. Fragmentary. Crossed out. B. Original lost. This does not appear to be identical with the privileges issued by Gregory IX in January, 1228 and reproduced in Manrique, Cisterciensium seu verius ecclesiasticorum annalium a condito Cistercio, v. 4. Related Charters: 135-7, 217. {3ra Script E}Universitati vestre per apostolica scripta mandamus atque precipimus quatinus illos qui possessiones vel res seu domos predictorum fratrum vel hominum suorum irreverenter invaserint aut ea iniuste detinuerint que predictis fratribus ex testamento decedentium relinquuntur, seu in ipsos fratres, contra apostolice sedis indulta, sententiam excommunicationis aut interdicti praesumpserint promulgare, vel decimas laborum de possessionibus, habitis ante concilium generale quas propriis manibus aut sumptibus excolunt seu nutrimentis ipsorum spretis apostolice sedis privilegiis extorquere. Monicione premissa, si laici fuerint publice candelis accensis excommunicationis sententia percellatis, si vero clerici vel canonici regulares seu monachi fuerint eos appelatione remota ab officio et beneficio suspendatis neutram relaxaturi sententiam donec predictis fratribus plenarie satisfaciant et tam laici quam clerici seculares qui pro violenta manuum iniectione anathematis vinculo fuerint innodati cum diocesani episcopi litteris ad sedem apostolicam venientes ab eodem vinculo 144 mereantur absolvi. Villas autem in quibus bona predictorum {3rb}fratrum vel hominum suorum per violentiam detenta fuerint quamdiu ibi sunt interdicti sententie supponatis. Datum Anagnie, tercio nonas Augusti, pontificatus nostri anno primo. 2 1194 (o. st.). No location. Garnier, bishop of Troyes, notes that Nobilis Vir Garnier, dominus of Traînel conceded Haimon and Eustachie, his wife, to the church of Vauluisant to have in perpetuity. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 3r Script E. B. Original lost. Ind: Lalore, Traînel, no. 137. De Haimone et Eustachiae datis Vallis [Lucentis] G[arnerius], dei gratia Trecensis episcopus, omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis salutem. Universitati vestre notum fieri volumus quod nobilis vir Garnerius dominus Trianguli ecclesie Vallis Lucentis donavit Haimonem et Eustachiam uxorem eius et in perpetuum habere concessit. Et quia hec elemosina facta fuit in presentia nostra ad peticionem abbatis et fratrum eiusdem domus sigillo nostro fecimus presentem paginam insigniri. Actum anno incarnati Verbi, Mo Co Nonagesimo Quarto. 3 1222, April 28. Thursday. No location. Michel, the officialis of Sens provides a vidimus copy of # 91, the agreement to renounce controversy reached between Vauluisant and the Hospitallers over the pastures in the finage of Courroy. The details of the settlement of this dispute are not elaborated here. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 3r-v Script E. B. Original lost. Related Charters: 8, 91-2, 104. Compositio hospitalis confirmata Senonensis Magister Michelis, officialis Senonensis, omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis in Domino salutem. Noverint universi nos litteras religiosorum virorum, abbatis et conventus Vallis Lucentis et prioris in Francia ac fratrum Iherosolimitani Hospitalis, inspexisse sub hac forma: Omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis, Frater Galterus, abbas, et conventus Vallislucentis, prior in Francia et fratres Ierosolimitani hospitalis, salutem in Domino . Universitati vestre {3va}notum facimus quod inter nos, videlicet abbatem et conventum Vallis Lucentis ex una parte, et fratres Ierosolimitani Hospitalis ex altera, super quibusdam pascuis de finagio Coldrere diutius fuissent litigatum. Tandem amicabilis compositio inter nos intervenit in hunc modum: quod utraque pars toti querele supradictis pascuis renuntiavit et etiam, tam omni controversie quam omni questioni expensarum ratione predicte querele factarum, promittens quod super premissis nullam moveret de cetero questionem. Et quod impetraret, in brevi bona fide, absolutionem, utraque pars aiudicibus suis super sententiis excommunicationis et interdicti contra partem adversam obtentis. Ut autem istud ratum et firmum permaneat, sigillorum nostrorum munimine fecimus roborari. Actum anno Domini, Mo CCo XXIIo, mense Aprili. 145 Quod autem in predictis litteris verbo ad verbum vidimus contineri, ad petitionem dicti abbatis Vallis Lucentis et Fratris Huberti, Prioris in Francia, sub sigillo Senonensis curie testificamur. Actum anno Gratie, Mo CCo. Vicesimo Secundo, die Iovis post festum Sancti Marci. 4 [1212 n. st.] 1211, February 28. Tuesday. No location. Master Philippe, officialis of the Sens curia notes that Renier de Pouy, cleric going on crusade (clericus crucesignatus), gave in perpetual alms to the church of Vauluisant his property in the Bois de Fauconnais, de corrozol and le Haie (de haer.) to the church of Vauluisant. He also gave a house, with its surroundings and a plot (oschiam) next to the mill, all at Pouy, after the death of his mother, under this condition: That his mother, being deceased, if, God willing, he should return from his pilgrimage, he will possess said house and plot for as long as he should live. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 3v Script E. B. Original lost. Ind: Roserot II:1191. Renerius de Poisi dat quicquid habet in Fauconois. {3vb}Magister Philippus, curie Senonensis officialis, omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis in Domino salutem. Noverint universi quod Renerius de Posiaco, clericus crucesignatus, in nostra constitutus presentia ,in perpetuam elemosinam donavit ecclesie Vallis Lucentis quicquid ipse habebat in nemoribus de Fauconois, de Corrozol et de Haer perpetuo pacifice possidendum. Donavit etiam in elemosinam eidem ecclesie post decessum matris sue quandam domum cum porprisia suam apud poisiacum et quandam ochiam que est iuxta molendinum eiusdem ville, sub eo tenore: quod, matre sua sublata de medio, ipse, si a peregrinatione sua deo dante reversus fuerit, dictas domum et oschiam quoada vixerit possidebit. In cuius rei memoriam, presentem cartam, ad petitionem partium sine preiudicio alterius, sub sigillo curie Senonensis fecimus roborari. Actum anno Gratie, Mo CCo Undecimo, die Martis post Dominicam qua cantatur Oculi Mei. a. quoad] ex corr. A. 5 1219, November. No location. Master Hugues, officialis of Sens, notes that Hugues, miles, prepositus of Villeneuvel'Archevêque quit to the church and brothers of Vauluisant Baudoin and his son Felix and all Baudoin's lands, vineyards, houses, and 12 d. of cens which he had from the house and associated buildings (appendiciis) of Eremburgis Pophile. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fos. 3v-4r Script E. B. Original, AD Yonne, H 785. 6.1 x 18.9 cm. a. Quantin III, p. 102, no. 234. After B. Related Charters: 110-11. Hugo prepositus de Villa Nova dat Balduinum Omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis, Magister Hugo, officialis Senonensis, in Domino salutem. Noverint universi quod, in presentia nostra constitutus, {4ra}Hugo, miles, 146 prepositus de Villa Nova Domini Archiepiscopi Senonensis, quitavit ecclesie et fratribus Vallis Lucentis Balduinuma et filium eius Felisium et quicquid idem Balduinusb habebat terras, vineas, domos et alias res, tam mobiles quam immobiles, et duodecim nummos census quos habebat in domo et in appendiciis Eremburgisc Pophile. Quod autem audivimus et recognitum fuit coram nobis, ad petitionem partium sine preiudicio alterius, sub sigillo Senonensis curie testificamur. Actum anno Gratie, Mo CCo Nonodecimo, mense Novembri. a. Balduinum]Baldoinum B. b. Balduinus]Baldoinus B. c. Eremburgis]Eramburgis B. 6 1204 (o. st.). No location. Master Jobert de Ponte, officialis of Sens, notes that when their had been for some time litigation between the monks of Vauluisant and Poterius, brother of Nicholas de Molinons, over usage rights which said Poterius demanded in the woods of La Perta, finally he (Jobert) rendered a sentence absolving the monks of the obligation to provide the usage rights that Poterius demanded. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 4r Script E. B. Original lost Related Charter: 26 De Poterio et usuario ab eo petito in Perta Magister Iobertus de Ponte, curie Senonensis officialis, omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis in Domino salutem. Universitati vestre notum fieri volumus quod cum diu litigatum fuisset inter monachos Vallis Lucentis, ex una parte, et Poterium, fratrem Nicholai de Molinuns, super usuario quod dictus Poterius in nemore quod dicitur Perta requirebat, tandem nos, auditis rationibus et allegationibus ab utriusque partis, et attestationibus diligenter inspectis, predictos monachos ab impetitione prenominati Poterii quantum ad presens negotium pertinebat per diffinitivam sententiam {4rb}absolvimus. In cuius rei memoriam, presentem cartam sigilli curie Senonensis munimine fecimus roborari. Actum anno Gratie, Mo CCo Quarto. 7 1213, November. No location. Master Philippe, officialis of the Sens curia, notes that Pierre li Paaliers gave in perpetual alms his house and the place (platea) behind it in Villeneuve-l'Archevêque to the church of Vauluisant. His daughter, Elisabeth, confirmed and conceded. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 4r Script E. B. Original, AD Yonne, H 785. 9.6 x 23.8 cm. Donum Petri lo Paalier Magister Phylippus,a curie Senonensis officialis, omnibus presentes litteras inpecturis in Domino salutem: Noverint universi quod Petrus li Paaliers, in curia Senonensis constitutus, quandam domum que est apud Villam Novam Domini Archiepiscopi, cum platea retro eandem domum sita, in perpetuam elemosinam donavit ecclesie Vallis Lucentis. Cuiusmodi donationem Elysabetb filia ipsius Petri, que presens erat, laudavit et concessit. Actum anno Gratie, Mo CCo Terciodecimo, mense Novembri. 147 a. Phylippus]Philippus B. b. Elysabet]Elisabet B. 8 1209 (o. st.). No location. Master Philippe, officialis of the Sens curia, notes that Dominus Itier of Flacy, Dominus Garnier de Villiers-Bonneux, Alberic de Vieux Champs, Baudoin de Villiers-Sens, milites, recognized that they solemnly undertook to inquire into and settle a dispute between Vauluisant and the Hospitallers of Courroy (There are at least three possible locations for this otherwise unattested house, called Courroy, Couroy and Coudroy respectively) over some trenches dug in the woods at Seboart. They determined by their inquisition, after their oath had been legally made, that the the ditches were dug with the assent of the monks of Port-Saint-Léon of Sens and Vauluisant when Port-Saint-Léon was holding the grange of Courroy, and therefore they judge that the brothers of Vauluisant are immune and free from this dispute (contentione). A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 4r-v Script E. B. Original lost Related Charters: 3, 91-2, 104. Compromissio facta de fossatis de Suboart Magister Phylippus, curie Senonensis officialis, omnibus ad quos littere presentes pervenerint in Domino salutem. Universitati vestre notum fieri volumus quod in presentia nostra constituti Dominus Iterus de Flaceio, Dominus Garnerius de Vilerbonex, milites, Albericus de Veteri Castro et Balduinus de Vileriis Senonensis recognoverunt se suscepisse sub religione sacramenti, de assensu monachorum Vallislucentis et Hos{4va}-pitalariorum de Coldreio, quod inquirerent bona fide utrum fossata que facta erant apud Susboart inter nemora et terras eorumdem monachorum et Hospitalariorum, super quibus fossatis inter ipsos erat contentio, facta fuissent de assensu dictorum monachorum Vallis Lucentis et monachorum de Porta Sancti Leonis Senonensis, qui tunc temporis grangiam de coldreto tenebant necne. Qui arbitri, in nostra presentia constituti, per inquisitionem suam, post sacramentum suum legitime factam, dixerunt quod fossata illa de assensu monachorum Vallis Lucentis et monachorum de Porta Sancti Leonis facta fuerunt, et ita ab impetitione Hospitalariorum, prefatos fratres Vallis Lucentis super fossatis et contentione illa immunes et liberos esse iudicaverunt. In cuius rei memoriam, ad petitionem ipsorum, litteras presentes scribi et sigillo curie Senonensis signari fecimus. Actum anno Gratie Mo CCo Nono. 9 1225 (o. st.), March. No location. Master Michel, officialis of the Sens curia notes that Nicholas de Molinons, miles, conceded in perpetual alms pasturage rights for animals through all his land and justice in Molinons, and chalk in the chalk mine there. Hélisand, his wife, confirmed, conceded and willed this, according to Renaud the priest of Courmononcle who was specially sent to hear her concession. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 4v Script E. B. Original lost Related Charter: 82. Nicolaus de Molinon dedit usum pasture 148 Omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis, Magister Michael, curie Senonensis officialis, in Domino salutem. Noverint universi quod Nicholaus de Molinondis miles, in nostra presentia constitutus, concessit in perpetuam elemosinam fratribus Vallis Lucentis pasturas animalibus ipsorum {4vb} fratrum, per totam terram et iusticiam suam de Molinondis, et cretam in cretaria sua de Molinondis, quantum eisdem fratribus opus fuerit et necesse. Hanc autem elemosinam Elysandis uxor eiusdem militis laudavit, voluit et concessit, sicut nobis retulit Renaudus presbiter de Cortmononcla, quem ad hoc misimus specialiter audiendum. Dictus etiam Nicholaus promisit fide prestita corporali quod contra elemosinam non veniet supradictam. Actum anno Gratie Mo CCo Vicesimo Quinto, mense Marcio. 10 1224, April 29.2 No location. Master Michael, officialis of the Sens curia indicates that Geoffroy, miles of Saint-Pregts (at Sens) quit in perpetual alms to the church of Vauluisant the mina of wheat annual payment that the brothers of Vauluisant owed him each year well as the tithe of grain which they owed. He also promised that he would make the grain to be quit by his wife and to be released to the church in peace. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 4v-5r Script E. B. Original lost. Gaufridus miles de Sancto Preiecto quitavit minam frumenti Omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis, Magister Michael, curie Senonensis officialis, in Domino Salutem. Noverint universi quod Gaufridus, miles de Sancto Preiecto, in mea presentia constitutus, unam minam frumenti annui redditus, quam fratres Vallislucentis debebant eidem, quitavit in perpetuam elemosinam ecclesie Vallis Lucentis, promittens, fide prestita, se nullam in posterium contra eandem ecclesiam, per se vel per alios, super hoc questionem moturum. Promisit etiam quod dictum bladum eidem ecclesie quitari faciet ab uxore sua et ipsam ecclesiam in pace dimitti, si qui forte vellent eam super hoc molestare. Actum anno Gratie, Millesimo CCo {5ra}Vicesimo Sexto, crastino quindene Pasche. 11 1224 (o. st.). No location. Master Michel, officialis of the Sens curia notes that when Etienne de Moret, cleric, procurator of the church of Notre-Dame-de-Porte-Saint-Léon de Sens, sought the rectification of an injustice from the abbot and convent of Vauluisant over all goods, movable and immovable which devolved from Jean, chaplain of Fontenay to the abbot and convent, because Jean, when he was alive, gave himself and all his things to the noted church (Notre-Dame-de-Porte-Saint-Léon), finally after many disputes (altercationes) said Etienne, acting with the assent of the prior and convent of La Charité (Saint-Cydroine), and the procurator of Vauluisant, acting with the assent of the abbot 2Reported as the day after the quindene of Easter. This could also be understood as April 8, the day after the start of the quindene of Easter, or it could be April 22, the day after the quindene according to the modern reckoning. However, as April 22 would also be the octave of Easter, it seems that the usage of quindena in this document implies that it is referring to the period of two weeks following Easter, or the day at the end of this period. Furthermore, this method of reckoning is in accord with Niermayer and Giry. 149 and convent of Vauluisant, were authorized to arbitrate a dispute over the property of Jean, chaplain of Fontenay. Michel's decision was that Vauluisant release to Jean, procurator of Notre-Dame, half the property of Jean the chaplain, and if they incurred expenses in procuring the thins of the deceased Jean, said procurator will pay half of those expenses. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 5r Script E. B. Original lost. Compromissio de rebus Iohannis capellani de Fonteneto Omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis, Magister Michel, officialis Senonensis, salutem in Domino. Noverint universi quod cum peteret iniure, coram nobis, Stephanus de Moreto, clericus, procurator ecclesie Beate Marie de Porta Sancti Leonis Senonensis, nomine eiusdem ecclesie ab abbate et conventu Vallis Lucentis omnia bona, tam mobilia quam immobilia, que de bonis defuncti Iohannis, capellani de Fonteneto, ad dictos abbatem et conventum devenerunt, quia dictus Iohannis, dum viveret, se et sua dederat ecclesie memorate, tandem post multas altercationes, dictus Stephanus procurator, a priore et conventu de Caritate, et procurator abbatis et conventus Vallis Lucentis, ab ipsis abbate et conventu mandatum habentes ad agendum componendum et compromittendun super eadem querela, sicut per litteras prioris et conventus de Caritate et per litteras ipsorum abbatis et conventus Vallis Lucentis nobis constitit; evidentera in nos de eadem querela compromiserunt in hunc modum: quod ratum haberent quicquid super hoc pro voluntate nostra ordinaremus. Nos vero ita ordinavimus quod dicti abbas et {5rb}conventus Vallis Lucentis medietatem omnibus rerum, tam mobilium quam immobilium, dicti defuncti que habuerant vel habebant prefato procurator ecclesie Beate Marie liberarent. Diximus etiam quod si dicti abbas et conventus sumptus fecerant perquirendo res defuncti Iohannis, capellani, procurator ecclesie prefate Beate Marie eis medietatem eorundem sumptuum restitueretm, et quod sic partes se [[se]] super predictis ad invicem quitarent. Actum anno Gratie, Mo CCo Vicesimo Quarto. a. seu evidentem A. 12 1224, August 20. No location. Master Michel, officialis of the Sens curia, notes that the brothers of Vauluisant gave to Marie, the widow of Renaud, former Prévot of Vénizy, some vineyards and land at Gron for her to hold for her life, reverting to Vauluisant after her death. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 5r Script E. B. Original lost. Marie relicte Renaldi de Venesi concessum est ad vitam tenere terras de Gron Omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis, Magister Michael, curie Senonensis officialis, in Domino salutem. Noverint universi quod religiosi viri, fratres ecclesie Vallis Lucentis, concesserunt Marie, relicte Renaldi, quondam prepositi venesiaci, ad vitam eius terras et vineas quas habebant apud Gronnum, tali modo: quod post decessum ipsius Marie, dicte terre et vinee, sine contradictione aliqua, ad ecclesiam Vallis Lucentis libere reverterentur. Actum anno Gratie, Mo CCo Vicesimo Quarto, die Martis post Assuptionem Beate Marie. 150 13 1223, December 11. Monday. No location. The officialis of the Sens curia makes known that Felix de Lailly gave himself and everything (se et sua omnia) he has or will have acquired to God and the church of Vauluisant. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 5r-v Script E. B. Original lost. Ind: M. Quantin, "Recherches sur le Tiers-État au Moyen-Age , dans les Pays qui forment aujourd'hui le Département de l'Yonne," Bulletin de la Société des Sciences Historiques et Naturelles de l'Yonne, v. 5, 1851, p. 14. Felicius de Laleio dedit omnia sua Valli Lucenti Omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis, officialis curie Senonensis, in {5va}Domino salutem. Noverint universi quod Felisius de Laliaco, in nostra presentia constitutus, se et sua omnia et quicquid adquisiturus erat dedit Deo et ecclesie Vallis Lucentis. Quod autem ab eo audivimus, ad petitionem ipsius sine preiudicio alterius, sub sigillo Senonensis curie testificamur. Actum anno Gratie, Mo CCo Vicesimo Tercio, die Lune post festum Sancti Nicholai Hyemalis. 14 1225, June 17. Tuesday. No location. Master Michel, officialis of the Sens curia, notes that Guillaume de Flacy, miles, and Agnes, his wife, gave in perpetual alms to Vauluisant whatever rights they held in the grain mill (emolatorio), fulling mills (pulsatoriis), another mill (pilatorio), gasdii and fish traps (piscariis) at Villeneuve-l'Archevêque except what Hugues, prepositus of Villeneuve-l'Archevêque holds from them in fief. These rights moved in chief from Agnes. Pierre, their son, confirmed, willed and conceded these alms, swearing that he would not reclaim his rights at any time in the future. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 5v Script E. B. Original lost. De molinis et pulsatoris de Villa Nova Omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis, Magister Michel, curie Senonensis officialis, in Domino salutem. Noverint universi quod Wllelmus de Flaciaco miles et Agnes uxor eius, in nostra presentia constituti, pro salute animarum suarum et parentum suorum, dederunt in perpetuam elemosinam ecclesie Vallis Lucentis quicquid habebant in molendinis, in pulsatoriis, emolatorio, pilatorio, gasdii, piscariis Ville Nove Archiepiscopi de capite dicte Agnetis movens, hoc excepto et salvo quod Hugo miles prepositus dicte Villenove tenere dicitur in feodum ab eisdem Wllemo et Agnete uxore sua quod non est de donatione ista, fide prestita promittentes se super his dicte ecclesie garantiam debitam portaturos et nullam per se vel per alios in posterum questionem moturos. Dictam vero elemosinam {5vb} Petrus filius eorum qui presens erat coram nobis laudavit, voluit et concessit, fiducians quod nichil in predictis rebus per se vel per alios in posterum reclamabit. Supradicta etiam mulier recognovit quod hoc faciebat spontanea, non coacta. Actum anno Gratie, Mo CCo Vicesimo Quinto, die Martis post festum Sancti Barnabe Apostolici. 151 15 1222 (o. st.), April. No location. Master Michel, officialis of Sens, notes that Arnulf de Gumery recognized that he gave to the church of Vauluisant in perpetual alms a piece of land next to the cross de Sarci, the meadows Vueve and Chambroten, 20 l. for building a dormitory and 100 s. for a pittance. Said miles will possess all the aforesaid for as long as he should live. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 5v Script E. B. Original lost. Elemosina Arnulphi de Gumeri Magister Michael, officialis Senonensis, omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis in Domino salutem. Notum facimus universis quod, in presentia nostra constitutus, Ernulphus de Gumeriaco miles recognovit se dedisse in perpetuam elemosinam ecclesie vallis lucentis quandam petiam terrae suam iuxta crucem de Sarci, et pratum suum de Vueve, et pratum suum de Chambroten, et viginti libras ad opus dormitorii, et centum solidos pro pittantia conventus. Dictus autem miles omnia supradicta quoad vixerit possidebit. Quod autem audivimus et recognitum fuit coram nobis ad petitionem partium sub sigillo curie Senonensis testificamur. Actum anno Gratie, Mo CCo Vicesimo Secundo, mense Aprili. 16 1202, November 12. No location. Hamo de Saint-Roman, officialis of the curia of Sens, notes that Herbelin and Garnier, sons of Robert of Molinons had demanded from the monks of Vauluisant five portions of land at Lailly, which they claimed pertained to their inheritance. They subsequently quit all claims to that land. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 5v-6r Script E. B. Original lost. Herbelinus et Garnerus de Molinons quitant terram quam petebant Hamo de Sancto Romano, curie Senonensis officialis, omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis {6ra}in Domino salutem. Noverint universi quod cum Herbelinus et Garnerus filii defuncti Roberti de Molinons exigerent a monachis Vallis Lucentis quinque portiones terre que sunt apud Laliacum, quas ipsi asserebant ad se iure hereditario pertinere. Idem Herbelinus et Garnerius predictas portiones terre et quicquid apud predictam villam reclamabant ab eisdem, monachis et eorum successoribus in perpetuum quitaverunt, et fiduciaverunt quod nec predictos monachos nec eorum successores pro dictis terre portionibus a modo vexabunt. Actum in crastino Sancti Martini, anno incarnati Verbi, Mo CCo Secundo. 17 1227, August 30. Monday. No location. Master Michel, officialis of the Sens curia notes that Etienne de Lasson recognized that he gave a sextarius of grain to the brothers of Vauluisant: one mina of wheat and one of barley in the measure of Rigny from the mill of the pond (in molandino Stagni) of Lasson paid each year on the day after the feast of Saint Remy (October 2). A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 6r Script E. 152 B. Original lost. Stephanus de Lacon dedit sextarium bladi annui redditus Omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis, Magister Michael, curie Senonensis officialis, in Domino salutem. Noverint universi quod Stephanus de Lacon miles in nostra presentia constitutus recognovit se dedisse in perpetuam elemosinam fratribus Vallis Lucentis unum sextarum bladi ad mensuram Regniaci annui redditus in molandino Stagni de Lacon, videlicet unam minam frumenti et unam minam ordei, annis singulis persolvendum in crastino sancti Remigii. Dictam vero elemosinam memo-{6rb}-ratus miles promisit se garantizaturum memoratis fratribus, fide prestita erga omnes. Actum anno Gratie Mo CCo Vicesimo Septimo, die Lune ante festum Beati Lupi. 18 [1224 n. st.] 1223, February 29. No location. The officialis of the Sens curia notes that Roger, son of the deceased Girard de Tricastrum and his wife, Emeline, gave in perpetual alms their house near that of Isembard de Courgenay in the suburb of Saint-Jean at Sens, and whatever they own or will own to the church of Vauluisant after their death. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, 6r Script E. B. Original lost. De domo sita in Burgo Sancti Iohannis Omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis, officialis curie Senonensis, in Domino salutem. Noverint universi quod Rogerus, filius defuncti Giraudi de Tricastro, et Emelina, uxor sua, in nostra presentia constituti, domum suam sitam in Burgo Sancti Iohannis Senonensis prope domum Isembardi de Corgenaio et quicquid ipsi habebant et habituri erant in rebus mobilibus et immobilibus dederunt, post decessum suum, ecclesie Vallis Lucentis in perpetuam elemosinam pro animarum suarum remedio et salute, ita videlicet quod ipsi omnia predicta quamdiu vixerint possidebunt et post obitum eorum, ad dictam ecclesiam Vallis Lucentis sine contradictione aliqua libere devolventur. Actum anno Gratie Mo CCo Vicesimo Tercio, in crastino Cineris. 19 1226, December 28. Monday. No location. The officialis of the Sens curia notes that Elisabeth, widow of Garnier des Prés, willed and conceded that whatever was in her name of the things pertaining to her and said Garnier which the brothers of Vauluisant exchanged (traderent, can also mean surrendered) to Itier, her brother, canon of Laon, or to Henri de Thorigny, miles, promising firmly that for this transaction (tradito) she held it to herself and received it agreeably and accepted it. She also swore that she will warranty this transaction to the brothers of Vauluisant. Itier also admitted that he gave his faith (fiduciasse) that what he or Henri should receive from the aforesaid brothers, he will warranty to the brothers as well. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 6r-v Script E. B. Original lost. Relicta Garneri de Prato constituit procreantores Iterum - Henricum 153 Omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis, magister curie senonensis officialis in Domino salutem. Noverint universi quod Elysabet, relicta Garneri de Pratis, in nostra presentia constituta, voluit et con-{6va}-cessit ut quicquid nomine suo de rebus pertinentibus ad ipsam et dictum Garnerum fratres Vallis Lucentis traderent Itero, fratri eius, canonico Lauduni, vel Henrico de Torigniaco, militi; pro tradito sibi haberet gratumque gereret et acceptum promittens firmiter et creentans quod garentizabit super hoc ipsis fratres, servabitque indempnes, et eos in pace dimitti faciet erga omnes. Prefatus etiam Iterus confessus fuit coram nobis se fiduciasse quod si quid ipse vel predictus Henricus de dictis rebus receperit a fratribus supradictis garantizabit super hoc ipsos fratres et in pacea dimitti faciet erga omnes. Actum anno Gratie, Mo CCo Vicesimo Sexto, die Lune post Natale Domini. a. pace]parte ex corr. A. 20 1207, May. No location. Master Jobert de Ponte, officialis of the Sens curia notes that Margaret, widow of Gautier Charpentier and her son, Pierre, recognized that they sold to the monks of Vauluisant the land which they possessed behind the monks' houses in Sens. The canons of Saint-Jean de Sens confirmed and conceded the sale and quit the land from all cens, as it was from their censiva. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 6v Script E. B. Original lost. Related charter: NC9. Margarita relicta Galterii Carpentarii vendit terram sitam retro domum nostram Magister Iobertus de Ponte, Senonensis curie officialis, omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis in Domino salutem. Noverint universi quod Margarita, relicta Gualterii Carpentarii, et Petrus, filius eius coram nobis constituti recognoverunt se monachis de vallelucenti vendidisse terram quam retro domum eorumdem monachorum possidebant, fide prestita de debita garentia. Hanc autem vendicionem lau-{6vb}-daverunt et concesserunt et terram illam quitaverunt ab omni censu liberam canonici altaris Sancti Iohannis ecclesie Senonensis, de quorum censiva erat terra illa. In cuius rei memoriam, presentem paginam fecimus annotari et sigillo Senonensis curie sigillari. Actum anno Gratie, Mo CCo Septimo, mense Maio. 21 [1223 n. st.] 1222, April 1. Saturday.3 No location. The officialis of the Sens curia notes that Henri, son of Hugues Belet, miles, recognized, that his father, on his deathbed, gave in alms to the church of Vauluisant one sextarius of rye and two sextarii of barley in the measure of Traînel from arable land at Courceaux (?) to be paid by those who hold the land before (ad) the feast of Saint Remy (October 1). Henri approved, willed and conceded this donation of his father. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fos. 6v - 7r Script E. B. Original lost. 3This date has to be reckoned according to Easter style, see Appendix C. 154 Approbat Henricus elemosinam patris sui Hugonis Belet tres sextarios bladi percipiendos annuatim a Corcerroi Officialis curie Senonensis, omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis in Domino salutem. Noverint universi quod filius Hugonis Belet, militis, Henricus nomine, in nostra presentia constitutus recognovit quod dictus Hugo in extrema voluntate sua dederat in elemosinam ecclesie Vallis Lucentis unum sextarium siliginis et duos sextarios ordei ad mensuram Trianguli de terris suis arabilibus sitis apud Corcerraium, per manum illius qui easdem terras tenebit annis singulis ad festum sancti remigii persolvendos. Quod hanc elemosinam idem Henricus coram nobis approbavit voluit et concessit promittens firmiter et creentans quod per se vel per alios contra dictam ecclesiam questionem aliquam super hoc non move-{7ra}-bit. Quod autem audivimus et recognitum fuit coram nobis, ad petitionem parcium sine preiudicio alterius, sub sigillo Senonensis curie testificamur. Actum anno Gratie, Mo CCo Vicesimo Secundo, mense Aprili, Sabbato ante Dominicam qua cantatur Letare Iherusalem. 22 1224 (o. st.), March. No location. Master Michel, officialis of the Sens curia notes that Bartholomé de Faubourg SaintPierre-le-Vif (at Sens), cleric, recognized that he gave to the brothers of Vauluisant one third and sold for 10 l. parisis the other two parts of land of the Marl pit (marneria) at Gron in the censiva of Salon, cleric of Malay-le-Vicomte. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo.7r Script E. B. Original lost. Bartolomeus vendit duas partes terre de marneria de Grom terciam dat in elemosinam Omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis, Magister Michael officialis Senonensis, salutem in Domino. Noverint universi quod, in presentia nostra constitutus, Bartholomeus de Burgo Sancti Petri Vivi, clericus, recognovit se dedisse in perpetuam elemosinam fratribus vallislucentis terciam partem terre sue de marneria site apud gron in censiva Salonis clerici de Malleio Vicecomitis, et vendidisse alias duas partes eiusdem terre prefatis fratribus pro decem libris Parisiensibus suis quittis, promittens fide prestita in manu nostra se fratribus antedictis super prenotata terra debitam garantiam portaturum et se in ea nichil de cetero reclamaturum. Quod autem audivimus et recognitum fuit coram nobis, ad petitionem partium sine preiudicio alterius, sub sigillo Senonensis curie testificamur. Actum anno Domini, Mo CCo Vicesimo Quarto, mense Marcio. 23 1226, December 28. Monday. No location. Master Michel, officialis of the Sens curia notes that Etienne de Corfrahaut, miles, owing the brothers of Vauluisant 40 l. provinois, pledged whatever he has at Courmononcle for the monks to receive until the debt is paid off.4 Thomas li Grais and Garnier Ragaut, milites, warrantied the transaction. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 7r-v Script E. B. Original lost. 4That is, this looks more like a vifgage, where the income from the property pledged is to pay off the debt. 155 {7rb} De XL libris quas Stephanus de Corfrahaut debuit Omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis, Magister Michael, curie Senonensis officialis, in Domino salutem. Noverint universi quod Stephanus de Corfrahaut miles, in nostra presentia constitutus, fratribus Vallislucentis, pro XL libris Pruvinensium quas ei debebat, sicut est ipse confessus coram nobis, quicquid habet apud Cormonuncla et in appendiciis et pertinentiis suis, exceptis nemoribus, obligavit et concessit tamdiu percipiendum donec eis super eodem debito fuerit plenarie satisfactum. Nec ipse, nec alius pro eo aliquid exinde percipiet donec plenaria fiet eisdem fratribus satisfactio super eo. Promisit etiam facturum fieri a servientibus suis qui recipiunt redditus eiusdem militis de dicto loco, iuramentum fidelitatis quod nichil eorundem redditum celabitur quin reveletur, ita quod pro posse suo reddatur ipsis fratribus donec satisfactionem habuerint de debito supradicto. Et hec [[hec]] fiduciavit idem miles se servaturum et debite guarantizaturum eisdem fratribus dicta obligatione durante. Super his autem observandis firmiter et tenendis, Tomas li Grais et Garnerus Ragaut, milites, obligarunt se plegios coram {7va}nobis. Actum anno Gratie, Mo CCo Vicesimo Sexto, die Lune post Natalem Domini. 24 1211 (o. st.), February 3. No location. Philippe, officialis of the Sens curia, notes that in his presence the brothers of Vauluisant claimed that Nobilis Mulier Ida, domina of Traînel had violated their rights when she injustly seized their fields with carts with horses and sheep. Therefore, they petitioned that she confess her injustice by the mandate of the Sens curia and restore everything to them, and that she give sureties. To the contrary, the [manorial] procurator claimed that the property was justly seized and forfeited, which he offered to prove by witnesses. Philippe renders a sentence that Ida did not prove her case. Therefore, she must give sureties that she will return the goods and pay the penalties and damages. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 7v Script E B. Original lost. Related Charter: 121. Sententia contra Dominam Ydam de Triagnio de rebus iniuste captis Magister Philippus, curie Senonensis officialis, omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis in Domino salutem. Noverint universi quod fratres ecclesie Vallis Lucentis contra Nobilem Mulierem Idam, dominam de Triangulo coram nobis proposuerunt iniure quod dicta domina quadrigas cum equis, oves eorum et boves multociens ceperat et iniuste que ipsa recredidit ad mandatum curie Senonensis, et ideo petebant ubi dampna restitui et plegios quitari. Econtra, procurator ipsius domine postmodum proposuit quod, revera, ceperat res dictorum fratrum, sed iuste et in presenti forefacto, quod per testes idoneos obtulit se probaturum. Tandem testibus hinc inde receptis rationibus et allegationibus utriusque partis auditis et plenius intellectis, cum dicta domina non probasset iustam captionem dictarum rerum de prudentum virorum consilio, iudicavimus quod ipsa tenebatur plegios quos receperat pro recreditione dictarum rerum predictis fratribus quitare et eis damna et deperdita resarcire. In cuius rei memoriam et testimonium, {7vb}presentem cartam fecimus annotari et sigillo curie senonensis roborari. Actum anno Gratie Mo. CCo. Undecimo, in crastino Purificatione Beate Marie. 156 25 1224 (o. st.), February. No location. The officialis of the Auxerre curia notes that Henri de Mauriaco, miles, recognized that Domina Bila, his deceased wife, gave 40 s. Auxerre to Vauluisant for an annual pittance. Henri assigned this from the cens of Merry-Sec to be paid annually on the feast of Saint Remy (October 1), the remainder of that cens, will be received by the aforesaid miles (Henri) and his heirs. Guillaume, his son, confirmed and approved this assignation. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fos. 7v - 8r Script E. B. Original lost. Related Charters: 87, 89. De XL solidis quos Domina Bila de Meri dedit pro pitantia conventus Omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis, officialis curie Autisiodori, salutem in Domino. Noveritis quod in nostra presentia constitutus, Henricus de Mauriaco, miles, recognovit quod Domina Bila, quondam uxor sua, de consensu et voluntate sua, dederat in perpetuam elemosinam ecclesie Vallis Lucentis, ad pitantiam conventus eiusdem ecclesie, quadraginta solidos Autisiodorenses annui redditus. Quos quadraginta solidos idem miles, coram nobis, assignavit eidem ecclesie Vallis Lucentis super censum de Merriaco Sicco, talimodo: quod fratres Vallis Lucentis singulis annis primo percipiant de eodem censu dictos quadraginta solidos in festo Sancti Remigii, residuum vero eiusdem census percipiant prefatus miles et heredes eius. Hanc autem assignationem Villelmus, filius eiusdem militis, coram nobis, laudavit et approbavit. In cuius rei memoriam et facti confirmationem, presentibus litteris sigillum curie Autisiodorum, {8ra}ad petitionem predictorum Henrici et filius eius, fecimus apponi. Actum anno Gratie, Mo CCo Vicesimo Quarto, mense Februario. 26 1203, November 18. No location. Jobert de Ponte, officialis of Sens, notes that a case (litigatum) was held between Poterius de Molinons and the monks of Vauluisant over the quarter of the woods of La Perta that Poterius said belonged to him by right (de iure). Joberts judged that the monks hold the woods except for the proprietary rights of said Poterius, which, if he should wish, he may demand. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 8r Script E. B. Original lost. Related Charter: 6. Sententia contra Poterium de nemore de Perta Magister I[osbertus] de Ponte, curie Senonensis officialis, omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis in Domino salutem. Noverint universi quod diu litigatum fuit inter monachos Vallis Lucentis, ex una parte, et Poterium de Molinuns, ex alia, super quarta parte nemoris de Perta quam dicebat ad se spectare de iure, dictis monachis econtra dicentibus illam partem suam esse. Tandem auditis hinc inde rationibus et allegationibus et inspectis utriusque partis, attestationibus diligenter, habito prudentum virorum consilio, dicti nemoris possessionem adiudicavimus monachis supradictis, salvo iure proprietatis predicti Poterii, si voluerit reclamare. Excommunicantes omnes illos qui perturbabunt quominus dicti monachi habeant possessionem superius memoratam. Data Sabbato infra octabas Beati Martini, anno Gratie, Mo CCo Tercio. 157 27 1212 (o. st.). Master Philippe, officialis of the Sens curia, notes that Raoul of the orchard (viridario) of Voisines recognized that the abbot and convent of Vauluisant entrusted him with a certain piece of land at Seboart to cultivate and to clear a certain part of the woods under the condition that the monks will receive tithe and terragium and later a third of all grain. When the brothers of Vauluisant desire the land, it will be returned to them. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 8r Script E. B. Original lost. Related Charter: 36. de terra de Suboart quam Radulphus de viridario de Vicinis habet ad terragium. Magister Philippus, Senonensis curie officialis, omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis in Domino salutem. Noverint universi quod con-{8rb}-stitutus in presencia nostra, Radulphus de viridario de Vicinis recognovit quod abbas et conventus Vallis Lucentis tradiderant ei terram quandam sitam apud Suboart excolendam et quandam partem nemoris ibidem siti extirpandam, tale conditione: quod idem Radulphus terram illam et terram in qua nemus illud est, quamdiu fratres predicti voluerint, excolet, ita quod dicti fratres primo percipient ibi decimam et terragium et postea terciam partem totius bladi. Cum autem dicti fratres voluerint, terre ille ad eos libere et pacifice et absque reclamatione aliqua devoluentur. In cuius rei memoriam, presentem cartam fecimus annotari et sigillo Senensis curie roborari. A[c]tum anno Gratie Mo CCo Duodecimo. 28 1212, April 23. No location. Master Philippe, officialis of the Sens curia notes that Clarin de Pouy gave and conceded in perpetual alms to the church of Vauluisant his part of the woods of la Haie. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 8r-v Script E. B. Original lost. De nemore Haie quod habemus de Clarini de Poisi. Magister Philippus, curie Senonensis officialis, omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis in Domino salutem. Noverint universi quod Clarinus de Poisiaco, in presentia nostra constitutus, partem suam quam habebat in nemore de Hae in perpetuam elemosinam donavit ecclesie Vallis Lucentis et concessit. In cuius rei memoriam et testimonium presentem cartam, ad peticionem parcium sine preiudicio alterius, fecimus annotari et si{8va}-gillo Senonensis curie roborari. Actum anno Gratie Mo CCo Duodecimo, in crastino Dominice qua cantatur Cantate. 29 1223, October. No location. The officialis of the Sens curia notes that Hugues de Maupas, miles, recognized that he gave to the monks of Vauluisant 8 sextarii of grain, i.e., 2 of wheat, 2 of rye, 2 of barley and 2 of oats, from the terragium of Maupas; if the terragium should produce more than 8 sextarii, the surplus will belong to the heirs of Hugues. If it should not produce 8, the heirs of Hugues will be held to pay the difference and complete the 8 sextarii. Hugues 158 maintained the justice of the terragium for his heirs. Hélisand. his wife, confirmed and conceded the donation as did Jacques, their son. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 8v Script E. B. Original lost. Ind: Evergates, p. 187. Hugo de Malo Passu dedit octo sextarios bladi redditus Omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis, officialis curie Senonensis, in Domino salutem. Noverint universi quod Hugo de Malo Passu, miles, in nostra presentia constitutus, recognovit se octos sextarios bladi annui redditus, scilicet duos frumenti, duos ordei, duos siliginis et duos avene, annuatim percpiendos in terragio de Malo Passu, salva tamen heredibus suis iusticia eiusdem terragii, monachis Vallis Lucentis in perpetuam elemosinam donavisse, ita quod si plus in dicto terragio fuerit, illud quod superhabundabit erit heredum militis supradicti. Si autem ibi non fuerint dicti octo sextarii bladi, heredes eiusdem militis qui tenebunt terragium defectum octo sextariorum dicti bladi solvere tenebuntur, perficere tenebuntur. Dictam autem elemosinam Elissandis, uxor eiusdem militis, et Iacobus, filius eorumdem Hugonis et Helysandis, qui presentes erant coram nobis, laudaverunt et concesserunt. Ipsa vero Helysandis renuntiavit omni iuri quod habebat in dicto blado ratione dotis seu qualibet alia ex causa, recognoscens quod hoc faciebat spontanea, non coacta. {8vb}Quod autem audivimus et recognitum fuit coram nobis, ad petitionem partium sine preiudicio alterius, sub sigillo Senonensis curie testificamur. Actum anno Gratie Mo CCo Vicesimo Tertio, mense Octobri.a a. Octobri]Obtobri A. 30 1212, November. No location. Master Philippe, officialis of the Sens curia, notes that Jean de Courlon, with the assent and will of his wife, Agnes, entirely quit to the monks of Vauluisant 2 sextarii of wheat from the tithe which the monks of Vauluisant owed him from their grange at Servins. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, 8v Script E. B. Original, AD Yonne, H 766. 6.3 x 13.5 cm. Iohannis de Corleon quitavit duos sextarios annui redditus Magister Philippus, curie Senonensis officialis, omnibus presentes litteras inspectuis in Domino salutem. Noverint universi quod Iohannes de Corlone, in presentia nostra constitutus, de assensu et voluntate Agnetis, uxoris sue, quitavit penitus in elemosinam perpetuam monachis de Valle Lucenti duos sextarios frumenti de decem sextariis quos dicti monachi annuatim reddebant eidem iohanni in grangiaa sua de Cervins. Quod autem a partibus audivimus, sub sigillo curie Senonensis testificamur. Actum anno Gratie Mo Ducentesimo Duodecimo, mense Novembri. a. grangia]granchia B. 31 1206 (o. st.), March. Sens curia. 159 Master Jobert de Ponte, officialis of the Sens curia, notes that Herbert and Elisabeth gave whatever they had at Thorigny in the territory of Communes. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fos. 8v - 9r Script E. B. Original lost. Herbertus et Elysabet dederunt quicquid habebant apud Torini Magister Iobertus de Ponte Senonensis curie officialis, omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis in Domino salutem. Ad universorum noticiam volumus pervenire quod Herbertus et Helysabet uxor eius, in Senonensis curia constituti, in perpetuam elemosinam contulerunt quicquid habebant apud Torigniacum in territorio {9ra}de Communes fratribus de Valle Lucenti, fide prestita promittentes quod super elemosinam quam memoratis fratribus fecerunt legitimam pro posse suo portabunt garandiam. Actum anno Gratie Mo CCo VIo, mense Marcio. 32 1221, June. No location. Master Hugues, officialis of the Sens curia, notes that Gautier, abbot, and the convent of Vauluisant made an agreement with Jean, domicellus of Courgenay, where Vauluisant was to pay to Domina Fressendis, mother of Jean, 15 sextarii of grain -- 14 of molitura and 1 of wheat to be paid half on the day after the octaves of Christmas (January 2) and half on the day after the octaves of Easter (i.e., the second Monday after). These 15 sextarii were from the four modii that Vauluisant owed Jean every year. In exchange, Jean allowed Vauluisant to manage the lo Bierz mill at Courgenay, to construct a mill race, a paved road leading to the mill and other concessions. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 9r-v Script E. B. Original lost. Translation: Appendix C. Related Charters: 33, 97, 118, 120. Pactiones habite de molendino de Corgenaio cum dominis eiusdem ville Magister Hugo, curie Senonensis officialis, universis litteras istas inspecturis eternam in Domino salutem. Notum sit omnibus quod Frater Galterus, abbas, et conventus Vallislucentis, ad petitionem Iohannis domicelli de Corgeneio, concesserunt se reddituros Domine Fraessendi matri ipsius Iohannis quatuordecim sextarios bladi de molitura et unam [sextarium frumenti, scilicet septem sextarios de molitura et unam] minam frumenti in crastino oc[ta]varum Natalis Domini et reliquos septem sextarios de molitura et unam minam frumenti in crastino octavarum Pasche. Et isti quindecim sextarii erunt de quatuor modiis bladi quos ecclesia Vallislucentis debet singulis annis supradicto Iohanni. Post mortem vero dicte domine, predicti quindecim sextarii ad supradictum Iohannem et ad heredes eius sine contradictione revertentur. Predicta autem domina et Iohannes filius eius concesserunt fratribus Vallis Lucentis ut ipsi {9rb}quociens cumque voluerint possint curare lo Bierz molendinia de Corgeneio et a superiori parte molendini et ab inferiori et exinde terram eicere et ibidem dimittere supra terram dicte domine et Iohannis, filii eius, ad dexteram et ad sinistram. Concesserunt etiam ut novum fossatum quod, de assensu eorum, predicti fratres fecerunt ab inferiori parte molendini habeat novem pedes in latitudine et permaneat ubi factum est imperpetuum. Et fratres Vallis Lucentis possint illud, quotiens voluerint, curare et reparare et exinde terram eicere et dimittere supra terram dicte domine et Iohannis filii eius. Concesserunt etiam ipsa 160 domina et filius eius Iohannis ut dicti fratres a superiori parte molendini iuxta caput orti eiusdem Iohannis versus molendinum faciant unam vannam ad aquam divertendam, et ut ipsi fratres quotiens voluerint in maretis eorumdem domine et Iohannis sitis ab inferiori parte molendini cespites et terram, et in terra eorum, terram et cream accipiant ad usus molendini iam superius memorati. Concesserunt etiam eisdem fratribus unam viam quadrigariam per quam que voluerint ad molendinem ire possint {9va}ad molendinum et redire. Que via incipiat iuxta caput oschie Fiorie a superiori parte et protendatur usque ad molendinum per terram et per prata eorundem domine et Iohannis. Et via ipsa, si fratres voluerint, habeat per terram arabilem duas tesias in latitudine et per prata septem pedes. Et fratres faciant desuper, si voluerint, unam calceiam eiusdem latitudinis. Et per prata ex utraque parte vie faciant, si voluerint, fossata unum ex una parte vie, et unum ex altera et utrumque habeat quatuor pedes in latitudine usque ad molendinum. Concesserunt etiam ipsis fratribus quatuor tesias terre undique circa molendinum, inter quas tesias ipsi fratres possint facere quicquid voluerint et edificare. Predicta vero domina poterit in eodem molendino molere bladum suum tota vita sua sine molitura. Hec omnia predicta domina et Iohannes, filius eius, concesserunt se tenere bona fide, salva iusticia quam ipsi dicuntur habere in via superius memorata, ita dicimus salva iusticia quod fratres Vallis Lucentis non contradicent eis in eadem via iusticiam habere. Abbas autem {9vb}et conventus Vallis Lucentis hoc concesserunt, sicut nobis constat per litteras patentes Venerabilis Guidonis, prioris de Nova Villa Archiepiscopi, quem propter hoc ad abbatem et conventum direximus. Quod ut firmum et stabile permaneat in perpetuum, litteras istas sigillo Senenense curie fecimus munimine roborari. Actum anno Domini, Mo CCo Vicesimo Primo, mense Iunio. a. sic A. 33 1225 (o. st.), March. No location. Master Michel, officialis of the Sens curia, notes that Jean de Courgenay, domicellus, quit one half-modius of molitura from the 3 modii of molitura and 1 of wheat owed by the brothers of Vauluisant at Courgenay. In exchange, the brothers of Vauluisant rendered to Jean the entire bequest which Jean's late brother, Guiot, left to them. Nevertheless, the monks will hold the land called "Valle de Fonte-Raoul," for making tiles. Hodierna, the wife of Jean, who was present, confirming and conceding this, swore that she did this spontaneously and was not coerced. She also renounced all rights she had by reason of dower or any other reason in the half-modius of molitura. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fos. 9v - 10r Script E. B. Original lost. Translation: Appendix C. Related Charters: 32, 97, 118, 120. Iohannes de Corgenaio quitat dimidium modium de pansione molini Magister Michael, curie Senonensis officialis, omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis in Domino salutem. Noverint universi quod cum fratres Vallis Lucentis tenerentur Iohanni de Corgenaio, domicello, in tribus modiis moliture et uno modio frumenti quod dicti fratres solvebant Iohanni eidem apud Corgenaium annuatim pro molendino eiusdem ville, sicut continetur in litteris Nobilis Mulieris Blanche, comitisse Campanie, tandem memoratus Iohannes, coram nobis constitutus, medietatem unius modii moliture predicte supradictis fratribus in perpetuam quitavit, ita quod non remanent, nisi duo modii et 161 dimidius moliture et unus modius frumenti. {10ra}Pro hac vero quittatione, dicti fratres quittaverunt eidem Iohanni totum legatum quod defunctus Guiotus frater eiusdem Iohannis eis fecerat, tam in terris quam aliis rebus, ita tamen quod ipsi fratres licite et absque contradictione aliqua terram perciperent in territorio eiusdem Iohannis quod dicitur Vallis de Funti Radulphi pro tegulis faciendis. Hodierna vero, uxor ipsius Iohannis, que presens erat coram nobis, laudans hoc pariter et concedens fiduciavit quod istud faciebat spontanea non coacta. Fiduciaveruntque ipsa et dictus Iohannis maritus eius quod per se vel per alios nullam in posterum super hoc questionem movebunt. Eadem etiam Hodierna renuntiavit omni iuri quod habebat ratione dotis seu qualibet alia ex causa in dimidio modio moliture fratribus memoratis quitato. Actum anno Gratie, Mo CCo Vicesimo Quinto, mense Marcio. 34 1213, November 25. Monday. Sens curia. Philippe, officialis of the Sens curia, notes that Giles, son of the deceased Manasses Ribaud, and Agnes, his wife, gave in perpetual alms to the monks of Vauluisant a certain piece of land at Courgenay and a meadow next to the house of religious woman Houdeard, conversa of Vauluisant (#93), divesting it into the hands of the same officialis. Milo, their son, confirmed and conceded. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 10r Script E. B. Original, AD Yonne, H 710. 10.8 x 21.0 cm. Gilo filius Manasserii Ribaudi dedit terram et pratum sita apud Corgenetum Magister Philippus, curie Senonensis officialis, omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis in Domino salutem. Noverint universi quod Gilo filius defuncti Manasserii Ribaudia et Agnes uxor eius, in Senonensis curia con-{10rb}-stituti, quandam terram quam habebant apud Corgenetum et quoddam pratum iuxta domum Religiose Mulieris Hudeardis Converse Vallislucentis situm monachis Vallislucentis in perpetuam elemosinam donaverunt, sese in manu nostra devestientes de terrab et prato supradictis. Hanc autem donationem Milo filius eorum laudavit et concessit. Actum anno Gratie Mo Ducentesimo Terciodecimo, die Lune ante festum Beati Andre Apostolici. a. Ribaudi]Ribaldi B. b. terra]terro A]terro ex. corr. B. 35 1225, December. No location. Master Michel, officialis of the Sens curia, notes that Nobilis Mulier Bancelina de Rignyle-Ferron gave and conceded in perpetual alms whatever rights in Courgenay she had in customs, cens and others to Vauluisant. She promised that this donation was confirmed by the feudal lord. Godin and Luce (called Nate), her children, confirmed, conceded and willed their mother's gift in alms. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 10r-v Script E. B. Original, AD Yonne, H 710. 10.4 x 17.7 cm. Ind: Evergates p. 199, Roserot III:1267. Related Charters: 244, 248, 255. Bancelina de Reni quitat quicquid habebat apud Corgenaium 162 Omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis, Magister Michael, curie Senonensis officialis, in Domino salutem. Notum facimus quod, in nostra presentia constituta, Nobilis Mulier Bancelina de Regniaco lo Ferron dedit et concessit in perpetuam elemosinam ecclesie Vallis Lucentis quicquid iuris in villa de corgenai, tam in costumis, redditibus, censu quam rebus aliis quocumque modo habebat, fiducians in manu nostra quod prefate ecclesie debitam bona fide pro posse suo portabit garentiam super elemosina prenotata, et quod in supradictis rebus, per se vel per alium, nichil a modo reclamabit. Promisit etiam {10va}quod eandem elemosinam pro posse suo laudari faciet a domino feodali. Godinus vero et Luca dictaque Nate, filii eiusdem Banceline, elemosinam supradictam, coram nobis,a laudaverunt, voluerunt et libenti animo concesserunt, fiduciantes in manu nostra quod in prefatis rebus nichil de cetero reclamabunt, per se vel per alium, et quod garantientb bona fide pro posse suo dictam elemosinam ecclesie prenominate.c In cuius rei memoriam et testimonium presentes litteras sigillo curie Senonensis sine alicuius preiudicio fecimus roborari. Actum anno Domini, Mo CCo Vicesimo Quinto, mense Decembri. a. coram nobis laudaverunt]laudaverunt coram nobis trp. A. c. prenominate]prenotate B. b. garantient]garentient B. 36 1212 (o. st.), March. No location. Master Philippe, officialis of the Sens curia, notes that Bertrand Colerius (pedlar) and Elisabeth, his wife gave to the monks of Vauluisant in alms whatever rights they had on land in Seboart which they held from those monks. Bertrand swore (fiduciavit) that he would make his brothers confirm this donation and that he would warranty the transaction. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 10v Script E. B. Original lost. Related Charter: 27. Bertrannnus Colerius quitat terram de Suboart Magister Phylippus, curie Senonensis officialis, omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis in Domino salutem. Noverint universi quod constituti in presentia nostra Bertrannus Colerius et Elysabeth, uxor sua, dederunt in elemosinam monachis Vallislucentis quicquid iuris habebant in terra de Soboart quam ab ipsis monachis tenebant. Et fiduciavit idem Betrannus quod faceret laudari a fratribus suis donationem predictam et debitiam garantiam portaret. Quod autem a partibus coram nobis factum {10vb}est, sine preiudicio alterius, sub sigillo curie Senonensis testificamur. Actum anno Gratie, Mo CCo XIIo, mense Marcii. 37 1205 (o. st.), March. Master Jobert, officialis of the Sens curia, notes that Garin, cleric, sold 4 sextarii and 1 mine of grain to be received annually at Thorigny in the territory of Communes for 7 1/2 l. provinois. This sale was confirmed by Elisabeth, his mother, Raoul, Jean and Renaud, his brothers, and Elisabeth and Houdeard, his sisters. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 10v Script E. B. Original lost. 163 Garinus clericus vendit quator sextarios et minam apud Toriniacum Magister Iobertus de Ponte, Senonensis curie officialis, omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis in Domino salutem. Notum facimus universis quod Garinus, clericus, vendidit fratribus de Vallelucenti quatuor sextarios bladi et unam minam percipiendos annuatim apud Torigniacum in territorio de Communes pro septem libris Pruvinensibus et dimidium. Hanc vendicionem laudaverunt Elysabeth, mater eius, Radulphus et Iohannis et Renaldus, fratres eiusdem clerici, Elysabeth et Hudeardis, sorores ipsius, fide prestita omnes promittentes quod super venditionene dicta adversus omnes legitimam portabunt garandiam. Actum anno Gratie Mo CCo V, mense Marcio. 38 1218, May. Master Hugues, officialis of the Sens curia, notes that a case (questio) was disputed between the churchs of Vauluisant and the Paraclete over tithes between the villages of Courgenay and Saint-Maurice. Finally, Pierre de Origny-le-Sec and Godefroy de Pouy settled it in a compromise: The Paraclete will receive tithes from the land of Remy which is next to that of Huimons up to Lancy. Vauluisant will obtain all tithes from Remy's other lands-which are next to these-and the other part of Huimons' land and the territory which extends from said land to the road of five brothers, and from this road up to the boundary stones (metas) on the edge of the land of Renaud Moignum. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fos. 10v - 11r Script E. B. Original, AD Yonne, H 712. 11.5 x 17.5 cm. Missing upper left part. Related Charters: 39, 105, 204, 372, MC41. Compromissio de limitatione decime Curgenei Omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis, Magister Hugo, curie Senonensis officialis, in Domino salutem. Noverint universi quod cum inter ecclesiam Vallis Lucentis et ecclesiama Paraclitensis super decima sita inter Corgeneium et villam Sancti Mauricii questio {11ra}verteretur, tandem dicte ecclesie super eadem querela in Petrum de Origniaco et Godefridum de Poisiaco compromiserunt. Qui arbitri dictum suum coram nobis protulerunt in hunc modum: quod ecclesia Paraclitensis totam decimam qui est et erit in territorio quod protenditur a terrab Remigii que contigua est terre Huimonis cum decima terre eiusdem Huimonis usque ad Lanciacum percipiet et quiete de cetero posidebit; ecclesia vero Vallis Lucentis totam decimam de alia terra predicti Remigii que contigua est ex alter parte terre dicti Huimonis et de territorio quod protenditur a dicta terre dicti Huimonis usque ad cheminum quinque fratrum, et a dicto chemino usque ad metas sitas in fine terre Renaldic Moignum similiter percipiet et libere possidebit. Quod ut ratum et firmum permaneat, presentem cartam sigillo senonensis curie fecimus roborari. Actum anno Gratie Mo CCo Octavodecimo, mense Maii. a. ecclesiam om. A. b. terra]terram B. c. Renaldi]Renaudi B. 39 [1193-1202.]5 51193, beginning of Garnier de Traînel's episcopacy, Gams. 1202, Garnier's departure on the Fourth Crusade. I believe Garnier died in the Latin Byzantine Empire in 1205. 164 Garnier, bishop of Troyes, notes that a case (causa) was disputed in his presence between the brothers of Vauluisant and the abbess of the Paraclete over the compact made between the two monasteries in the time of Abbess Héloïse and Abbot Norpaud (#204), which the monks claim the current abbess of the Paraclete was hardly following. Having heard that the abbess has appealed to Rome, Garnier states that since the deadline for appeals has (apparently) elapsed and the appeal by the abbess appears to have been hardly taken up, he is unable to deny the truth of the testimony forbidding the Paraclete to make acquisitions in territories of Pouy or Bernières. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 11r Script E. B. Original, AD Yonne, H 705. 12.9 x 17.8 cm. Related Charters: 38, 105, 204, 372, MC41. Attestatio Garnerii Trecensis episcopi de limitationem adquisitum Paracliti et Vallis Lucentis. G[arnerius], Dei gratia Trecensis episcopus, universis presentes litteras inspecturis salutem in vero salutari. Universitati vestre notum fieri volumus quod cuma causa verteretur {11rb}coram nobis inter fratres Vallis Lucentis et abbatissam Paracliti super quibusdam querelis et maxime super quadam compositione que inter predictas ecclesias tempore Norpaldi, abbatis, et Heluisse, abbatisse, facta fuerat. Quam compositionem predicti fratres asserebant abbatissam Paracliti minime observasse. Nobis audientibus in ipso litteris ingressu abbatissa illa ad audientiam domini pape appellavit, cum autem terminus appellationis elapsus sit et appellationem abbatissa minime fuerit prosecuta,b nos ad instantiam fratrum de veritate requisiti testimonium veritatis non possumus denegare. Querele autem super quibus controversia vertebatur inter ipsos sunt iste quod sicutc ex litteris predictarum ecclesiarum sigillis roboratis continebatur ecclesia Paraclitensis in territorio Posiensi et in territorio Berneriarum nichil quoquomodo poterit acquirered infra terminos in litteris illis designatos. a. cum]com B. d. acquirere]adquirere B. b. prosecuta]prosequta B. c. sicut]sicud B. 40 1192 (o. st.). Sens. Guy, Archbishop of Sens notes that Itier de Maulny, in extrema, willingly gave 1 modius of bread grains in tithes from Thorigny within the octave of the feast of Saint Remy (October 2 - 8): 3 sextarii of wheat, 3 of rye and a half-modius of spring grain. This donation was confirmed by Emeline, his mother, Anselm and Henri, his brothers, and his sisters Agnes, Sibyl and Clemence. Anselm promised to warranty the transaction. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 11r-v Script E. B. Original, AD Yonne, H 774. 11.5 x 22.9 cm. Seal of Guy, archbishop of Sens. Iterius de Malo Nido dedit modium bladi annui Guido, Dei gratia Senonensis archiepiscopus, omnibus ad quos littere iste pervenerint in Domino salutem. Notum fieri volumus, tam presentibus quam futuris, quod Iterius de Malo Nido, miles,a in extrema, voluntate dedit in perpetuam elemosinam ecclesie Vallis {11va}Lucentis et fratribus ibi Deo servientibus, de adquisito suo unum modium annone singulis annis percipiendum in decima de Torigniaco infra octabas Sancti Remigii: tres sextarios frumenti, tres sextarios siliginis et dimidium modium tremesii. Hanc autem donationem laudavit Emelina, mater sua, et fratres sui, Ansellus et Henricus, et sorores 165 sue, Agnes, etb Sibilla, et Clementia. Ansellus autem promisit donationem istam per omnia garantire. Anno Mo Coc Nonagesimo Secundo, datad Senonis per manum Magistri Petri cancellarii. a. miles om. A. d. data]datum B. b. et om. B. c. C° om. B. 41 12[2]5, October. No location. Jean, officialis of the Meaux curia, notes that Etienne de Chauconin and Isabelle, his wife, confirmed, conceded and quit the sale of 14 s. cens by Nobilis Mulier Martha de Provins, widow of Geoffroy Chailot, to Vauluisant for 55 l. provinois. Those 14 s. are from some 58-odd properties listed below. I believe that all these properties were in or around Provins -- those place names that I can identify (Durtano -- Durtain, Vosia -Voulzie, croslebarbs -- Crollebois, Fonte Rivant -- Fontaine Riant, la Bretoniere -Brettonière) either refer to Provins locations or undetermined locations suspected to be near Provins. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fos. 11v - 12v Script E . B. Original lost. Related Charters: 42-45, 84, 338. Distributio census quem vendidit Mass[a] de Pruvino Magister Iohannes, officialis curie Meldensis, omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis in Domino salutem. Notum facimus quod Stephanus de Chauconin et Ysabellis, uxor eius, in presentia nostra constituti concesserunt et laudaverunt et quitaverunt vendicionem census scilicet quatuordecim solidos pro quinquaginta quinque libris Pruvinensibus quam Marsa, nobilis mulier de Pruvino, relicta Gaufridi Challot, dicitur vendidisse pro se et pro predictis, scilicet Stephano et Ysabelli, ecclesie Vallis Lucentis sitos in talibus lo{11vb}-cis: Scilicet in domo de Pontesiaus que est Baldoini lo Chauceier, tres obolos. In furno de la tanerie de Durtano que est Bernardi le Celeron et Iacobi, quator denarios. In terra de Montavoir que est Balduin lo Crues, sex denarios et Pictavinam. In domo que fuit Gabois, unum obolus. In domo Bonelli le Cordier que est Guidonis de Revel militis, unum denarium. In areis qui sunt Petri de Durtano, quinque Pictavines. In terra de Beart que est dicti P. presbiteri, unum denarium. In domo sita apud Durtanum que est Gilonis Muti, unum [[unum]] obolum. In domo Domellot que est Gullelmi de Templo, duos denarios. In platea sita iuxta domum Helois la Bolemere que est dicte Helois quatuor denarios. In vinea de Fonte Rivant que est Herberti Greslet, quinque Pictavinas. In terra de Ferriun que est Iohannis le Gastelier, duos denarios. In areis de la Bretoniere que sunt Iohannis de Villa Cran, octo denarios. In terra de Meso que est Milonis Autisidorensis, quatuor denarios. In domo Bonelle le Cordier que est Odonis de Baceon, unum denarium. In terra Ferrium que est Petri Anglici. In vinea de Monroc que est Roberti de Ramerru {12ra}duo denarii. In vinea de Filigni que fuit Alexandri modo dicti Roberti, duos denarios. In teneura Philippus de Cuichermoi, tres Pictavinas. In domo que est Roberti Piscatoris, unum obolum et in orto suo unum denarium. In furno de Durtano que est Sancti Quiriaci Pruvini, duos denarios. In terra de Ferrion que est Theobaldi de Combles unum obolum. In vinea de Feleni que est fratribus milicie Templi, duos denarios. In terra de Ferriun que est Huberti Remundi, sex denarios. In terra de Montavoir que est Lamberti de Baceon, quinque denarios et obolum. In domo Hugonis 166 militis que est Godefridi Larchelier, unum denarium. In domo Iudearie que est domine Esmeraude, quatuor denarios. In platea Doumellot que est Adam le Molle, unum obolum. In dicta platea ab Evrardo Groignu, unum obolum. In pratis super Vosiam qui sunt Petri de Latiniaco canonici Sancti Quiriaci, sex denarios. De prato de Ponte qui Pluet quo est Arnulphi de Hyspania, tres denarios. In domo et in virgulto quo sunt Stephani Gros Boriois, duos denarios. In domo que est in vico de Puteo Beiardi que est relicte Galteri Pelliparii, duos denarios. In domo que est apud furnum Arenarum {12rb}que est Lamberti Carpentarii, septem denarios et pictavinam. In domo Molendini Novi que est Roberti Olearii, octo denarios. In domo sita apud Puteum Beiardi que Rolandi de Luca, quatuor denarios. In vinea sita apud Fontem Rivant que est Rieandis de Fonte Rivant, sex denarios et obolum. In areis de la Bretoniere que sunt Odonis de Castello, tres denarios et obolum. In Areis Novi que sunt Simonis Larchelier, quinque denarios et obolum. In terra de Via de Vuilenes que est uxoris Gaufridi Rigidi, quinque denarios et obolum. In vinea que est a Cortaon que est Aveline et Constantii, tres Pitavinas. In terra de Ferrium que est Aveline relicte Guillelmis Furberti, unum denarium. In domo molendinorum Mangis que est Aalent, quatuor denarios. In torretis que sunt Anselliu filii defuncti Mathei, unum obolum. In Via de Vilenes que est Anselli Maioris, tres denarios. In terra que est au Buisle que est Petri Sicci, septem petavinas. In terra de Vausella que est Margarite, duos denarios. In pratis de Croslebarbe que sunt relicte Stephani Luci, duos denarios. In oscha que est Petri de Sancta Columba, unum denarium. In pratis de Croslebarbe que sunt Herberti Bochet, unum denarium. In pratis {12va} de Crolebarbe que sunt Odonis Pokere, duos denarios et obolum. In pratis de Croslebarbe que sunt Dulce de Hulmo duos denarios et Pictavinam. In virgulto quod est Rolandini de Fontenoi, unum denarium. In Summo de Haiis que sunt Guardi Gromet, unum denarium. Esmarois de Croslebarbe, duos denarios. In pratis de Croslebarbe que sunt Hudeburgis de Villa Nova, unum obolum. Esmarois de Crolebarbe que sunt Iosberti Piunnier, tres Pictavinas. In terra da Sum la Haie que est Petri de Sesvieles, tres denarios. In pratis de Sesvieles que sunt Letardi de Sesvieles et Petri fratris eius, decem denarios. Esmarois de Croslebarbe qui sunt Iohannis Coisuet, duos denarios. In pratis de Croslebarbe que sunt Hysabellis filie Hugone, unum denarium. In terra que est in Via Sancti Lupi que est Emeniardis de Insula, septem pitavinas. In terra de Vaufelois que Hudeburgis est relicte Petri Alegrin, unum denarium. In terra de Vaufelois que Iohannis Halegrin, unum denarium. In Maraudis de Croslebarbe qui sunt Gilonis de Campis, unum obolum. Preterea sciendum est quod venditionem predictam predicti Stephanus et Isabellis uxor eius fide data creenverunt firmiter tenendam. Quod ut ratum et firmum permaneat, presentes litteras sigilli curie Meldensis fecimus roborari. Actum anno Domini, Mo {12vb} CCo [Vicesimo]6 Quinto, mense Octobri. 42 1225, November. No location. Michel, officialis of the Sens curia, notes that Guillaume Chailot, canon of Sens, and his brother Guy, sons of Martha, widow of Geoffroy Chailot, confirmed and conceded her sale to Vauluisant of 14 s. annual cens for 55 l. provinois as it is related in the letters of the Abbot of Saint-Jacques de Provins and the letters of the deacon of Christianity of Provins (probably Hemeric). 6 I justify adding vicesimo on the basis of the other charters pertaining to this transaction (noted in Related Charters, above), which all date from the winter of 1225-26. 167 A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo.12v Script E. B. Original lost. Related Charters: 41-45, 84, 338. Approbat Wllelmus Chailot Omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis, Magister Michael, curie Senonensis officialis, salutem in Domino. Noverint universi quod Wllelmus Chailot, canonicus Senonensis, et Guido, frater eius, filii Masse relicte Gaufridi Chalot, in nostra presentia constituti, vendicionem quatuordecim solidorum annui census pro quinquaginta quinque libris Pruvin[ensis] ab eadem Massa ecclesie Vallis Lucentis factam, sicut nobis constitit per litteras abbatis Sancti Iacobi Pruvini et per litteras decani Christianitatis Pruvini, quem ad hoc misimus specialiter audiendum, laudaverunt et concesserunt. Actum anno Gratie Mo CCo Vicesimo Quinto, mense Novembri. 43 1225, November 24. No location. Master Michel, officialis of the Sens curia, notes that Guillaume Chailot, canon of Sens, and Giles de Saint-Clement, his brother-in-law (sororius), pledged themselves to the brothers of Vauluisant that Nobilis Mulier Martha, widow of Geoffroy Chailot, mother of Guillaume, immediately before the feast of Saint Thomas the Apostle (December 21), would come to the Sens curia and would recognize there the sale of 14 s. and the gift of 6 more in things and holdings as contained in the letter of the abbot of Saint-Jacques of Provins. Guido, son of said Martha, recognized that he would make such a sale and donation with the same Martha to the brothers of Vauluisant. Otherwise, if she should not come to the Sens curia on that day, Guillaume and Gilo would satisfy Vauluisant concerning the 55 l. which those brothers had entrusted to Guy for the sale of fourteen s., or they would supply sufficient collateral (gagia). Guillaume Chailot would act for the Sens curia for the purposes of this agreement (at least this is the best I can make of the last sentence). A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fos. 12v - 13r Script E. B. Original lost. Related Charters: 41-45, 84, 338. De plegiis census Domine Masse Omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis, Magister Michael, curie Senonensis officialis, in Domino salutem. Noverint universi quod Wllelmus Chailot canonicus Senonensis et Gilo de Sancto Clemente sororius eius, in nostra presentia constituti, obligaverunt se plegios erga fratres Vallis Lucentis quod Nobilis Mulier Massa, relicta Gaufridi Chailot, mater predicta Wllelmi, infra instans festum Beati Thome Apostolici veniet ad curiam Senonensem, ibidem factura recognicionem venditionis quatuordecim solidorum et donationis sex solidorum {13ra}annui census percipiendorum [[percipiendorum]] in rebus et teneturis contentis in litteris abbatis Sancti Iacobi Pruvini. Quas vendicionem et donationem Guido, filius dicte Masse, coram nobis constitutus, recognovit se fratribus predictis fecisse cum eadem Massa, matre sua. Alioquin, nisi ipsa mulier dicta die venerit ad curiam Senensis factura quod superius est expressum, dicti Wllelmus et Gilo satisfacient ipsis fratribus super quinquaginta quinque libris Pruviniensibus, quas idem fratres tradiderunt supradicto Guidoni pro dicta venditione dictorum quatuordecim solidorum, vel sufficientia gagia tradent eisdem fratribus Vallis Lucentis. Dictus etiam 168 Wllelmus Chailot supposuit se quantum ad hoc curie Senenensis. Datum anno Gratie Mo CCo Vicesimo Quinto, crastino Sancti Clementis. 44 1225 (o. st.), January. No location. Master Michel, officialis of the Sens curia, notes that Martha, widow of Geoffroy Chailot, recognized that she sold to Vauluisant 14 s. and conferred in alms 6 s. of annual cens as it is expressed in certain letters of the abbot of Saint-Jacques de Provins. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 13r Script E. B. Original, AD Yonne, H 762. 7.9 x 17.5 cm. Related Charters: 41-45, 84, 338. Recognovit Massa venditionem Omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis, Magister Michael, curie Senonensis officialis, in Domino salutem. Noverint universi quod Massa, relicta Gaufridi Chailoz,a in nostra presentia constituta, recognovit se quatuordecim solidos annui census pro quinquaginta quinque libris Pruvinensibus vendidisse et sex solidos annui census in elemosinam contulisse fratribus Vallis Lucentis percipiendos in rebus et teneturis expres-{13rb}-sis in quibusdam litteris abbatis Sancti Iacobi Pruvinensis, fiducians se memoratis fratribus garantiam debitam super hiisb portaturam et per se vel per alios nullam in posterum questionem moturam. Actum anno Gratie, Mo CCo Vicesimo Quinto, mense Ianuario. a. Chailoz]Chailot B. b. hiis om. A. 45 1225, November. No location. Master Michel, officialis of the Sens curia, notes that Guillaume Chailot, canon of Sens, and Guy his brother, sons of Martha, widow of Geoffroy Chailot, confirmed and conceded Martha's donation to Vauluisant of 6 s. annual cens as it is expressed in the letter of the abbot of Saint-Jacques de Provins. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, p. 13r Script E. B. Original lost. Related Charters: 41-44, 84, 338. Approbat Willelmus elemosinam Omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis, Magister Michael, curie Senonensis officialis, in Domino salutem. Noverint universi quod Wllelmus Chailoz, canonicus Senonis, et Guido, frater eius, filii Masse, relicte Gaufridi Chailoz, in nostra presentia constituti, elemosinam sex solidorum annui census ab eadem Massa ecclesie Vallis Lucentis factam, sicut nobis constitit per litteras abbatis Sancti Iacobi Pruvini, laudaverunt et concesserunt. Actum anno Gratie, Mo CCo Vicesimo Quinto, mense Novembri. 46 1221 (o. st.), March. No location. The officialis of the Sens curia notes that Felix Teitarz and Simone, his wife, gave and conceded to the brothers of Vauluisant a terram liberam (Allod?) which they had bought from Perrote, Nobilis Mulier, in the territory of [La Chapellotte] Froide Paroît (Chapel- 169 Saint-Geneviève -- downriver from Troyes, although this document comes from Sens) for their anniversary [mass]. The brothers of Vauluisant conceded the same land to Felix and his wife to possess as long as they should live in exchange for a payment of 12 d. a year on the feast of the Assumption (August 15). A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 13r-v Script E. B. Original lost. Felicius Teitart dat terram quondam Perrote Omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis, officialis curie Senonensis, in Domino salutem. Noverint universi quod Felicius Teitarz et Simona, uxor eius, in presentia nostra constituti, pro remedio animarum suarum, fratribus Vallis Lucentis in perpetuam elemosinam dederunt et concesserunt terram liberam quam emerant de Perrota nobili muliere in territorio de Froide Paroit sitam, pro anniversario suo, singulis annis faciendo. Dicti vero {13va}fratres eandem terram dictis Felicio et uxori eius concesserunt quamdiu vixerint possidendam, ita quod dicti Felicius et uxor eius nomine recognitionis donationis dictis fratribus duodecim denarios singulis annis in festo Assumptionis Beate Marie persolvere tenebuntur. Recognovit etiam fide prestita dicta Simona quod terra illa non erat de dotalicio ipsius et quod dicte donationi pro salute et remedio anime sue consenserat spontanea voluntate, non coacta. Promiserunt etiam fide media dicti felicius et uxor eius se in dicta terra per se vel per alios nichil de cetero reclamaturos, nec etiam se contra donationem supradictam per se vel per aliquos aliquatenus venturos. In cuius rei memoriam et testimonium, presentem cartam fecimus annotari. Actum anno domini, Mo CCo Vicesimo Primo, mense Martio. 47 [1227 n. st.] 1226, March 11. Thursday. No location. Master Michel, officialis of the Sens curia, notes that Henri de Villiers-Bonneux gave in perpetual alms to the church of Vauluisant a sixth of the oven and the proceeds of the oven at Fontenay-de-Bossery, 1 sextarius of oats and 12 d. of the customs which Garnier Chacepen and Christina, his wife, owed him annually from a certain piece of land at Fontenay. He also gives in alms 5 bicheti of oats and 12 d. customs which Benoît and Sancta, his wife, owed Henri every year from certain holdings which they held from him. Moreover, Henri recognizes that he surrendered in alms whatever seigneurial rights he had in Christine and Sancta, sisters, and in Héloïse, their sister, as well as their children born and to be born, and in a certain man who was the son of the deceased Girard lo Chanelier. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 13v Script E. B. Original lost. Ind: Roserot II:601. Related Charter: NC15. Henricus de Viler Bonex dedit sexta partem furni de Fonteneto Bauseri Omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis, Magister Michael, curie Senonensis officialis, in Domino salutem. Noverint universi quod Henricus de Villari Bonoso, in nostra presentia constitutus, dedit in perpetuam elemosinam ecclesie Vallis Lucentis sextam partem furni et proventuum furni de Fonteneto Bauseri, unum sextarium a-{13vb}-vene, et duodecim denarios de costuma que Garnerius Chacepen et Christiana, uxor eius, annuatim ei debebant super quandam terram apud dictum Fontenetum sitam que ipsi tenebant ab 170 eodem Henrico. Dedit etiam in elemosinam eidem ecclesie quinque bichetos avene et duodecim nommos de costuma quos Benedictus et Sancta, uxor eius, annis singulis debebant eidem Henrico super quasdam teneturas quas ipsi tenebant ab eo sicut idem Henricus dicebat. Preterea, idem Henricus recognovit se contulisse in perpetuam elemosinam ecclesie memorate quicquid habebat in dictis Christiana et Sancta, sororibus, et Eluisi, earum sorore, et libris ipsarum natis et nascituris, et in quodam homine qui fuit filius defuncti Girardi lo Chanelier, promittens fide prestita corporali se dicte ecclesie garantiam debitam super his portaturum. Actum anno Gratie Mo CCo Vicesimo Sexto, die Iovis post Brandones. 48 1225 (o. st), January 26 - February 16.7 No location. Master Michel, officialis of the Sens curia notes that Pierre de Revello, domicellus, gave in perpetual alms to the church of Vauluisant, for the remedy of his soul and those of his brothers, Guy and Thibaut, 1 modius of grain from the molitura pertaining to the Comporte mill situated at Hermé. The church will receive half on the feast of Saint Remy (October 1), and half on Christmas (December 25). If Pierre should be unable to obtain a full modius of grain from the mill, he will supply the remainder and finish the modius from other payments of his. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fos. 13v - 14r Script E. B. Original lost. Petrus de Revello dedit modium bladi Omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis, Magister Michael, curie Senonensis officialis, in Domino salutem. Noverint universi quod Petrus de Revello domicellus, in nostra presentia constitutus, dedit ecclesie Vallis Lucentis in perpetu-{14ra}-am elemosinam, pro remedio anime sue ac fratrum suorum, Guidonis scilicet et Teobaudi, unum modium bladi de molitura in molendino de Comporte sito apud Hermet. His duobus terminis annuatim percipiendum, videlicet medietatem in festo Remigii et aliam medietatem in Nativitate Domini. Si vero in molendino predicto prefatus bladi modium integre capi non poterit, defectus supplebitur et perficietur de aliis redditibus ipsius Petri. Idem etiam Petrus promisit fide data se super illo blado predicte ecclesie garantiam debitam portaturum et illud bladum per fidem suam ab heredibus suis garantizari debite se futurum. Quod autem audivimus et recognitum coram nobis fuit, ad petitionem partium sine aliorum preiuditio, sub sigillo curie Senonensis testificamur. Actum anno Gratie Mo CCo Vicesimo Quinto, in quindena Purificationis Beate Marie. 49 1222 (o. st.), February. No location. The officialis of the Sens curia notes that Henri Gâtebléd, miles, willed, confirmed and conceded the donation that Pierre de Fontenay-de-Bossery, armiger, made to Vauluisant of land, cens and other things which he held in fief from Henri at Souligny-les-Etangs, 7The date is given as in the quindene of the Purification of the Virgin (February 2). Most likely, this period stretched from February 3 to 16. Furthermore, the usage of this term, and not the octave, suggests that it would be the second week, viz., the period from February 10 to 16. Further exegesis might suggest that the date given was the day of the medieval quindene, February 16. 171 and wherever else they were which he held in fief from him. Henri also quit whatever Pierre owed to him of homage from those lands. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 14r Script E. B. Original lost Ind: Evergates p. 244, n. 51, Lalore, Traînel, no. 198, Roserot II:601. Related Charter: 50. Approbatio elemosine Petri de Fontenaio Omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis, officialis curie Senonensis, salutem in Domino. Noverint universi quod, in presentia nostra constitutus, Henricus Gasteble, miles, donationem quam Petrus de Fontenaio in Bauseriaco armiger fecit ecclesie Vallis Lucentis, {14rb}terre videl[i]cet census et aliarum rerum quas habebat apud Sullunacum, et alibi ubicumque essent et que de feodo ipsius Henrici movebant, voluit et laudavit et concessit. Quitavit etiam eundem Petrum prefatus miles de humagio suo quod ei fecerat dictus Petrus ratione predictorum terre, videlicet census et aliorum. In cuius rei memoriam, ad petitionem partium, presentes litteras scribi et impressione sigilli curie Senonensis fecimus roborari. Actum anno Domini Mo CCo Vicesimo Secundo, mense Februario. 50 1222, December. No location. The officialis of the Sens curia notes that Pierre de Fontenay-de-Bossery, armiger, gave in perpetual alms to the brothers of Vauluisant his land and vineyards and 3 1/2 s. provinois of cens and whatever he had in the territories Fontenay-de-Bossery and Bello Videre, except one house at Fontenay-de-Bossery with an orchard and garden which he kept for himself. He also gave 22 1/2 d. of rent and whatever rights he has at Souligny and 3 pieces of meadow in the finage of Motte-Tilly and rights in Pouy and Barbuise. Philippa, his wife, confirmed, willed and conceded this. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 14r-v Script E. B. Original lost. Ind: Roserot II:601 (I:147?). Related Charter: 49. Petrus de Fontenaio en Bauseri dedit terras vineam censum Officialis curie Senonensis, omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis in Domino salutem. Noverint universi quod Petrus de Fontenaio en Bauseri, armiger, in nostra presentia constitutus, recognovit se dedisse in perpetuam elemosinam fratribus Wallislucentis terras suas, et vineam suam, et tres solidos et dimidium Pruvinenses censuales, et quicquid habebat in territoriis de Fontenaio enBauseri et de Bello Videre, excepta una domo sita apud Fontenaium emBausiri, et virgulto, et oschia una retro eandem domum sita, que sibi retinuit idem Petrus. Dedit etiam eisdem fratribus in elemosinam terras suas, {14va}et viginti duos denarios et obolum censuales, et quicquid iuris habebat et habere debebat apud Suleniacum; et tres petias pratorum sitas in finagio de Tiliaco, et homines et feminas suas ubicumque sint, et quicquid iuris habebat et habere debebat in territoriis de Posiaco et de Barbusia, fide pres[t]ita ab eodem petro quod per se vel per alios contra dictos fratres nullam in posterum super his questionem movebit. Dictam autem elemosinam Philippa, uxor eiusdem Petri, que presens erat, coram nobis fide prestita de non reclamando, laudavit, voluit et concessit renuntians omni iuri quod habebat in predictis rebus ratione dotis seu qualibet alia ex causa et omni privilegio 172 legum et canonum, consuetudinum et usus quod ei in hoc facto posset prodesse, fratribus vero eisdem obesse. Fiduciavit insuper quod hoc faciebat spontanea, provide sine dolo, non coacta. Quod autem audivimus et recognitum fuit coram nobis, ad petitionem partium sine preiudicio alterius, sub sigillo Senonensis curie testificamur. Actum anno Gratie Mo CCo Vicesimo Secundo, mense Decembri. 51 1223, December 2. No location. Master W. (Geoffroy?), officialis of the Auxerre curia, notes that Jean Chaucart recognized that he gave to the church of Vauluisant two pieces of vineyard in the censiva of Saint-Bris next to Vaux, which vineyards were operated by (genitive) Durand de Brauna. Guillaume de Chas and Pivo or Primo de Porte, ministeriales of aforesaid vineyards, confirmed the donation. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 14v Script E B. Original lost. Iohannes Chauchart dedit duas petias vinearum in censiva Sancti Prisci {14vb}Omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis, Magister W., officialis curie Autisiodorum, salutem in Domino. Noveritis quod, in nostra presentia constitutus, Iohannis Chaucart recognovit se dedisse ecclesie Vallis Lucentis in perpetuam elemosinam duas pecias vinearum sitarum in censiva de Sancto Prisco iuxta Valles, que vinee fecerunt Durandi de Brauna. Hanc autem donationem laudaverunt, coram nobis, Wllelmus de Chas et Pivo de Porta, ministeriales predictorum vinearum. In cuius rei memoriam, presentibus litteris sigillum curie Autisiodorensis fecimus apponi. Actum anno Gratie Mo CCo Vicesimo Tercio, die Sabbati ante festum Beati Nicholai. 52 1225, October. No location. Master Michel, officialis of the Sens curia, notes that Renaud, prepositus of Crésentignes (The Inventaire-Sommaire des Archives Départementales de l'Yonne states Créancy), gave in perpetual alms to the brothers of Vauluisant all the terragia he had at l'Eschemines and 4 1/2 d. provinois cens on the house and surroundings of deceased Clarin in the same village. Elisabeth, his wife, confirmed, willed and conceded this transaction. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fos. 14v - 15r Script E. B. Original, AD Yonne, H 723. 11.0 x 17.3 cm. Renardus de Cresenci dedit terraginam de Eschemines. Omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis, Magister Michael, curie Senonensis officialis, in Domino salutem. Noverint universi quod Renaldus, prepositus de Cresentiaco, in nostra presentia constitutus, dedit in perpetuam elemosinam fratribus Vallis Lucentis totum terragium suum de Cheminis et quatuor denarios et obolum Pruvinenses annui census super domum et porprisama defuncti Clarini de Cheminis sitos. Dictam autem elemosinam Elysabeth,b {15ra}uxor eius, que presens erat coram nobis, laudavit, voluit et concessit, renuntians omni iuri quod habebat in dictis rebus ratione dotis seu qualibet alia ex causa. Ipsa vero et dictus Renaldus, maritus eius, promiserunt fide data se super eisdem rebus eisdem fratribus garantiam debitam portaturos et, per se vel per alios, 173 nullam in posterum super his questionem moturos. Actum anno Gratie Mo CCo Vicesimo Quinto, mense Octobri. a. porprisam]porprisiam B. b. Elysabeth]Elisabeth B. 53 1224, December 6. No location. Geoffroy, officialis of the Auxerre curia, notes that Geoffroy Galois and Ermengard his wife recognized that they traded a vineyard in the territory of Drelene for one in the territory called Bar (Barrum). A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 15r Script E. B. Original lost. Related Charters: 64, 98. Commutatio vinee Barri ad vineam Dreline Omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis, Gaufridus officialis curie Autisiodorum, salutem in Domino. Noveritis quod, in nostra presentia constituti, Gaufridus Gallicus et Ermengardis, uxor eius, recognoverunt quod ipsi cum religiosis viris abbate et conventu Vallis Lucentis talem fecerant commutationem: videlicet, quod ipsi Gaufridus et uxor eius quandam vineam suam sitam in territorio Drelene dederant eisdem abbati et conventui Vallis Lucentis pro quadam alia vinea sita in territorio quod dicitur Barrum. Actum anno Gratie Mo CCo Vicesimo Quarto, datum in festo Beati Nicholai. 54 1223 (o. st.), March. No location. The officialis of the curia of Sens notes that Etienne de Villeneuve-aux-Riches-Hommes gave to the church of Vauluisant the cens from four property groupings(listed) that he held freely (in allod?) totalling 2 s., to be paid by Etienne or his tenants on the Exaltation of the Cross (September 14). A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 15r Script E. B. Original lost. Stephanus de Villa Nova Divitum dedit duos solidos census Omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis, officialis curie Senonensis, in Domino salutem. Noverint universi quod cum Stephanus de Villano-{15rb}-va Divitum libere teneret, sicut ipse dicebat, apud ipsam Villam Novam omnes teneturas inferius nominatas, tandem ipse, in nostra presentia constitutus, dedit ecclesie Vallis Lucentis in perpetuam elemosinam censum duorum solidorum Pruvinensium, ab eodem Stephano vel ab eis qui tenebunt teneturas predictas, solvendorum fratribus Vallis Lucentis annis singulis in Exaltatione Sancti Crucis. Quem censum taliter eisdem fratribus assignavit sex denarios super domum suam et ocham, et super duas pecias terre au Mares; alios sex denarios super Campum de Chatelet, super terram de Spina Raart et super Terram de Chaanat; alios sex denarios super terras de Labergerie et super duas petias terre sitas ad Crucem; alios sex denarios super terras de Furcis et de Trambleio et de Vallenorde. Quod autem audivimus et recognitum fuit coram nobis, ad petitionem partium sine preiudicio alterius, sub sigillo Senonensis curie testificamur. Actum anno Gratie, Mo CCo Vicesimo Tertio, mense Marcio. 174 55 1229, September. No location. Master Michel, officialis of the Sens curia, notes that Herbert de Vico Novo, miles, and his wife, Nobilis Mulier Agnes, widow of Guy de Maupas, miles, gave 1 modius of grain, minus 1 bichetus, namely one half-modius of barley and one bichetus less than one halfmodius of wheat in the measure of Thorigny, 14 s., 20 loaves, and twenty chickens from customs, all moving in chief from Agnes. Further, the abbot and convent of Vauluisant specially sent letters patent to the officialis appointing Brother Hugues of the same church (Vauluisant) as procurator to concede to Agnes 9 sextarii of barley in the measure of Villeneuve-l'Archevêque and 27 s. to be paid within the octave of Christmas (December 26 - January 1) for the length of her life. As Agnes is deceased (sublata de medio), the church of Vauluisant shall be free from the payment of said things. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 15r-v Script E (after B). B. Original, AD Yonne, H 723. 14.1 x 15.0 cm. C. Slightly earlier version,8 AD Yonne, H 723. 11.2 x 20.2 cm. Ind: Evergates, p. 187.9 Herbertus de Vico Novo dedit dimidium modium ordei uno bicheto minus Omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis, Magister Michael, curie Senonensis officalis, in Domino salutem. {15va}Noverint universi quod Herbertus de Vico Novo, miles, et Nobilis Mulier Agnes, uxor eius, relicta Guidonis de Malo passu, militis, in nostra presentia constituti, dederunt in perpetuam elemosinam ecclesie Vallis Lucentis dimidium modium ordei, uno bicheto minus unum bichetum frumenti ad mensuram Iovigniaci et quatuordecim solidos Pruvinenses, viginti capones et viginti panes de costuma de capite ipsius Agnetis totaliter moventes annis singulis apud Espinoliuma percipiendos fide prestita promittentes se predicta omnia debite supradicte ecclesie garantituros et nullumb per se vel per alios in posterum questionem moturos. Dictum autem donum Iohannes de Fontanis, miles, et Iterusc filius Henrici de Torigniaco, militis, de quorum feodis movent res predicte in nostra presentia eidem ecclesie laudaverunt. Abbas vero et conventus dicte ecclesie Vallis Lucentis suas nobis patentesd litteras specialiter destinarunt, continentes quod ipsi constituerant procuratorem suum, fratrem Hugonem, monachum eiusdem ecclesie, ad concedendum ex parte ipsorum supra dicte Agnete, uxori dicti Herberti, ea que infe-{15vb}-rius sunt expressa. Concessit igitur coram nobis eidem Agneti dictus frater, Hugo nomine, ipsorum novem sextarios ordei ad mensuram Ville Nove Dominie Archiepiscopi, ac viginti septem solidos Pruvinenses ab eadem Agnete quamdiu ipsa vixerit apud Mallum Passum annis singulis percipiendos infra octabas Natalis Domini. Ipsa vero Agnete, sublata de medio, dicta ecclesia libera erit et immunis a solutione dictarum rerum.f Actum anno Gratie, Mo CCo Vicesimo Nono, mense Septembri. 8This distinction is determined solely by the absence of the last clause stating that Agnes is deceased (sublata de medio). If read in this way, the first charter records a donation made by Herbert and Agnes, preserving Agnes the income for the rest of her life. As Agnes dies shortly after the first charter, a second charter is drawn up with the same terms, but with this additional clause nullifying the now-obsolete concessions. 9 "Agnes, nobilis mulier, gave the abbey one modius of grain, 4 s., twenty loaves of bread, and twenty chickens from her custom, which was the fief of Jean of Fontaine, miles, and Iter, son of Henri of Thorigny, miles." 175 a. Espinolium]Espiniolium C. b. nullum]nullam C. d. patentes om. C. e. Domini om. BC. f. Ipsa vero Agnete . . . dictarum rerum om. C. c. Iterus]Iterius BC. 56 [1226 n. st.] 1225, March 20.10 Friday. No location. Master Michel, officialis of the Sens curia, notes that Philippe de Nogent, burgher of Sezanne, gave in perpetual alms to the church of Vauluisant a house with buildings and appurtenances and a nearby camera in Provins near the Ponte-de-Changis. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fos. 15v - 16r Script E. B. Original lost. De domo Pruvino in vico de Changi que est ex dono Philippi de Nogento. Omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis, Magister Michael, curie Senonensis officialis, in Domino salutem. Noverint universi quod Philippus de Nogento, burgensis Sezannie, coram nobis constitutus, donavit in perpetuam elemosinam ecclesie Vallis Lucentis quandam domum sitam apud Pruvinensem iuxta Pontem de Changi cum appenditiis et pertinentiis eiusdem domus, et quandam cameram que est prope illam domum, promittens fide prestita corporali se dicte ecclesie garantiam debitam portaturum, et per se vel per alios nullam in posterum questionem moturum. Actum anno Gratie, Mo CCo XXo Vo, die Ve[neris] ante Dominicam qua cantatur {16ra}Oculi Mei. 57 1222, November. No location. The officialis of the Archdeacon of Sens notes that Guillaume, prepositus of Traînel, and Aceline, his wife, gave to the church of Vauluisant in perpetual alms for their souls and those of the deceased Garin Forrel, once husband of Aceline, and their ancestors, 12 d. provinois annual cens to be paid on the Feast of Saint Remy (October 1) from the terragium that they had at Fontenay-de-Bossery which was from Aceline's property. The also give one half-modius of oats to be paid on the feast of Saint Remy from the same terragium after Aceline's death. This donation is made so that after the death of Aceline, whoever should poses the remainder (residuum) of the terragium will pay annually to said church of Vauluisant by the same terms 12 d. cens. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 16r Script E. B. Original, AD Yonne, H 725. 11.8 x 18.1 cm. Wllelmus prepositus de Triangulo dedit duodecim denarios censuales Omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis, officialis curie archidiaconi Senonensis, in Domino salutem. Noverint universi quod Wllelmus,a prepositus Trianguli, et Acelina, uxor eius, coram nobis constituti, dederunt in perpetuamb elemosinam ecclesie Vallis Lucentis, pro remedio animarum suarum et defuncti Garini Forrel, quondam mariti eiusdem Aceline, et antecessorum suorum, duodecim denarios Pruvinenses annui census solvendos in festo Beati Remigii super terragium quod ipsi possident apud Fontenetum enBauseri ex parte dicte Aceline. Dederunt etiam eidem ecclesie dimidiumc modium 10Once again, the assumption is made that the method of dating employed was either Annunciation or Easter. If, by chance, Master Michel used Nativity or Circumcision style, the date would be February 28, 1225. 176 avened percipiendume singulis annis in festo Beati Remigii in eodem terragio post decessum dicte Aceline, ita etiam quod quicumque residuum dicti terragii post decessum dicte Aceline possederit reddet annuatim dicte ecclesie dicto termino dictos duodecim denarios censuales. In cuius rei memoriam et testimonium, ad petitionem partium, sigillo curie archidiaconi Senonensis, sine preiudicio alterius, presentes litteras fecimus roborari. Actum anno Domini, Mo Ducentesimo {16rb}Vicesimo Secundo, mense Novembri. a. Wllelmus]Guillelmus B. b. in perpetuam]imperpetuam B. c. ecclesie dimidium]ecclesie coram nobis dimidium add. B. d. modium avene]modium modium avene A. percipiendum]percipiende A. e. 58 [1225 n. st.] 1224, February 22. Saturday.11 No location. Master Michel, officialis of the Sens curia, notes that Eudes Noblet de Fontenay-deBossery gave to God and the church of Vauluisant himself and all his possessions (se et sua), movable and immovable which he has and will have in the future. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 16r Script E B. Original lost. Related Charters: 106, NC15. Odo Noblet dat se et sua Valli Lucenti Omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis, Magister Michael, curie Senonensis officialis, in Domino salutem. Noverint universi quod Odo Noblet de Fontenaio em Bauseri, in nostra presentia constitutus, dedit se deo et ecclesie Beate Marie Vallis Lucentis et omnia bona sua, tam mobilia quam immobilia, que habet et est in posterum habiturus. In cuius rei memoriam et testimonium, presentem cartam annotari et sigillo Senonensis curie fecimus roborari. Actum anno Gratie M. CC. Vicesimo Quarto, Sabbato post Brandones. 59 [1207 - 1218] No location.12 Nicholas, canon of Saint-Remi de Sens, gives and concedes to the house of Vauluisant for his soul and the souls of his relatives 12 arpents of meadow at Courlon with 4 s. cens. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 16r Script E. B. Original lost. Nicholaus de Sancto Remigio dedit XII arpenta prati. Magister Philippus, curie Senonensis officialis, omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis in Domino. Noverint universi quod Nicholaus de Sancto Remigio, canonicus Senonis, coram nobis constitutus, dedit et concessit, pro salute anime sue et parentum suorum, in 11This date relies on a few assumptions: First, that Circumcision or Nativity style dating was not employed. If either style was used, the date would be Saturday, March 9, 1224. The second assumption is that Brandones here signifies the first Sunday of Lent, and not the entire week following it. Were this the case, then the date would be a week later, viz. March 1, 1225 or March 16, 1224. 121207-18, extreme dates for the officialis Philippe's predecessor and successor's appearances in this cartulary, extremes for Philippe's appearances are 1209-15. 177 elemosinam domui Vallis Lucentis duodecim arpenta prati apud Colleium cum quatuor solidis census, qui sui erant, quiete et pacifice possidenda. 60 1199, November. No location. Garnier, bishop of Troyes, notes that Garnier, miles of Marcilly-le-Hayer gave in perpetual alms to Vauluisant the tithe at Vamplum, which is between Marcilly-le-Hayer and Bellevillette, and whatever rights he had there. Confirmations were given by Giles, his son and Emengard, his wife. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 16 r-v Script E. B. Original lost. Related Charter: 141. Garnerius miles de Marcelli dedit decimam de Vamplum Garnerius, Dei gratia Trecensis episcopus, omnibus ad quos littere iste pervenerint, in Domino salutem. Noveritis {16va}quod Garnerius, miles de Marceliaco, in nostra presentia constitutus, donavit ecclesie Vallis Lucentis in elemosinam decimam de Vamplum, que est inter Marceliacum et Bellam Villam, iure perpetuo possidendam et quicquid iuris habebat in ea. Hanc etiam donationem Gilo, filius eiusdem Garneri, et Emengardis, uxor ipsius Gilonis, nobis presentibus laudaverunt et huic facto suum prebuere consensum. Nos autem ut donatio ipsa nulla possit malignitate perverti, presentes litteras factum ipsum plenarie continentes scribi fecimus et sigilli nostri patrocinio communiri. Actum anno Gratie, Mo Co Nonagesimo Nono, mense Novembri. 61 1218, April 23. No location. Guillaume, bishop of Auxerre notes that thee abbot and convent of Vauluisant conceded seven arpenta of vineyard in the territory called Mons de Fois to Jean Futori, Guillaume buart, Pierre de Chablis, Robert Picoire, Jean Normant, Guillaume Vitiarius, Etienne de Valli de Marci and their heirs to possess in exchange for an annual payment of 15 s. auxerrois per arpent, to be paid on the day after All Saints' Day (November 2) at the house of the `monks at Vaux. If they should sell the land, these rents still must be paid. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 16v Script E. B. Original lost. De quibusdam vineis dati ad censivam in Vallibus Vullelmus, Dei gratia Autisiodorensis episcopus, omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis, in Domino salutem. Noverint universi presentes pariter et futuri quod abbas et conventus Vallis Lucentis concesserunt septem arpenta vinearum sita in territorio quod dicitur Mons de Fois, Iohanni Futori, Wllelmo Buart, Petro de Chableis, Roberto Picoire, Iohanni Normant, Wllelmo Vitriario, Stephano de Valle de Marci, et [e]oruma heredibus, eo tenore: quod quilibet eorum habebit tantummodo unum arpentum de quo quindecim solidorum Autisidorensis monete {16vb}annui redditus in domo predictorum monachorum de Vallibus in crastino Omnium Sanctorum, eisdem vel eorum mandato solvere tenebitur. Et si tunca in solutione predicti redditus quis eorum defecerit, ipse emendam secundum usus et consuetudines patrie predictis monachis solvere tenebitur. Verum, si aliquis eorum vendiderit vel pignori obligaverit vel quolibet aliomodo 178 alienaverit arpentum suum, ille qui possidebit illud nichilominus redditum predictum predictis monachis et emendam secundum quod predictum est supradicto loco et termino. Hoc totum superius nominatum predictis hominibus singillatim nominatis in presentia nostra concedentibus et approbantibus, nos autem, ad partium peticionem, in huius rei memoriam et testimonium, presentes litteras sigilli nostri munimine duximus roborandas. Actum anno Gratie Mo CCo Octavo decimo, mense Aprili. Datum die Sancti Georgii. a. sic A. Possibly a mis-expansion of tamen. 62 1218, November. No location. Hervée, bishop of Troyes, notes that Pierre de Boi (Bouy-sur-Orvin?) and Henri de Thorigny, milites, were executors of the testament of Dominus Garnier [III] de Traînel and that he bequeathed to the monks of Vauluisant an annual payment of 100 s. for a pittance on his anniversary. This money was to come from the market (mercatus) and mayorship of Marigny-le-Châtel, and if this source should not produce 100 s., the remainder was to be taken from the cens and customs of the same village. The 100 s. was to be paid on the feast of the Purification of the Virgin (February 2). A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fos. 16v - 17r Script E. B. Original, AD Yonne, H 759. 16.8 x 14.8 cm. Ind: Lalore, Traînel, no. 193; Roserot, II:863. Related Charter: 113. Legatum Domini Garneri de Marigni in quo habemus C. solidos pro pitancia. Ego Herveus, Dei gratia Trecensis episcopus, notum facimus omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis quod Petrus de Boeio et Henricus de Torigniaco,a milites, in nostra presentia constituti, recognoverunt quod cum {17ra}[Galterus],13 abbas Vallis Lucentis et ipsi exsequtoresb essent testamenti bone memorie Domini Garneri de Triangulo centum solidos annui redditus quos idem Garnerius monachis vallis lucentis pro pitantiac in die anniversarii sui legaverat. Assignaverant percipiendos annuatim in mercato et maioria de Marigniaco,d que si non sufficerent, in censibus et coutumis eiusdem ville quod minus esset caperetur, ita quod quicumque dictam maioriam habebit tenebitur facere fidelitatem et iuramentum abbati Vallis Lucentis vel eius mandato quod predictos centum solidos reddet eisdem singulis annis in purificatione Beate Virginis quamdiu tenebit maioriam supradictam. In cuius rei testimonium, presentem paginam, ad petitionem predictorum abbatis, Petri et Henrici, militum, sigillo nostro fecimus roborari. Anno Gratie, Mo CCo Octavodecimo, mense Novembri. a. Torigniaco]Thoreniaco B. C. Marigniaco]Mariniaco B. b. exsequtores]exsecutores B. c. pitantia]pitancia B. 63 1195 (o. st.). No location. Garnier, bishop of Troyes, notes that when Henri, miles of Paisy-Cosdon, transferred to the Church of Vauluisant for the reason of religion (causa religionis se transferret), he gave to the same church in perpetual alms a certain land which he held in allod that was 13 in both copies, two points, (i.e., . .) appear in the place of an initial, suggesting that the abbot's name was to be filled in later, but never was. 179 called Vallis Putei in the finage of Origny[-le-Sec?]. Maria, Henri's wife, Girard, his son and Luce, their daughter, confirmed these alms. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 17r Script E. B. Original, AD Yonne, H 759. 8.6 x 13.9 cm. Henricus de Paisi dedit terram que dicitur Vallis Putei G[arnerius], Dei gratia Trecensis episcopus, omnibus ad quos presentes littere pervenerint, in Domino salutem. Ad universitatis vestre volumus noticiam pervenire quod cum Henricus miles de Paisiaco ad ecclesiam Vallis Lucentis causa religionis se transferret, eidem ecclesie in perpetuam ele-{17rb}-mosinam dedit terram quandam quam habebat in alodio que dicitur Vallis Putei in finagio Oregniaci constitutam. Hanc itaque elemosinam ecclesie factam laudaverunt, in presentia nostra, Maria, uxor predicti Henrici, Girardus, filius eius et Luca, filia eorumdem. Ne autem ecclesia super eadem elemosina malignitate successorum in posterum turbaretur, ad petitionem utriusque partis presens scriptum sigilli nostri fecimus testimonio confirmari. Actum anno Gratiea Mo Co Nonagesimo quinto. a. gratie]incarnati verbi B. 64 1219, June. No location. Guillaume, bishop of Auxerre, notes that Hervée de Moneta, citizen of Auxerre, recognizes that Adeline, his deceased wife, gave to the church of Vauluisant in perpetual alms, for the love of God and for her soul, a vineyard called de Bar. In addition, Hervée conceded 5 s. of cens (which he held in chief) from the vineyard de Piro, to be paid on the day following All Saints' Day (November 2). A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 17r-v Script E. B. Original lost. Related Charters: 53, 98. Donum Adeline de vinea de Bar in territorio Vallium Guillelmus, Dei gratia episcopus Autisiodorensis, omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis salutem in Domino. Notum facimus universis quod Herveus de Moneta, civis Autissiodorum, in nostra presentia constitutus, recognovit quod defuncta Adelina, uxor sua, in perpetua elemosinam dederat, Dei amore, et anime sue remedio et salute, quandam vineam suam que dicitur de Bar ecclesie de Vallelucenti. Idem vero Herveus concessit coram nobis et gratam habuit donationem predictam ab uxore sua factam. Preterea dedit eidem ecclesie quinque solidos annui census assignatos super vineam de Piro que de suo capite {17va}movet, percipiendos annuatim in crastino Omnium Sanctorum. In cuius rei testimonium, presentes litteras sigilli nostri munimine duximus roborandas. Actum anno Gratie, Mo CCo Nonodecimo, mense Iunio. 65 [1185 - 1193]14 No location. 141185, death of Anselm II, Evergates; 1193, death of Manasses, bishop of Langres, Gams. 180 Manasses, bishop of Langres, makes known that his sister, the domina of Traînel [Hermesent de Bar-sur-Seine] recognized and surrendered the alms which her deceased husband, Anselm [II], dominus of Traînel made to the church of Vauluisant. Moreover, she surrendered and recognized these alms at the entreaties of Manasses and Brother Gaucher of Clairvaux. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 17v Script E. B. Original lost. Ind: Lalore, Traînel, no. 128; Evergates, p. 160, p. 207(?). Approbat Domina Trianguli quandam elemosinam viri sui Ego Manasses, Dei gratia Lingonensis episcopus, omnibus notum facio sororem meam, dominam Trianguli, in presentia mea, recognovisse et guerpisse quandam elemosinam quam vir eius bone memorie Ansellus, dominus Trianguli, fecerat ecclesie Vallis Lucentis. Me autem presente et prece mea et Fratris Gaucheri Clarevallensis, hanc eandem elemosinam guerpivit et recognovit prefata soror mea. 66 1196 (o.st.) [1193?].15 No location. Guy, archbishop of Sens (d. 1193) or Michael de Corbeil (1193-1199), notes that Gautier Damoiseau, and Emengard, his wife, gave to the monks of Vauluisant all the land that they acquired by their labor in the woods of Bosse to possess in perpetuity in the name of alms, resigning the land in the hands of the archbishop, who invests Guillaume, abbot, in them in the name of the abbot's church. The abbot and monks of Vauluisant, considering the devotion and service of Gautier and his wife, gave to the couple the convent's vineyards in Longchamps and in the faubourg of Saint-Pierre-le-Vif at Sens along with a house and other buildings, including a wine press, to be returned after their death. The monks also conceded that whenever Gautier wishes, they will receive him into their order. Further, Emengard will be put up in one of their houses and they will provide her with necessities. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 17v Script E. B. Original lost. Related Charters: 242, 248, 250, 282. Galterus damisellus dat in elemosina terram de Bociis 151196 is the date given below. A misreading of MCXCIII as MCXCVI could be the culprit, but the Gallia Christiana reports that abbot Guillaume, "an. 1196 de quadam terra de Boocis Michaël archiepiscopus investivit" (G.C. t. 12, col. 232), suggesting that another possibility is that the initial G that was inserted for the archbishop may be in error. The original of this charter does not survive. If the monks who compiled the Gallia Christiana used the cartulary copy for their evidence, which seems the most likely case, then the attribution to Archbishop Michel was the result of a correction on their part. Naturally, the editors of the Gallia Christiana may have correctly emended the text; if, on the original, the initial of the archbishop was initially left blank and filled in later or was never filled in, as happens elsewhere in documents for this monastery and region, then, indeed, it could have been Archbishop Michel. This view can be reinforced by #119, where the original has the name of the abbot of Vauluisant left blank, while the cartulary copy provides his name. In that case, however, the abbot and the the relatively recent nature of the act (six years before the redaction of the 1229 cartulary) precluded the possibility of error. To put it simply, the date is by no means certain. 181 G[uido], Dei gratia Senonensis archiepiscopus, omnibus ad quos littere presentes pervenerint in Domino salutem. Notum fieri volumus quod, constituti in presentia nostra, Galterus Damisellus, et uxor eius, Ermengardis, dederunt dilectis filiis monachis de Vallelucenti totam terram quam de labore suo adquisierant in nemore de bociis nomine elemosine in perpetuum possidendam. Prenotatati etiam Galterus et uxor eius in manu nostra dictam {17vb}terram resignaverunt et nos de assensu et voluntate eorum in continenti dilectum filium Willelmum, abbatem Vallis Lucentis, de eadem terra nomine ecclesie sue investivimus. Siquidem prefatus abbas considerans et monachi Vallis Lucentis considerantes devotionem et obsequium quod dictus Galterus et uxor eius sue ecclesie exhiberent eis, vineam suam de Longo Campo et vineam de Vico Sancti Petri Senonensis cum domo et torculari, et aliis pertinentiis suis dum vixerint habendas concesserunt, hac tamen conditione: quod post decessum eorum dicte possessiones et quicquid ipsi poterunt adquirere Senonensis ad ecclesiam Vallis Lucentis libere et sine contradictione qualibet revertetur. Concesserunt etiam dicti monachi Galtero memorato quod, quando ipse voluerit, in domo eorum in ordine recipietur et Ermengardis, uxor eius quod, quando voluerit ipsa, in una mansionum eorum et recipietur et providebunt ei necessaria. In cuius rei memoriam, presentem cartam notari fecimus et sigilli nostri munimine roborari. Actum anno incarnati Verbi, Mo Centesimo Nonagesimo Sexto. 67 1219 (o. st.). No location. Master Hugues, officialis of Sens, notes that Herbert de Vexiaco and Elisabeth, his wife, recognized that they sold to Vauluisant for 15 1/2 l. provinois a wood that belonged to the deceased Roger de la Perte situated next to Concas (Collonges?) and the estate (fundum terre) which contains the woods, and whatever rights he had in the estate and woods. Felix, Elisabeth's brother, warrantied the transaction. Guiburgis, mother of Felix, confirms and concedes. Elisabeth recognized that she was not induced by any force to make this sale. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 18r Script E. B. Original, AD Yonne, H 738. 10.3 x 25.6 cm. {18ra}Quomodo nemus defuncti Rogeri de la Perte fuerit adquisitum Omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis, magister Hugo officialis Senonensis, in Domino salutem. Noverint universi quod Herbertus de Vexiaco et Elysabeth, uxor eius, recognoverunt coram nobis se vendidisse fratribus Vallis Lucentis pro quindecim libris et dimidia Pruvinensibus, nemus quoddam quod fuit defuncti Rogeri de la Perte, situm iuxta Concas,a et fundum terre in qua situm est nemus illud, et quicquid iuris habebant in illo nemore et in fundo, fiduciantes se in dicto nemore et in fundo nichil de cetero reclamaturos. Quam venditionemb Felicius, frater dicte Elysabeth, qui se plegium obligavit de eo quod ipsi Herbertus et eius uxor eisdem fratribus debitam garantiam portabunt, sicut ipsi promiserunt per fidem suam, et Guiburgis, mater dicti Felisii, laudaverunt et concesserunt, sub fidei religione promittentes quod nichil reclamabunt de cetero in nemore et in fundo predictis. Recognovit etiam Elysabet predicta quod ad id faciendum aliqua vi non fuit inducta. Quod autem audivimus et recognitum fuit coram nobis, ad petitionemc partium sine preiudicio alterius, testi-{18rb)-ficamur sub sigillo Senonensis curie. Actum anno Gratie Mo CCo Nonodecimo. a. Concas]Conchas B. b. venditionem]vendicionem B. c. petitionem]peticionem B. 182 68 1225, April 30. No location. Master Michel, officialis of Sens, notes that Jacques Doyns, son of the deceased Milo, cleric, recognized that he gave to the church of Vauluisant a house in Provins in ValSaint-Ayoul (probably close to the Saint-Ayoul fair district) with a wine press and three urban plots and 1 d. of cens to the monks for an allodial house in the section of Provins called "The Troyes District" (Vicus Trecarum, presumably just to the east of SaintAyoul). After Jacques' death, all his property will devolve to Vauluisant. If Jacques should wish to live in the aforesaid home like a hospes,16 he could do so by paying 6 l. provinois to the monks each year. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 18r-v Script E. B. Original lost. Related Charters: 69, 80, 84. Iacobus Doins dedit domum Pruvini sitam. Omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis, Magister Michael, officialis Senonensis, salutem in Domino. Notum facimus universis quod, in presentia nostra constitutus, Iacobus Doyns, filius defuncti Milonis, clericus recognovit se dedisse in elemosinam ecclesie Vallis Lucentis quandam domum sitam apud Pruvinum in Valle Sancti Aygulfi cum quodam torculari et tribus areis retro domum supradictam sitis, et eidem domui adiacentibus, et unum denarium censualem super quandam domum alodii sitam apud Pruvinum in vico qui vocatur Vicus Trecarum singulis annis percipiendum. Voluit etiam prefatus Iacobus et concessit quod omnia sua mobilia adquisita et acquirenda post decessum eius ad ecclesiam deveniant memoratam. Si vero idem Iacobus in predicta domo manere voluerit, in ea tanquam hospes manebit et pro locatione domus persolvet singulis annis sex libras Pruvinensis ecclesie supradicte. In cuius rei memoriam et testimonium, presentes litteras, ad petitionem predicti Iacobi sine preiudicio alterius, sigillo {18va}curie Senonensis fecimus roborari. Actum anno Gratie, Mo CCo Vicesimo Quinto, mense Aprili, vigilia Apostolorum Beatorum Philippi et Iacobi. 69 1224 (o. st.),17 March. No location. Hemeric, the deacon of Christianity of Provins, notes that Jacques Doyns, canon of Notre-Dame de Val-Provins gave to the abbot and convent of Vauluisant his stone house, which belonged to Milo Doyns, his father, and Agnes, his mother, with a wine press, shed, and three plots, and halls or rooms (camerae) which were associated with the house, which has a pantry and a hall built above them, on the condition that as long as Jacques should live, he will possess all that he has given and pay 6 l. provinois annually on December 6, so that the monks will have a pittance on that day. Consent was given by Agnes, widow of Milo Doyns, his mother, Milo Urses and his wife, Jean Doyns, Peter the cleric, Laurence, nephew of Jacques, and Laurence, also his nephew. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 18v Script E. B. Original lost. Related Charters: 68, 80, 84. 16See glossary, appendix J, for a treatment of the term. by this charter's close association with the preceding document, the date is most likely 1225 (n. st.), March. 17Judging 183 De dono domus Iacobi Doin de Pruvino Omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis, Hemericus Christianitatis Pruvini decanus, salutem et dilectio. Noverint universi presentes litteras inspecturi quod Iacobus Doyns Beate Marie in Valle Pruvini canonicus dedit in elemosinam abbati et conventui Vallis Lucentis domuma suam lapideam que fuit Milonis Doyn et Agnes, matris eius, et torcularem retro domum suam, et vasa sua eiusdem torcularis, et tres areas liberas, et cameras que dicte adherent domui, et cellarium, et aulam que super est edificata, tali conditione: quod dictus Iacobus, quamdiu vixerit, supradicta omnia possidebit et pro ista possessione persolvet abbati et conventui Vallis Lucentis sex libras Pruvinenses in festo Beati Nicholai Hyemalis annuatim, ut in dicta die monachi dicta loci inde pitentiam habeant. Ista autem elemosina facta est per consensum Agnetis, relicte defuncti Milonis Doyn, matris eius; et Milonis Urses; et uxoris eius; et Iohannis Doyn; et Petri clerici; et Laurentii, nepotis dicti Iacobi; et Laurentii, similiter eius nepotis {18vb}et quod hoc sit et firmum, sigilli nostri munimine presentes litteras ad petitionem partium roboravimus. Actum anno Gratie, Mo CCo Vicesimo Quarto, mense Marcio. a. domum]domuim A. 70 1224 (o. st.), January 7. Nailly. Gautier, archbishop of Sens, notes that brothers of the church of Vauluisant traded their tithes at Souligny-les-Etangs to the procurator, brothers and sisters of Hôtel-Dieu de Traînel for those tithes at Epineau-les-Veuves. Further, the Hôtel-Dieu sold all the cens that the chapter had at Epineau. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 18v Script E. B. Original, AD Yonne, H 723. 11.5 x 18.5 cm. Related Charter: 116 Commutatio quedam facta cum Domo Dei de Triangulo Galterus, Dei gratia Senonensis archiepiscopus, omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis salutem in Domino. Noverint universi quod fratres ecclesie Vallis Lucentis totam partem decime quam percipiebant apud Sulleniacuma commutaverunt procuratori et fratribus et sororibus Domus Dei Trianguli pro tota parte decime quam eadem Domus Dei apud Espinolium percipiebat. Dicta etiam Domus Dei vendidit ecclesieb supradicte totam partem census quam habebat apud Espinolium, procuratore, fratribus et sororibus eiusdem domus promittentibus quod nullam in posterum super hoc questionem movebunt. Quod ut ratum et firmum in perpetuam habeatur, presentem cartam sigilli nostri munimine fecimus roborari. Actum apud Naaliacum, anno Gratie, Millesimo Ducentesimo Vicesimo Quarto, mense Ianuario, in crastino Epiphaniec Domini. a. Sulleniacum]Suleniacum B. b. vendidit ecclesie]vendidit memoratis ecclesie ex corr. A.]vendidit memoratis fratribus ecclesie B. c. Epiphanie]Epyphanie B. 71 1216, November. No location. Hervée, bishop of Troyes, provides a vidimus confirmation of Henri, miles of Basson's (now deceased) testament which he made to the abbot of Vauluisant and the precentor 184 (cantor) of Traînel before leaving for the Albigeois. In this testament, Henri left money, income or land to a variety of ecclesiastical institutions and individuals. A.Vauluisant Cartulary, fos. 18v - 19v. Script E. B. Original lost. Translation: Appendix C. Legatum pie memorie Henrici quondam militis de Baachum. Herveus, Dei gratia Trecensis {19ra}ecclesie minister humilis, omnibus ad quos presentes littere pervenerint, in Domino salutem. Noverit universitas vestra quod nos, inspecto tenore litterarum venerabilis viri, abbatis Vallis Lucentis, Cysterciensis Ordinis, et sicut plenius per confessiones dicti abbatis et dilecti nostri, Garneri cantoris Trianguli, cognovimus et intelleximus Henricus miles de Baacon, nuper viam universe carnis ingressus, dictis abbate et cantore, presentibus et audientibus et multis bonis aliis viris, de consensu uxoris sue, Rancie, et filiorum suorum, testamentum suum fecit in hunc modum: Ego Henricus de Baacon, ad Albigenses proficiscens, de assensu Rancie, uxoris mee, et consilio amicorum meorum, testamentum meum coram presbitero qui curam habet anime mee et aliis multis, de rebus meis, tam mobilis quam immobilibus, hoc modo constitui: ego lego ecclesie Vallis Lucentis sex oschias apud Molinons, illas scilicet quas habui pro prato Domini Nicholai, salva iusticia earundem oschiarum quam michi retineo, et tres sextarios frumenti in redditibus meis de Baigniax et hoc lego pro anniversario meo faciendo. Item ecclesie Dei Loci, lego pro anniversario meo redditus {19rb}duarum oschiarum apud Paleiz, retenta tamen michi earundem oschiarum iusticia. Item monachis Villemauri, lego pro anniversario meo unam oschiam apud Paleiz, cuius tamen iusticiam michi retineo. Item tribus presbiteris, scilicet de Baigniax, de Molinons, et de Paleiz, lego tres sextarios avene annui redditus ita quod unicuique unum. Percipiet autem quilibet eorum suum in villa sua in meis consuetudinibus quas in eis habeo. Et hec lego ut [[ut]] singuli presbiteri predictarum parrochiarum faciant anniversarium. Item monasterio Capelle de Osa viginti solidos redditus in censibus et consuetudinibus meis, quos reddet singulis annis in festo18 quiscumcum successorum meorum qui tenebit terram meam. Et illi viginti solidos expendentur in pitantia monialium quolibet anno in die mei anniversarii. Item presbitero de Viletart, lego unum ancingliam terre pro anniversario meo. Item leprosis de Duabis Aquis, lego duas ancinglias terre apud Viletart pro anniversario meo. Item ecclesie de Ripatorio, lego dimidium modium bladi annui redditus -- duos sextarios siliginis et quatuor ordei -- in molendino de Baacon percipiendum. Item ecclesie de Marceliaco lego, sive {19va}in elemosinam do, sive redeam, sive non, duos sextarios bladi annui redditus -- unum siliginis et unum ordei -pro anima defuncti Renerii et antecessorum suorum. Et propter hoc fiat in predicta ecclesia ipsorum anniversarium. Sumentur autem isti duo sextarii in terragio de Baacon, ita quod presbiter medietatem capiet et fabrica ecclesie reliquam medietatem. Item lego eidem ecclesie, pro anniversario meo, si forte me in hac peregrinatione viam universe carnis ingredi contingat, duos sextarios bladi -- unum siliginis et unum ordei -- in predicto terragio de Baacon percipiendos singulis annis, ita quod presbiter habebit suam medietatem et fabrica ecclesie alteram. Item si me Dominus in hac via nature debitum solvere voluerit, volo et in testamento dispono quod de rebus mobilibus meis dentur 18 the name of the feast seems to have been omitted. 185 monialibus de Capella Ose quadraginta solidos19 pro pitantia monialium in die qua facient officium meum. Item monialibus de Foisiaco, XL solidos. Item fabrice ecclesie Beati Petri Trecensis, XX solidos. Item leprosis de Duabus Aquas, XX solidos pro pitantia. Item Magistro Thome de Marceli, XX solidos et dimidium modium bladi -- tres sextari-{19vb}-os siliginis et tres ordei. Domino Iohanni, presbitero, X solidi. Garnerio, clerico, V solidos. Leprosis de Marceli, V solidos. Leprosis de Molinons, V solidos. Ecclesie Sancti Spiritus Trecensis, V solidos. Capelle de Triangulo, X solidos. Godino, X solidos. Omnibus presbiteris qui sunt in decanatu Pontium, VII libris et dimidium eis equaliter distribuendos pro meo servicio ab eorum quolibet faciendo. Et ut hoc ratum et firmum permaneat, rogavi virum venerabilem G[alterium] abbatem Vallis Lucentis ut scriptum presens sigilli sui munimine roboraret. Cum igitur dictus miles laborans in extremis -- nobis humiliter per dictos abbatem et cantorem sicut ex ipsorum relatione cognovimus -- supplicando mandaverit quod nos testamentum ipsius sollempniter confectum confirmare dignaremur. Pie defuncti petitioni placido concurrentes assensu, predictam testamenti constitutionem litteris presentibus annotatam diximus confirmandam. Actum anno incarnati Verbi, Mo Ducentesimo Sextodecimo, mense Novembri. 72 1223 (o. st.), January. Vauluisant. Gautier, archbishop of Sens, notes that the men of Séant of Nobilis Vir Erard de Brienne and Nobilis Mulier Philippa, his wife, quit to Vauluisant their usage rights for charcoal from the forests around the granges of Cérilly and Les Loges. Erard and Philippa also gave pasturage rights for the animals of these two granges in their woods of SaintEtienne. In addition, they recognized that the church of Vauluisant owns a sixth part of the woods of Notre-Dame and Les Alleux, and promised to preserve their ownership. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fos. 19v - 20v Script E. B. Original, AD Yonne, H 706. 25.2 x 24.1 cm. Ind: Roserot I:169. Translation: Appendix C. Related Charters: 119, 122-124, 128, 220, 226, 236-7, 243, 269. De usuario nemorum de Cereli quitato ab hominibus de Seanz [G]alterus, Dei gratia Senonensis archiepiscopus, universis ad quos littere presentesa pervenerint salutem {20ra}in Domino. Notum facimus quod homines de Seantb Nobilis Viri Erardi de Brena et Nobilis Mulieris Philippe uxoris eius, scilicet Symon, prepositus; Girardus, filius Gaufridi Tirant; Herbertus, filius Christiani Ducis; Guibertus et Renaudus, fratres eius; heredes defuncti Herberti Sarpete, videlicet Herbertus et alii; Galterus Sapiens, filius Renaudi de Plesseto;c Iaquetus; et Grivellus, frater eius; Stephanus, filius Robillart; et Fillons, soror eius; Radulphus Magnus; Guiotus, filius Christiani Pertuiset; et Bernardus, frater eius; parentes et heredes predictorum; et multi alii de Seant, usuagium carbonagii de lignis mortuis duo capita habentibus ad terram in nemoribus ecclesie Vallis lucentis que adiacent finibus granchiarumd de Cereliaco et de Logiis iure hereditario habere se dicebant. Isti supradicti homines et ceteri etiam qui predictum usuagium in supradictis nemoribus reclamabant in presentia predictorum 19 Although the passive sense of dentur suggests the nominative plural, solidos is expanded in the accusative case because of the somewhat indirect discursiveness of the dispono . . . dentur construction and its parallel to the fully written out sextarios below. 186 Erardi et uxoris eius in ecclesia de Seanze convocati, totum illud usuagium ad eorum preces et peticionem dilectis in Christo filiis, abbati et conventui Vallis Lucentis, Cisterciensis Ordinis, in perpetuum quitaverunt, prestito iuramento quod usuagium illud {20rb}de cetero non reclamabunt. nichil omnino sibi nec eorum heredibus in eodem usuagio retinentes, presente et audiente dilecto filio R[enaldo], decano de Riparia,f sicut per ipsius litteras nobis innotuit, qui ad hoc fuit specialiter ex parte nostrag destinatus. Prefatus vero Erardus, coram nobis, fidem prestitit corporalem quod monachis Vallis Lucentis super huiusmodi quittationeh garantiam portabit. Et si aliquis hominum de Seanz vel heredum eorum occasione predicti usuagii eos vexaverit, idem Erardus dampna et deperdita que propter hoc facta fuerint faciet restaurari. Preterea dictus Erardus et uxor eius coram nobis dederunt monachis Vallis Lucentis usuagium pasture adi omnia animalia grangiarum de Cereli et De Logiis in nemore suo quod dicitur Nemus Sancti Stephani et in omnibus nemoribus et terris que sub dominio et potestate eorum consistunt. Recognoverunt etiam coram nobis quod ecclesia Vallis Lucentis habet sextam partem in nemore quod dicitur Nemus Sancte Marie in omnibus et in nemore de Allodiis et usuagium prout habere consueverunt. Hec autem omnia firmiter {20va} observanda, Dominus Erardus et uxor eius coram nobis laudaverunt et concesserunt ad hoc heredes suos in perpetuumj obligantes. Quod ut ratum et stabile permaneat in futurum, presentes litteras ad petitionem dictorum Erardi et uxoris eius annotari fecimus et sigilli nostri muniminek roborari. Actum apud Vallem Lucentem, anno Gratie m.o CCo Vicesimo tercio, mense Ianuario. a. littere presentes trp. B. b. de Seant] om. A. c. Plesseto]Plasseto B. d. granchiarum]grangiarum B. e. Seanz]Seant B. f. Riparia]Ripparia B. g. specialiter ex parte nostra]ex parte nostra specialiter trp. B. h. quittatione]quitacione B. ex corr. A. j. in perpetuum]imperpetuum B. k. munimine]munine A. i. ad]ab 73 1218, June 24. No location. Hugues, officialis of the Sens curia notes that Felix, cleric, son of Baudoin, called Servientus, and the deceased Houdeard, gave, quit, and conceded everything that pertained to him by right from his father and mother. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 20v Script E. B. Original, AD Yonne, H 785. 8.7 x 11.7 cm. De Felicio clerico quittante hereditatem patris et matris sue [O]mnibus presentes litteras inspecturis, magister Hugo curie Senonensis officialis, in Domino salutem. Noverint universi quod Felicius, clericus, filius Bauduini dicti Servientis, et defuncte Hodeardis, uxoris eiusdem Bauduini, coram nobis, donavit, quitavit et concessit in perpetuam elemosinam fratribus Vallis Lucentis quicquid ei de iure, tam ex parte patris sui quam ex parte matris sue, tam in mobilibus quam in immobilibus, competebat, fide prestita corporali quod in ipsisa nichil de cetero per se vel per aliosb reclamaret. Quod autemc audivimus et recognitum fuit coram nobis, sine preiudicio alterius, sub sigillo curie Senonensis testificamur. Actum anno Gratie Mo CCo Octavodecimo, mense Iu-{20vb}-nio, in Nativitate Beati Iohannis Baptiste. a. ipsis]illis B. b. alios]alium B. 74 c. autem]autem autem A. 187 1221 (o. st.). No location. Hervée, bishop of Troyes, notes that Jean, son of Nobilis Mulier Alice, domina of Marcilly-le-Hayer, and Guy de Méry-sur-Seine, milites, confirmed Alice's gift to God, Saint Mary and the monks of Vauluisant of 6 sextarii of Grain: 3 of rye and 3 of oats to be paid annually on the feast of Saint Remy (October 1), from the Gaanagium (profits. French: Gagnage) of Geoffroy, son of Alice, which he has at Saint-Flavy, next to Marigny-le-Châtel. For which, Alice will give to her son Geoffroy 6 sextarii of similar grain in exchange from her profits at Doches. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 20v Script E. B. Original, AD Yonne, H 754. 12.6 x 17.7 cm. Ind: Roserot, I:503 (but refers to 30v). Related Charter: 112. Legatum pie memoriam Aaliz de Marceli Ego,20 [H]erveus, Dei gratia Trecensis episcopus, notum facimus omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis quod Iohannes, filius Nobilis Mulieris Aaliz, domine Marcelliaci, et Guido de Meriaco, milites, in presentia nostra constituti, laudaverunt elemosinam quam dicta Aalyz fecit Deo, et Beate Marie, et monachis Vallis Lucentis, scilicet sex sextarios bladi, quorum tres sunt de sigalo et tres de avena, singulis annis ad festum Sancti Remigii percipiendos in Gaanagioa Gaufridi, filii dicte Aaliz,b quod habet apud Sanctum Flavitum iuxta Marigniacum. Pro quibus sex sextariis, eadem Aalizc dedit eidem Gaufrido filio suo alios sex sextarios similis bladi percipiendos per excambium in Gaanagiod eiusdem Aaliz apud Dochiam. In cuius rei memoriam, fecimus presentes litteras sigillo nostro roborari. Anno Mo CCo Vicesimo primo. a. Gaanagio]Gaagnagio B. d. Gaanagio]Gaagnagio B. b. Aaliz]Aalit B. c. Aaliz]Aalit B. 75 [1183-1193]21 No location. Guy, archbishop of Sens notes that Garnier, cleric of Molinons, freely and absolutely returned to Vauluisant a certain piece of arable land and certain plots (ochias) with all his payments that he had at Lailly, in exchange for the price his father paid for them.22 These properties, his father, Donnus Garnier, miles, bought from Donnus Pierre, then abbot (ca. 1160-83) of the aforesaid abbey without the consent of the convent. His conscience eating away at him, Garnier's father, Garnier, before he died, begged and pleaded that the property be returned to the possession of the abbey. This (it is unclear whether the reference is to the father's entreaty or the son's return23) is done with these witnesses: Pierre, abbot of Saint-Jean-de-Sens, Roger priest (sacerdos) of Saint-Maurice, Magister Rainard, Bartholomé nephew of Eudes the Deacon (decani). A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fos. 20v - 21r Script E. B. Original lost. 20 Ego om. A. 211183, death of abbot Pierre, Gallia Christia, et al.; 1193, death of Archbishop Guy, Gams. this is a somewhat glossy reading of the clause precio emptionis recepto, "having received the price of purchase." 23but, judging by the location, I would suspect the latter, and that these are just regular witnesses to the transaction of the son. 22Actually, 188 De oschiis et terra arabili apud Laleium ex dona Garnerii clerici de Molinons [G]uido, Dei gratia Senonensis archiepiscopus, omnibus Sancte matris ecclesie filiis ad quos littere iste pervenerint salutem perpetuam. Notum fieri volumus universitati vestre quod Garnerius, clericus de Molinons, libere et absolute reddidit ecclesie {21ra}Vallis Lucentis, in presentia nostra, quandam terram arabilem et quasdam ochias cum universis redditibus suis quas habebat apud Laleium, precio emptionis recepto. Has enim pater suus, Donnus Garnerius, miles, emerat a Donno Petro, tunc abbate predicte ecclesie, conventu non concedente. Unde conscientia se graviter remordente, ante obitum suum monuit precatus est, sicuti ipse testatur ut prefate abbatie possessionem suam restitueret. Ille vero ut decet pii patris monitione preceque exaudita, quod pater postulavit tandem devotus implevit. Factum est hoc audientibus: Petro, abbate Sancti Iohannis Senonensis; Rogero, sacerdote Sancti Mauricii; Magistro Rainardo; Bartolomeo, nepote Odonis decani. Et ut hoc ratum inconcussumque permaneat omni tempore, sigilli mei attestatione muniri precepi. 76 1195 (o. st.). No location. Garnier, bishop of Troyes, notes that Garnier de Villeneuve[-aux-Riches-Hommes] conceded to the church of Vauluisant whatever he had possessed at Sarcy which is said to be held in fief from Guy Gâtebléd. Guy Gâtebléd confirmed the concession. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 21r Script E. B. Original lost. Ind: Lalore, Traînel, no. 144. Related Charters: 76, 162-3, MC35, NC16. Garnerus de Villa Nova dedit quicquid habebat apud Sarceium [Garnerus], Dei gratia Trecensis episcopus, universis presentes litteras inspecturis, in Domino salutem. Noverit universitas vestra quod Garnerus de Villa Nova dedit et concessit ecclesie Vallislucentis quicquid possidebat apud Sarceium, quod videlicet ad feodum dilecti fratris nostri Gui-{21rb}-donis Gasteble respicere dicebatur. Idipsum etiam predictus Guido, nobis presentibus, eidem ecclesie laudavit. In utriusque autem, tam predicti Garnerius donationis quam prenominati Guidonis laudationi, memoriam et confirmatione, presens scriptum fecimus sigilli nostri munimine roboratum. Actum anno incarnati Verbi, Mo Co XCo Quinto. 77 1205 (o. st.). No location. Milo, deacon of Troyes, notes that Herbert de Rigny[-la-Nonneuse], son of the deceased Ernaud, gave in perpetual alms to the church of Vauluisant for his soul and the souls of his ancestors his mill at Somme-Fontaine (Saint-Lupien) and the surrounding farm land which the renter (amodiator) of the mill was accustomed to cultivate, except a cens of 16 d. and one half-modius of grain: 3 sextarii of rye, 3 sextarii of oats which the Paraclete was accustomed to receive annually. Marie, his wife, confirmed and conceded. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 21r-v Script E. B. Original lost. Ind: Roserot III:1376. Related Charters: 77, 81, 125-127, 264-5. 189 De molino de Summo Fonte quis eum dederit [M]ilo, decanus Trecensis, omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis in salutis Auctore salutem. Notum facimus universitati vestre quod Herbertus de Regniaco, filius defuncti Ernaldi, in nostra presentia constitutus, dedit ecclesie Vallis Lucentis in perpetuam elemosinam, pro remedio anime sue et antecessorum suorum, molendinum suum de Summo Fonte. Et etiam terram suam arabilem iuxta ipsum molendinum, quam amodiator molendini solet excolere, salvo tamen censu sexdecim denariorum qui pro eodem molendino debetur, salvo etiam dimidio modio bladi, videlicet trium sextarios siliginis et trium avene, quem ecclesia Paracliti in ipso molendino annuatim percipere consuevit. Hanc autem donationem benigne laudavit et {21va}concessit Maria, uxor ipsius Herberti. In cuius rei memoriam, nos predictam donatione sigilli nostri testimonio duximus roborare. Actum anno ab incarnatione Domini, Mo CCo Quinto. 78 1205 (o. st.), March. Troyes. Pierre, abbot of Montier-la-Celle, Anselm, abbot of Nesle-la-Réposte, and Milo, archdeacon of Troyes, note that a dispute (contentio) was held between Vauluisant and Guillaume de Villiers-Bonneux, the son-in-law of Boadinundis, miles of Lailly, over usage rights in the woods and fields of Lailly which the monks claimed to have held for a long time. Both parties agreed to promise to adhere a decision rendered by (compromittere in) the three churchmen noted above. They judged that the brothers of Vauluisant will have full usage rights: wood for building, charcoal, iron, glandage and other things. The brothers will also have pasturage rights throughout for the usage of all their animals, but they will not be allowed to tear down the woods; they are to protect the woods from destruction and abuse. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 21v Script E. B. Original lost. Compromissio facta de usuario petito in nemoribus Laleii [P]etrus, Dei patientia Cellensis, et Ansellus, Nigellensis, abbates, et Milo, archidiaconus Trecensis, omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis in vero salutem. Universitati vestre notum facimus quod cum exorta esset contentio inter fratres Vallis Lucentis, ex una parte, et Villelmum de Vilerbonex, generum Boadinundi, militis de Layleio, ex alia, super usuario in nemoribus et planis de Laileyo, quod idem fratres asserebant se longo tempore possedisse, tandem in nos tres, de assensu partium, facta est compromissio ut quidquid a nobis, sive per pacem sive per sententiam, super hoc ordinatum fuisset, ratum et inconcussum tenerent. Hanc etiam compromissionem, Beatrix, uxor prefati Willelmi, ratam habuit in omnibus et laudavit. Nos autem veritate diligentius inquisita per testes idoneos et omni exceptione maiores in quorum personas {21vb}vel dicta nichil fuit obiectum ex eorum testimoniis, plenius intellectis de prudentun virorum consilio, per diffinitivam sententiam predictis fratribus Vallis Lucentis adiudicavimus plenarium in nemoribus et planis de Laylelio usuarium, ita quod de eisdem nemoribus edificia et carbonem facient, ferrum sument, glandem sument et alia que sibi noverint expedire. Preterea, tam in nemoribus quam in planis, de laylelio ad usum omnium animalium suorum ubique pasturam habebunt, ita tamen quod nemora arare vel eradicare eisdem fratribus non licebit. Ut igitur predicta illibatam habeant firmitatem et nulla valeant oblivione deleri, vel malignitate perverti, eandem sententiam presentis scripti patrocinio sub nostrorum testimonio sigillorum duximus roborare. Actum Trecis, anno Domini, Mo CCo Vo, mense Marcio. 190 79 1194 (o. st.). No location. Garnier, bishop of Troyes and Brother Guitier, minister of Saint-Loup de Troyes, note that Melior, cardinal priest of Saint Paul and Saint John, committed them to hear and determine a case (causam) which was disputed between the abbot and monks of Vauluisant and the priests Pierre and Maurice over 1/3 of the tithe at Rigny-le-Ferron. They determine that Herbert, miles of Montibus, gave this part of the tithe in alms to Vauluisant. Vital, the priest, arrogated these tithes from Norpaud to himself and not to the church of Rigny-le-Ferron, without the knowledge or assent of the chapter, and then in the same fashion gave them to Pierre and Maurice, priests, just as if they were successors and heirs [to the tithe]. The judgment is given that the tithe is to go to the monastery, lest the church of Vauluisant be frustrated in alms and deprived of this tithe because of the presumption of its abbot. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fos. 21v - 22r Script E. B. Original, AD Aube, 10 H 1. 13.8 x 24.5 cm. Related Charters: 222, 224, 228-29, 276, 282, 313-14. Sententia contra presbiteros de Rigni pro decima [G]arnerius,a Dei gratia Trecensis episcopus, et frater Guiterus Beati Lupi Trecensis humilis minister, omnibus ad quos littere iste venerint salutem. Noverit universitas vestra quod pater noster, {22ra}Melior, tituli sanctorum Iohannis et Pauli presbiter Cardinalis et apostolice sedis legatus, causam que inter abbatem et monachos Vallis Lucentis et sacerdotes Petrum et Mauricium super tercia parte decime Regniaci vertebatur nobis commisit audiendam debitoque fine terminandam. Nos itaque citatis partibus et diebus assignatis auditis allegationibus, partium tandem comperta veritate per testes productos et receptos et examinatos quod scilicet illam partem decime de qua agebatur Herbertus, miles de Montibus, ecclesie Vallis Lucentis in elemosinam dedisset. Cognitoque quod Vitalis sacerdos eandem decimam sine conscientia capitulib et assensu capituli Vallis Lucentis a Norpaudo abbate sibi et non ecclesie Regniaci comparasset, et postmodum predictis sacerdotibus Petro et Mauricio, tanquam successoribus et heredibus, eam donasset. Ne per abbatis presumptionem ecclesia Vallis Lucentis sua frustaretur elemosina, et privaretur prescriptam decimam, sepedictis sacerdotibus Petro et Mauricio abiudicavimus et ecclesie Vallis Lucentis adiudicavimus et iudicio nostro reddidimus, consultis sapientibus et discretis viris. {22rb}Hoc autem ne revocari posset indubium, petentibus abbate et monachis vallis lucentis, ex ordine conscripsimus et sigillis nostris scriptum confirmavimus. Anno incarnati Verbi, Mo Co Nonagesimo Quarto. a. Garnerius]Garnerus B. b. capituli]capatuli ex. corr. A] om. B. 80 1228, October. No location. Pierre, bishop of Meaux, notes that Nobilis Mulier, Domina Margaret de Coilli and her son, Jean, recognized that they sold to Vauluisant for 30 l. heavy money of Provins 6 d. of cens over three houses which belonged to and moved of the censiva of the deceased Milo Doin and were situated in the Troyes Quarter of Provins, between the Troyes gate and the church of Notre-Dame de Val-Provins. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 22r-v Script E. 191 B. Original lost. Related Charters: 68-69, 84. De censu domorum Iacobi Doin de Pruvino [U]niversis presentes litteras inspecturis, Petrus, Dei gratia Meldensis episcopus, salutem in Domino. Noverit universitas vestra quod, constituti in presentia nostra, Nobilis Mulier Domina Margareta de Coilli et Iohannis, filius eiusdem, recognoverunt se vendidisse fratribus Vallis Lucentis, pro triginta libris Pruvinensibus fortium sexdecim denarios censuales, quos habebant super tres domos sitas apud Pruvinensem in vico qui dicitur Vicus Trecarum inter portam Trecensem et ecclesiam Beate Marie in Valle Pruvini que fuerunt defuncti Milonis Doin et movebant de censiva eorundem. Dictas autem triginta libras Pruvinenses recognoverunt se, dicti Margarita et Iohannes, fide corporaliter in manu nostra prestita quod super eadem venditione eisdem fratribus legitimam garentiam portabunt. Et quod nunquam de cetero super dicta venditione contra dictos fratres per se vel per alios aliquam {22va}questionem movebunt. In cuius rei memoriam et testimonium, ad petitionem partium, presentes litteras sigilli nostri impressione fecimus roborari. Actum anno Gratie, Mo CCo Vicesimo Octavo, mense Octobri. 81 1204, May 4. No location. Milo, archdeacon of Troyes, episcopal procurator, notes that Herbert of Rigny[-laNonneuse] recognized that the deceased Ernaud, his father, gave 8 sextarii of grain -- 4 of rye, 4 of some other grain which the mill produces-- to the monks of Vauluisant from the mill de Nosement located between between Saint-Lupien/Sommefontaine and the grange of Larrivour which is called Don-l'Évêque. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 22v Script E. B. Original lost. Related Charters: 77, 125-27, 264-5. Herbertus de Reniaco recognovit elemosinam patris sui Arnaldi [M]ilo, Trecensis archidiaconus, episcopalium procurator, omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis in Domino salutem. Noverit universitas vestra quod Herbertus de Regniaco, constitutus in presentia nostra, nobis recognovit quod defunctus Ernaudus, quondam pater suus, pro remedio anime sue, legaverat in perpetuam elemosinam ecclesie vallis lucentis VIIIo sextarios bladi, videlicet quatuor siliginis et quatuor talis bladi qualem lucrabitur molendinum, percipiendos in molendino suo annuatim de Nosement situm inter summum fontem et grangiam Ripatorii qui dicitur Donuni Episcopi. Hoc etiam laudavit idem predictus herbertus ad cuius preces et instantiam presentem cartulam notari fecimus et sigilli nostri muni munimine roborari. Anno incarnati Verbi Mo CCo IIIIo, Vo nonas Maii. 82 1224 (o. st.), January. No location. R[enaud], deacon of the Vanne Basin, notes that Dominus Nicholas, miles of Molinons, recognized that he sold a wood called La Perta for 16 l. old money of Provins. Said miles and Hélisand, his wife, warranty the transaction. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 22v Script E. B. Original lost. 192 Ind: Roserot III:1692. Related Charters: 3, 9. Nicholaus de Molinuns vendidit nemus de la perte [O]mnibus presentes litteras inspecturis {22vb}R[enaldus], decanus de Riparia Vanne, salutem in Domino. Noverint universi quod Dominus Nicholaus, miles de Molinons, recognovit coram nobis se vendidisse quoddam nemus, quod vocatur la Perte, precio sexdecim librarum Pruvinensium veteris monete, ecclesie Vallis Lucentis. Fiduciaverunt autem dictus miles et Elysanz, uxor eius, debitam garantiam de cetero super predicta venditione contra omnes se portaturos nec in posterum super eadem venditione movere questionem. In cuius rei memoriam et testimonium, presentem cartam sigilli nostri munimine fecimus roborari. Actum anno Domini Mo CCo Vicesimo IIIIo, mense Ianuario. 83 1225, November. No location. R[enaud], deacon of the Vanne Basin notes that Garnier de Foissy recognized that he gave 3 d. of cens from two pieces of land next to Foissy, one called Longa Pena, the other on what is called the hill of deceased Arnulf, to be paid at Foissy on the feast of the Nativity of the Virgin (September 8). Similarly, Hélias de Foissy divested himself of two pieces of land, of which one is called ad communam (at communes), the other at "Chevannes les Âmes" which the same Hélias held from Vauluisant for 2 d. of cens, and invested Garnier so that Garnier we be held to pay the 2 d. on the feast of the Nativity of the Virgin, just as Hélias was held. If in any way there should be an injury (iniuriam) over the 5 d. of cens which Garnier owed, the church of Vauluisant would assign and levy the damages (emenda) according to the manner of injury. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fos. 22v - 23r Script E. B. Original, AD Yonne, H 724. Parchment dissolved. Totally illegible. Related Charters: 159, 161. Garnerius de Foisi dat tres denarios annui census super duas petias terre. [O]mnibus presentes litteras inspecturis, R[enaldus], decanus de Riparia Vanne, salutem in Domino. Noverint universi quod Garnerus de Foisiaco, in nostra presentia constitutus, recognovit se dedisse in elemosinam perpetuam ecclesie Vallis Lucentis tres denarios census super duas petias terre iuxta Foissiacum sitas, quarum altera pecia Longa Pena dicitur, reliqua vero petia terra super collem de {23ra}defuncti Arnulphi vocatur in festo Nativitatis Beate Virginis Marie singulis annis apud Foisiacum percipiendos. Helias vero de Foisiaco in nostra presentia similiter constitutus de duabus petiis terre quarum altera terra ad communam vocatur, reliqua vero sita est a Chevanes el Animes quas idem Helias ab ecclesia Vallis Lucentis tenebat duobus denariis census se devestivit, et Garnerium suum ipsis petiis investivit, ita quod in festo Nativitatem Beate Marie idem Garnerius duos denarios predictos census reddere tenebitur, sicut iamdictus Helyas tenebatur. Si autem super predictis quinque denariis census prefate ecclesie aliqua fieret iniuriaa ad terras predicta, iamdicta ecclesia assignaret et secundum modum iniurie emendam levaret. Actum anno Domini Mo CCo Vicesimo Quinto, mense Novembri. a. iniuria]iniuriam ex corr. A. 193 84 1225, October. No location. Geoffroy, abbot of Saint-Jacques de Provins notes that Nobilis Mulier Martha de Provins, widow of Geoffroy Chailot, recognized that she gave for herself and for Etienne de Chauconi, husband, and Isabel, his wife, her niece, 6 s. of divers cens (listed below, including Jacques Doyn's stone house) in Provins to Vauluisant. Her children conceded, namely her sons, Sens Canon Guillaume Chailot and Guy, armiger; her daughters, Helia and Egidia, and her daughters' husbands, Milo de Chauconi and Egidius, armiger. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 23r-v Script E. B. Original lost. Related Charters: 41-45, 68-69, 80, 338. Massa dedit sex solidos censuales Valli Lucenti [G]aufridus, ecclesie Sancti Iacobi Pruvinensis abbas, omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis in Domino salutem. Noverint universi quod in nostra presentia constituta Massa, nobilis mulier de Pruvino, relicta Gaufridi Chailot, recognovit se {23rb}dedisse pro se et pro Stephano de Chauconi, marito Isabelis, uxoris dicti stephani, neptis sue, in perpetuam elemosinam ecclesie Vallis Lucentis, pro remedio animarum suarum, sex solidos annui census, in talibus locis sitos: videlicet, in domo Iacobi Doyn, clerici, lapidea, octo denarios; in domo Petri Doyn, fratris sui, octo denarios; in domo defuncti Christiani, Carnificis, viginti denarios; in domo Radulphi fro Gemeru, duos denarios et unum obolum; in domo Hurupe, iudee, octo denarios; in domo Iurni, iudei, filii Salamin, duos denarios; in domo et in prato Ioberti Chapuis quinque denarios; in domo Leterici lo Telerun, quinque pictavinas; in domo Petri Remensis, unum denarium; in terra Petri Huinemer sita apud Mont Oier, vii denarios; in Thalamis Molendini Novi, qui sunt Petronille, Nobilis Mulieris, octo denarios; in domo Iohannis Comitis que est Aschaudieres quinque pictavinas. Istam autem elemosinam Wllelmus Chailot, canonicus Senonensis, et Guido, armiger, frater eius, dicte Masse filii, et Helya et Egidia, dicte Masse filie, et Milo de Chauconi et Egidius, armiger, dictarum Helie et Egidie {23va}mariti ecclesie Vallis Lucentis in perpetuam elemosinam concesserunt. De hac autem elemosina tenenda creentavit predicta Massa, fide corporale prestita apud omnes se rectam garantiam portaturam. In cuius rei memoriam et testimonium, ad petitionem utriusque partis, presentes litteras sigilli nostri munimine roboravimus. Actum anno Gratie Mo CCo Vicesimo Quinto, mense Octobri. 85 1201 (o. st.), January. No location. Geoffroy, abbot of Saint-Jacques de Provins, and Etienne, deacon of Notre-Dame de ValProvins notes that a dispute (querela) was raised between Vauluisant and Raudua, widow of Etienne de Resuin over 2 sextarii of wheat and 2 of oats from the measuring fees (minagium) of Provins, 4 oxen, one horse and other movables which Etienne bequeathed the monks. Finally, both parties swore to adhere to the judgment of Geoffroy and Etienne, who determined that Raudua surrender her claim for 70 s. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 23v Script E. B. Original lost. Compromissio facta de legato Stephani de Reson super minagio et mobilibus 194 [E]go G[aufridus], Dei gratia abbas Sancti Iacobi Pruini, et ego Stephanus, decanus Sancte Marie de Valle Pruvini, notum facimus presentibus et futuris quod querela vertebatur inter monachos de Vallelucente et Rauduam, relictam defuncti St[ephani] de Resuin, super duobus sextarii frumenti et duobus sextariis avene in minagio Pruvini et quatuor bubis et uno equo et aliis quibusdam mobilibus que prefatus St[ephanus] eisdem monachis legaverat. Tandem vero cum diu inter se litigassent pro bono pacis in nos compromiserunt. Predicta igitur Raudua, coram nobis, quitavit predictis monacis totam legationem superius nominatam tam bladi quam aliorum {23vb}mobilium et sepe nominati monachi pro redemptione vexationis dederunt eidem Raudue sexaginta et decem solidos pruvinenses. Ut igitur omnia ista rata permaneant, nos presentes litteras sigillis nostris munire curavimus. Actum anno incarnati Verbi Mo CCo Primo, mense Ianuarii. 86 1221, May. Traînel. Gautier, deacon of Christianity of Traînel, notes that a controversy was disputed between Girard, domicellus of Fontenay[-de-Bossery], husband of Emeline, widow of Jean, miles, and the monks of Vauluisant over the bequest of Jean. With the assent of Girard and Emeline, the case was settled so that the monks Vauluisant would possess two pieces of meadow: one at la Tomie, the other at les Fosseiz (Foussy?). The witnesses of this confirmation were: Etienne, priest of Gumery, Aigulf, priest of Motte-Tilly, and Henri, cleric, called the Ox. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fos. 23v - 24r Script E. B. Original, AD Yonne, H 725. 14.4 x 17.2 cm. Ind: Roserot II:601. Compositio facta de legato cuiusdam Iohannis [G]alterus, decanus Christianitatis Trianguli, omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis salutem in Domino. Noverint universi quod cuma controversia verteretur coram nobis apud Triangulum inter Girardum, domicellum de Fonteneto, sponsum Emeline, relicte Iohannis, militis,b ex una parte, et monachos Vallis Lucentis, ex altera, super legato predicti Iohannis, ita compositum est inter eos quod, assensu predicti Girardic et predicte Emeline, monachi Vallis Lucentis pacifice possidebunt duas petias pratorum, quorum una petia sita est apud locum qui dicitur la Tochie, reliqua pars sita est apud locum qui dicitur les Fosseiz.d Testes huius laudationis sunt: Stephanus, presbiter de Gumeri,e Aigulphus,f presbiter de Teili,g Henricus clericus, dictus Bos. Ut autem hec laudatio {24ra}incuncussah permaneat, litteras istas sigillo nostro fecimus confirmari. Actum anno Domini Millesimo Ducentesimo Vicesimo Primo, mense Maio. a. cum]com B. d. Fosseiz]Foseiz B. g. Teili]Teillei B. b. militis om.A. e. Gumeri]Gumerei B. h. incuncussa]inconcussa B. c. Girardi]Gerardi B. f. Aigulphus]Aigulfus B. 87 1224 (o. st.), February. No location. Arnulf, Abbot of Saint-Pierre d'Auxerre notes that Henri de Mauriaco, miles, recognized that Domina Bila, his deceased wife, with his consent gave in perpetual alms to the church of Vauluisant, 40 s. Auxerre in annual payments for a pittance for the convent. 195 Henri assigned this payment from his cens at Merry-Sec and stated that it was to be paid on the feast of Saint Remy (October 1). The brothers of Vauluisant will receive the first 40 s., and the remainder would then be received by Henri or his heirs. Guillaume, his son, confirmed and approved the assignation. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 24r Script E. B. Original lost. Related Charters: 25, 89. Approbatio legati Bile mulieris pro piten[tiam] facienda [O]mnibus presentes litteras inspecturis, A[rnulphus], ecclesie Beati Petri Autissiodorum. dictus abbas, salutem in Domino. Noveritis quod, in nostra presentia constitutus, Henricus de Mauriaco, miles, recognovit quod Domina Bila, defuncta, quondam uxor sua, de consensu et [et] voluntate sua, dederat in perpetuam elemosinam ecclesie Vallis Lucentis, ad pitantiam conventus eiusdem ecclesie, quadraginta solidos Autisiodorensium annui redditus. Quos quadraginta solidos idem miles, coram nobis, assignavit eidem ecclesie Vallis Lucentis super censum suum de Meriaco Sicco, talimodo: quod fratres Vallis Lucentis singulis annis primo percipiant de eodem censu dictos quadraginta solidos in festo Sancti Remigii, residuum vero eiusdem census percipiant prefatus miles et heredes eius. Hanc autem assignationem Wllelmus, filius eiusdem militis, coram {24rb}nobis laudavit et approbavit. In cuius rei memoriam et testimonium, presentibus litteris sigillum nostrum, ad petitionem predictorum henrici et filii eius, fecimus apponi. Actum anno Gratie, Mo CCo Vicesimo Quarto, mense Februario. 88 1219, November. No location. Jacques de Foissy, canon of Troyes, and Adam, deacon of Pont-sur-Seine, note that when a dispute (querela) was had between the abbot and convent of Vauluisant and Renaud, priest of Dierry-Saint-Pierre, over the matter of the mill of Pouy over which the monks claimed a partial interest and Renaud claimed total ownership, finally, the two promised to adhere to the judgment of Jacques and Adam under a penalty of 10 l. Jacques and Adam determine: for the rest of his life, Renaud will hold the mill for 16 sextarii of praiseworthy grain (bladi laudabilis): 10 of barley and 6 of rye to be payed half on Easter and half on the feast of Saint Remy (October 1). If Renaud should not adhere to these terms, the monks may seize the mill until he pays. After Renaud's death, the monks will receive this third portion and the half interest which Guibert the miller and his heirs had in that mill. And if they should acquire the remaining parts, the monks will hold the mill in its entirety. And if the mill should be destroyed by war or fire, the monks and the priest will rebuild it together according to their proportions. The monks will provide nothing in other cases. (My guess is that this means that the monks will assist in construction only if the mill is destroyed by fire or war). A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 24r-v Script E. B. Original lost. Related Charters: 94, 96. Compromissio facta in Iacobus de Foisi et decanus Pontem super molino de Poisi [O]mnibus Christi fidelibus presentes litteras inspecturis, Ego Iacobus de Foissiaco, canonicus Trecensis, et ego Adam, decanus Pontium, notum facimus quod cum querela verteretur inter abbatem et conventum Vallis Lucentis, ex una parte, et Renaudum, 196 presbiterum de Dierriaco, ex altera, super custodia molendini de Poisiaco quam dicti abbas et conventus dicebat ad suam ecclesiam pertinere pro portione quam in ipso molendino habebant, dicto Renaudo asserente custodiam molendini ad se pertinere ex toto. Tandem partes in nos compromiserunt ita quod nos super illa querela ad voluntatem nostram arbitrium proferremus pena decem librarum apposita quam pars illa que a nostro {24va} arbitrio resiliret alteri parti solvere teneretur. Nos vero, de prudentum virorum consilio, arbitrati sumus in hunc modum: videlicet, quod dictus Renaudus, pro bono pacis, tenebit ad vitam suam partem monachorum sub annua pensione sex decim sextariorum bladi laudabilis, scilicet decem ordei et sex siliginis, cuius medietatem persolvet in Pascha et aliam medietatem in festo Beati Remigii per singulos annos. Et si in hunc modum ad dictos terminos dictum bladum solutum non fuerit, monachi poterunt saisire molendinum donec renaudus bladum persolverit et de eo quod non solverit ad terminos satisfactionem fecerit competenter. Post mortem vero ipsius, pars monachorum ad ipsos libere revertetur cum custodia molendini que recognita fuit eis ab adversa parte de iure antiquo pertinere pro portione quam ibidem habebant. Habebant autem monachi in molendino illo terciam partem et medietatem partis illius quam Guibertus molendinarius et heredes ip-{24vb}-sius habuerunt in molendino illo. Et si forte sepedicti monachi reliquam partes illius medietatem acquirerent, tenerent eam in manu sua quiete cum omni iure ad illam partiunculam pertinente. Et si forte, quod absit, vel per communem guerram vel per incendium molendinum contingeret devastari, tam monachi quam presbiter ipsum reedificarent in commune pro suis portionibus. Monachi vero pro aliis casibus nichil apponent. In cuius rei memoriam ad petitionem partium presentes litteras sigillorum nostrorum testimonio fecimus roborari. Actum anno Domini Mo CCo Nonodecimo, mense Novembri. 89 1224 (o. st.), February. No location. I., Archpriest of Saint-Bris, notes that Henri de Mauriaco, miles, recognized that with his consent, Domina Bila, his deceased wife, gave in perpetual alms to the church of Vauluisant, 40 s. Auxerre in annual payments for a pittance for the convent. Henri assigned this payment from his cens at Merry-Sec and stated that it was to be paid on the feast of Saint Remy (October 1). The brothers of Vauluisant would receive the first 40 s., and the remainder would then be received by Henri or his heirs. Guillaume, his son, confirmed and approved the assignation. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fos. 24v - 25r Script E. B. Original lost. Related Charters: 25, 87. Henricus miles approbat elemosinam Bile quondam uxoris sue [O]mnibus presentes litteras inspecturis I., archipresbiter de Sancto Prisco, salutem in Domino. Noveritis quod, in nostra presentia constitutus, Henricus de Mauriaco, miles, recognovit quod Domina Bila, defuncta, quondam uxor sua, de consensu et voluntate sua, dederat in perpetuam elemosinam ecclesie Vallis Lucentis ad pidantiam conventus {25ra}eiusdem ecclesie quadraginta solidos Autisiodorensium annui redditus. Quos quadraginta solidos idem miles, coram nobis, assignavit ecclesie Vallis Lucentis super censum suum de Meriaco Sicco, talimodo: quod fratres Vallis Lucentis singulis annis primo percipiant de eodem censu dictos quadraginta solidos in festo Sancti Remigii, residuum vero eiusdem census percipiant prefatus miles et [et] heredes eius. Hanc autem assignationem Wllelmus, filius eiusdem militis, coram nobis, laudavit et approbavit. In 197 cuius rei memoriam et facti confirmationem, presentibus litteris sigillum nostrum fecimus apponi. Actum anno Gratie Mo CCo Vicesimo Quarto, mense Februario. 90 1208 (o. st.). No location. Guy, abbot of Saint-Jacques, Etienne, Deacon of Notre-Dame, and Eudes, Master of Hôtel-Dieu, all of Provins note that there was a dispute (contentio) between the abbot and brothers of Vauluisant and Thomas, cleric of Provins, over 4 sextarii of grain held in Communes de Thorigny which he (Thomas) demanded from them (the monks of Vauluisant) by right of inheritance. Both sides had agreed to promise to adhere to the judgment of these three clergymen, when, on the assigned day when the three were ready to bring force their judgment, Thomas spontaneously renounced all complaint (sponte querele renuntiavit), and quit whatever right he might have in Communes. This surrender is confirmed by Herbert Sellarius, his father, G., his mother, and their daughter, Petron[ill?]a. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 25r Script E. B. Original lost. Thomas de Pruvino clericus abrenuntiat querele quatuor sextariorum bladi pro quo fuerat litigatum [F]rater Guido, Dei patientia abbas Sancti Iacobi, Stephanus, decanus Sancte Marie et Odo, magister Domus Dei Pruvini, omnibus ad quos littere iste pervenerint in Domino salutem. Universitati vestre notum fieri volumus quod erat contentio inter abbatem et fratres Vallis Lucentis, ex una parte, et Thomam, clericum {25rb} Pruvinensem, ex alia, super quatuor sextarios bladi quos in Comuniis de Torigniacho iure hereditario ab eis exigebat. Qui tandem, de communi assensu, in nos compromiserunt ut quicquid super hac re diceremus, inquisita prius veritate, ipsi inevitabiliter observarent. Nos ergo, veritate inquisita, cum dictum nostrum astantibus partibus die assignata proferre parati essemus prefatus Thomas, clericus, sponte querele renuntiavit, et si quid iuris in dictis communiis habebat, memoratis abbatis et fratribus penitus quitavit. Et hanc quitationem laudavit pater eius, Herbertus Sellarius, et mater eius, E., necnon et filia eorum, Petronillam. In cuius rei memoriam, presentes litteras sigillorum nostrorum impressionibus signari fecimus. Actum anno Domini, Mo CCo VIIIo. 91 1222, April. No location. Brother Gautier, abbot, and the convent of Vauluisant, the prior in France (Francia) and the brothers of the Hospital of Jerusalem note that they had for some time litigated over certain meadows of the finage of Courroy. Finally, they amicably agreed in the following fashion: both sides renounced all complaint and promised not to cause any problems over the question of the expenses of this dispute. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 25r-v Script E. B. Original lost. Related Charters: 3 (vidimus of this one), 8, 92, 104. Compositio inter hospitalarios de codreto et nos habita pro pascuis 198 [O]mnibus presentes litteras inspecturis, frater Galterus, abbas, et conventus Vallis Lucentis, prior in Francia et fratres Iherosolimitani Hospitalis, salutem in Domino. Universitati vestre notum facimus quod cum inter nos, videlicet abbatem et conventum Vallis Lucentis, {25va}ex una parte, et fratres Iherosolimitani Hospitalis, ex altera, super quibusdam pascuis de finagio Coldreti diutius fuisset litigatum, tandem amicabilis compositio inter nos intervenit in hunc modum: quod utraque pars toti querele super dictis pascuis renuntiavit, et etiam tam omni controversie quam omni questioni expensarum ratione predicte querele factarum promittens quod super premissis nullam moveret de cetero questionem. Et, quod impetraret, in brevi bona fide, absolutionem utraque pars aiudicibus suis super sententiis excommunicationis et interdicti contra partem adversam obtentis. Ut autem istud ratum et firmum permaneat, sigillorum nostrorum munimine fecimus roborari. Actum anno Domini Mo CCo XXo IIo, mense Aprilis. 92 1222, May 2. No location. The abbot of Saint-Germain-des-Près and Magister G. Cornutus, deacon of Paris, and Pierre de Colemedio, chaplain of the lord pope, note that they have settled a dispute between the Hospitallers of Courroy and Vauluisant according to the same terms as contained in #91. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fos. 25r - 26r Script E. B. Original lost. Related Charters: 3, 8, 91, 104. Compositio facta inter Hospitalarios de Coldreto et Vallemlucentem [A]bbas Sancti Germani de Pratis, et Magister G. Cornutus, decanus Parisiensis, et Petrus de Colemedio, capellanus domini pape, universis ad quos presens scriptum venerit {25vb} rei geste noticiam cum salute. Noverit universitas vestra quod cum inter venerabiles abbatem et conventum Vallis Lucentis, Cisterciensis Ordinis, ex una parte, et fratres Hospitalis Ierosolimitani de Codreto, ex alia, super quibusdam pascuis in finagio de Codreto, coram nobis, auctoritate apostolica, questio verteretur, tandem inter eos compositio intervenit amicabilis in hunc modum: Quod utraque pars toti querelea super dictis pascuis renuntiavit et etiam tam omni controversie quam omni questioni expensarum ratione predicte querele factarum, promittens quod super premissis nullam moveret de cetero questionem. Et quod impetraret, in brevi bona fide, absolutionem utraque pars aiudicibus suis super sententiis excommunicationis et interdicti contra partem adversam obtentis. Ut autem istud ratum et firmum permaneat, ad peticionem utriusque partis, presentes litteras sigillorum nostrorum munimine duximus roborandas. {26ra} Actum anno Domini M. CC. Vicesimo Secundo, mense Maii, in vigilia Sancte Crucis. a. querele]quereli ex corr. A. 93 199 [1169-76]24 No location. Houdeard gave 600 l. provinois to be spent to buy an addition to Bernières from Cormèry's priory of Pont-sur-Seine (for 115) and towards the purchase of a grange from Larrivour (Servins--Chevroy. The 1176 final sale price was, however, 650 marcs Troyes and included a house in Sens, see MC17 -- 1176) on the condition that the monks provide for her, instruct her sons to become monks and provide for her daughter either themselves or at the religious house of her choice. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 26r-v Script E. B. Original lost. a. Quantin II, pp. 205-7, no. 189. After A. Translation: Appendix C. Related Charters: 34, 410, 413. Pensio pie memorie Huldeardis de Corgenaio. [Q]uoniam humana memoria labilis est et quod constituunt presentes latet futuros utile duximus memorie mandare quod Domina Holdeardis quicquid habebat contulit ecclesie Vallis Lucentis ad precium sexcentarum librarum. Ut autem sine gravamine ecclesie viveret, de predicta pecunia emit terras monachorum Sancte Marie de Pontibus que est in territorio Berneriarum pro centum et quindecim libris, et in grangia quam emerunt fratres Vallis Lucentis a fratribus de Ripatorio, posuit quadringentas libras et octoginta quinque. Unde et ego Frater Petrus, abbas predicte ecclesie, et alii fratres statuimus ei uno quoque anno de predictis duos modios frumenti, et sex sextarios siliginis, et tria ordei, duo de pisis, et unum de fabis, et viginti modios vini in vineis Vallis Lucentis. Equos vero et equas quas secum adduxit usque ad triginta sex predicte ecclesie contulit ut de fructu earum reddent ei singulis annis centum solidos, {26rb}in Pascha, videlicet, quinquaginta solidos, in festum Sancti Remigii, quinquaginta solidos. De annona vero que sibi debetur, statutum est ut reddatur ei in Luvannia et apud Vallem Lucentem molatur et quoquatur. Insuper, dabuntur ei annuatim quinquaginta casei in eadem grangia et duo sextarii olei, sal quoque, et ligna, et cetera huiusmodi victui necessaria quantum sibi necesse fuerit. Nulla autem femina in domo sua contra voluntatem suam manebit, exceptis duabus sororibus Domni Petri Abbatis. De filiis vero suis, ordinavimus quod faceremus eos instruere usque ad annos intelligibiles et tunc fient monachi. Quod si, suadente diabolo, quod absit,25 votum deserere quandoque ante susceptum habitum voluerint de pretexata pecunia reddentur matri centum libre ut ipse eis ad voluntatem suam distribuat vel fratribus vallis lucentis, si maluerit, restituat. Quandiu vero filia ipsius cum ipsa manserit domus Vallis Lucentis ei necessaria providebit. Insuper ei dabit per singulos annos quinque {26va}modios vini et quinque sextarios frumenti et vestimenta quantum necesse fuerit. Si autem in posterum in domo sua aliqua occasione quiete vivere non poterit vel si ad alium locum religionis se tranferre voluerit, abbas et predicti fratres nichilominus reddent ei per singulos annos que superius determinata sunt, et ex propriis sumptibus in domo religionis quam elegerit eam ad suam pacem collocabunt. 241169 - 76 Alexander's Cîteaux abbacy, Jongelin, p. 18. (Jongelin states that Gilbert, the previous abbot of Cîteaux, died on October 18, 1168, Alexander transferred from Grandselve, is first seen acting as abbot in 1169 and dies in 1175). 25cf. Benedict of Nursia, Regula, cl. 1852, cap. 58, vers. 27-28, "Illa autem vestimenta quibus exutus est in vestario conservanda, [28] ut si aliquando suadenti diabolo consenserit ut egrediatur de monasterio, quod absit, tunc exutus rebus monasterii proiciatur." (My emphasis) 200 Si vero usque ad mortem sustinere voluerit in cimiterio Vallis Lucentis loco unius fondatricis sepelietur et ei omne beneficium sicut uni ex fratribus persolvetur. Quod si abbas et predictia fratres que statuta sunt ei reddere noluerint, reddent ei libere et absolute quicquid in emenda grangia posuit et pecuniam quam in terris Berneriarum posuit pro sumptibus quos in eam fecerunt dimittet. Huius autem pactionis testes sunt: Urricus prior, Fulco subprior, P. cantor, Ysembardus, Guido succentor, Reignerius, Robertus de Regni, Ernaudus, Willelmus de Stampis, Hugo Rufus, Girardus, Herbertus cellerarius, Radulphus; {26vb}De conversis: Reinaldus, Aubertus, Stephanus, Andreas, Galterus sutor, Richardus pelliparius, Galterus, Werricus rotarii. Ne autem predicta deliberatio per negligentiam aut oblivionem depereat, sigillis abbatum, Domni, videlicet, Alexandri, abbatis Cisterciensis, et Domni Hugonis Pruliacensis, et Domni Harduini de Ripatorio, et Domni Petri abbatis Vallis Lucentis confirmata est, necnon et assensu capituli confirmata. a. predicti]predicta ex corr. A. 94 1220 (o. st.), March. No location. Gautier, abbot, and the entire convent of Vauluisant, note that Renaud de Villeneuveaux-Riches-Hommes, the priest of Dierry-Saint-Pierre, divested his life ownership of the mill at Pouy, 5 s. annual payments, 3 sextarii of oats, 2 breads worth less than 4 d., two chickens in customs over three plots, and one piece of arable land next to the place called Sorlein which moved of the church building (Fabrica) of Saint-Jean de Pouy into the hands of the Archdeacon and officialis of Sens, willing that the church of Vauluisant be invested with these things. In exchange, Vauluisant assigned to Renaud 3 modii of quality grain in the measure of Villeneuve-l'Archevêque paid each year from the grange of Livanne before Christmas and 4 modii of wine in the measure of Auxerre to be given each year from the cellars of Vauluisant to Renaud within four days of his having been summoned to receive the wine. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fos. 26v - 27r Script E B. Original lost. Translation: Appendix C. Related Charters: 88, 96. De molino de Poisi de quo Reinaudus presbiter se devestivit [E]go, Galterus, abbas, et totus conventus Vallis Lucentis, omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis salutem in vero salutari. Noverit universitas vestra quod cum Reinaudus de Villa Nova Divitum, presbiterum de Dirreio, per quandam compositione teneret a nobis ad vitam suam quoddam molendinum apud Poisiacum, et quinque sollidos annui redditus, et tres sextarios avene, et duos panes sub precio quatuor denariorum, et duas gallinas in costumis super tres ochas, et peciam terre arabilis que est iusta locum qui dicitur sollain que movet a fabri-{27ra}-ca Sancti Iohannis de Poisiaco sub annuo censu unius denarii, que omnia post decessum ipsius Renaudi ad ecclesiam nostram, de consensu eiusdem Renaudi et heredum suorum debebant cum integritate reverti, tandem ipse Renaude, bonorum virorum inductus consilio, ut sic paci et quieti ecclesie nostre provideret in posterum, de omnibus supradictis se in manu Venerabilis Viri G., archidiaconi et officialis, devestiens, tam de molendino quam de aliis rebus supra nominatis, dictam ecclesiam nostram, per manum ipsius officialis, voluit et fecit sollempniter investiri, nichil iuris omnino sibi vel suis heredibus in eisdem rebus retinens quod ad possessionem 201 vel proprietatem sub religione iuramenti, firmiter repromittens se ecclesie nostre de his omnibus bona fide garantiam legitimam portaturam. Sane in recompensationem huius gratie nobis facte, nos dicto Renaudo assignavimus tres modios bladi laudabilis et boni ad mensuram Ville Nove Archiepiscopi, quos ipse ad vitam suam tantum singulis annis infra Natale Domini percipiet in Grangia nostra de Luvanna, unum, {27rb}videlicet, modium frumentique unum siliginis, et tercium de avena, et quatuor modios vini rubei laudabilis et boni in cellario nostra ad cuvam ad mensuram Autisiodorensem infra quatuor dies ei solvendum postquam a nobis de recipiendo vino fuerit requisitus. Hanc autem assignationem, tam bladi quam vini sibi factam memoratus Renaudus nulli omnino hominum assignare seu obligare vendere vel commutare poterit qui, post decessum ipsius Renaudi adversus ecclesiam nostram possit vel debeat super aliquam questionem movere. In cuius rei memoriam, presentes litteras sigillo nostro fecimus roborari. Actum anno Gratie Mo CCo Vicesimo, mense Marcio. 95 1215 (o. st.), March. Romilly-sur-Seine, priory of Saint-Hilaire. X, deacon of Pont[-sur-Seine], indicated that Eudes de Pars-les-Romilly and Susanna, his wife, gave 12 d. cens on land next to the road to Gelannes to be paid on the feast of Saint Remy (October 1). A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 27r-v Script E. B. Original lost. Odo de Pars dedit duodecim denarios censuales . ., decanus de Pontibus, omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis salutem in Domino. Noveritis quod, constituti in presentia nostra, Odo de Pars et Susanna, uxor eius, concesserunt in perpetuum ecclesie Vallis Lucentis duodecim denarios persolvendos ad festum Sancti Remigii super terram suam sitam iuxta viam de Gelanis. Datum apud Sanctum {27va}Hylarium, anno Domini Mo CCo Quintodecimo, mense Marcio 202 96 1219, May. No location. Jacques de Foissy, canon of Troyes, notes that Dominus Renaud, the priest of DierrySaint-Pierre, setting out on pilgrimage against the Albigensians, put forth his testament if he should die along the way. Vauluisant will get from his goods 25 l. provinois, 80 heads of sheep, one modius of rye for them to hold as they see fit, so that the brothers can have a meal on his anniversary and the anniversary of his parents, which the brothers promised to do each year. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 27v Script E. B. Original lost. Ind: Roserot I:498.26 Related Charters: 88, 94. Legatum Renaldi de Dirre [O]mnibus presentes litteras inspecturis, ego Iacobus de Foisiaco, Trecensis canonicus, notum facio quod Dominus Reinaudus, presbiter de Dierriaco, contra Albigenses peregre profecturus, ordinavit in hunc modum de bonis suis, si forte ipsum decedere contingat in via: videlicet, quod de bonis illis habebit ecclesia Vallis Lucentis viginti et quinque libras Pruvinenses, et quatuor viginta capita ovium, et unum modium siliginis de quibus tenebuntur comparare sibi redditus ad refectionem conventus Vallis Lucentis fratres dicti loci die anniversarii sui et parentum suorum, quod ipsi fratres se facturos annis singulis promiserunt. In huius rei testimonium, ad petitionem utriusque partis, presens scriptum sigillo meo muniendum duxi. Actum anno Domini Mo CCo Nonodecimo, mense Maio. 97 1224 (o. st.), March. No location. Renaud, deacon of the Vanne Basin, notes that Jean, domicellus of Courgenay, traded a meadow with springs between the mill of Courgenay and Vauluisant to the church of Vauluisant for a meadow that is near the Orvin. His brother, Guy, conceded this. Their mother, Fressendis, quit all rights that she had in this land by marriage or otherwise. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fos. 27v - 28r Script E. B. Original lost. Ind: Roserot III:1692. Translation: Appendix C. Related Charters: 32, 33, 118, 120. Commutatio cuiusdam prati cum fontibus cum Iohanne de Corgenaio [O]mnibus presentes litteras inspecturis, Reignaudus, decanus de Riparia Vanne, salutem. Noverint universi quod Iohannes domi-{27vb}-cellus de Corgenaio commutavit ecclesie Vallis Lucentis quandam peciam prati cum fontibus ab eodem moventibus sitam inter molendinum de Corgenaio et territorium versus Vallem Lucentem quod est eiusdem ecclesie alii pecie prati que est iuxta alveum aque, in hunc modum: quod predicta ecclesia habebit circa petiam prati cum fontibus suis ex omni parte tres tesias, hoc addito, quod habebit decem tesias in latum ab eadem pecia versus territorium eiusdem ecclesie. Si 26Roserot: "En 1219, Renaud, curé de Dierrey, qui était sur le point d'aller à la croisade contre les Albigeois, fit son testament pour le cas où il n'en reviendrait pas. Il laissait aux moines de Vauluisant, pour le refection du couvent, mais à la charge d'un anniversaire, 25 l. de provino, 20 moutons [sic] et une rent d'un muid de Siegle." 203 autem in ipsa pecia animalia ad pascendum venerint, eas capere predictus Iohannes poterit et secundum forefacti emendam levare licebit, excepto quod animalia ecclesie prefate ibi capere non poterit sed solum ipsa repellere eidem licebit. Et si herba in eadem pecia fuerit iam dicta ecclesia ipsam secare poterit et in eadem quicquid ipsa ecclesia facere voluerit operari licebit. Fiduciavit si quidem idem Iohannis quod circa predictam petiam prati cum fontibus ab eodem moventibus nichil faciet vel fieri permittet per quod [[fon]]{28ra}fontes ipsi impeiorentur vel possint impeiorari. Fiduciavit etiam quod super hac commutatio nullam de cetero movebit questionem, neque per se neque per alium super eadem commutatione prefatam ecclesiam vexabit, sed eidem legitimam garantiam portabit. Similiter, uxor prefati Iohannis fiduciavit se huiusmodi commutationem observaturam et omni iuri qualecumque sive quodcumque habeat in ipsa petia omnino renuntiavit, nec in ipsa aliquid reclamari faciet sive reclamabit, per quod ipsa ecclesia in posterum possit vexari. Guido, similiter, domicellus, frater iamdicti Iohannis, hanc commutationem concessit et se observaturum fiduciavit. Nobilis autem mulier Freessendis, mater iamdictorum Iohannis et Guidonus domicellorum, omne ius quod habebat in ipsa pecia predicta ecclesie iam dicte quitavit. Et eidem iuri sive iure dotalicio sive ex alia causa haberet fide mediante abrenuntiavit. Actum anno Domini Mo CCo Vicesimo Quarto, mense Marcio. 98 1195 (o. st.). No location. The abbot of Saint-Pierre d'Auxerre notes that Adeline, wife of Chrétien Gaudun, gave and conceded in alms, for the benefit of her soul, a vineyard at Bar (Barro)27 to the church of Vauluisant and 6 1/2 d. in cens paid on the feast of Saint Remy (October 1) from three people: Alex Drapeur, Etienne Tanneur and Pierre de Radie. Adeline stipulated that as long as she should live, she will hold the vineyard for an annual rent of 10 s. Her father, Poterius, and Chrétien, her husband, confirmed this donation, which was witnessed by Eudes, cellarer of Vauluisant;28 Etienne, conversus; Reginaud, prior of Coina (Quenne?); Pierre de Montbarrois (?); Simon Etienne de Courgis; Humbaud, prior of Cours; and certain others. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 28r-v Script E. B. Original lost. Related Charters: 64, 53. Adelinae uxoris Gaudun elemosina {28rb}de vinea sita in Barro [Arnulphusa], ecclesie Beati Petri Autisiodorensis dictus abbas, omnibus Christi fidelibus ad quos littere presentes pervenerint in Domino salutem. Noverit universitas vestra quod Adelina, uxor Christiani Gaudun, in presentia nostra constituta, concessit et dedit in elemosinam, pro remedio anime sue, vineam quam habebat in barro ecclesie Vallis Lucentis et sex denarios et obolum annualis census, de quibus debet Alexander li drapiers tres et stephanus li tanerres duos et petrus da radie tres obolos, sub tali videlicet conditione: quod quamdiu vixerit, vineam illam tenebit et pro ea prefate ecclesie decem solidos annuatim in festo Sancti Remigii persolvet. Post decessum vero, ipsius vinea illa ad eadem plenarie redibit ecclesiam. Hoc donum laudavit Poterius, pater, et prefatus 27I have not been able to locate this place name. Judging, however, by its use in this and other charters, both pertaining to Vauluisant and other houses, I suspect that it is in the region around Joigny and Epineaules-Veuves. 28Eudes and Etienne are from the same church, most likely Vauluisant, but possibly Saint-Pierre. 204 Christianus. Ad huius itaque rei memoriam conservandam rem prout gesta est, presentib pagine commendare et ipsam sigilli nostri impressione et corroborari et [[et]] communiri decrevimus. Huius rei testes sunt: Odo, eiusdem ecclesie {28va}cellerarius, et Stephanus conversus; Reginaldus, prior de Coina; Petrus de Monte Barri; Simon Stephanus de Corgiaco; Humbaudo, prior de Corz; et quidam alii. A[c]tum anno incarnati Verbi Mo Co Nonagesimo Quinto. a. seu Gaufridus. b. est presenti]est in presenti ex corr. A. 99 1225, November 22.29 Saturday. No location. The officialis of Auxerre notes that a dispute (questio) was held between the abbot and convent of Vauluisant and Etienne Eschaler and Laura, his wife, over a certain close in the parish of Vaux situated before the gate of a house belonging to said brothers of Vauluisant. Etienne and Laura quit their claim and Etienne promised that he would make this quitclaim to be confirmed by his daughter, as it was requested by the brothers. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 28v Script E. B. Original lost. Related Charter: 101 De clauso Vallium sito ante portam [..], Officialis Autisidorensis, omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis salutem in Domino. Noverint universi quod cum inter venerabiles viros abbatem et conventum Vallis Lucentis, ex una parte, et Stephanum Eschaler et Loram, eius uxorem, ex altera, super quodam clauso in parrochia de Vallibus ante portam dictorum fratrum, coram nobis questio verteretur, tandem idem Stephanus et eius uxor prefatos fratres de hac querela et de omnibus conventionibus retroactis temporibus hucusque inter se habitis quittaverunt. Et prefatus Stephanus creentavit quod hanc quitationem faciet laudari a filia sua, cum a prefatis fratribus fuerit requisitus. Hec autem omnia fiduciavit idem Stephanus se bona fide observaturum. Actum anno Gratie. Mo CCo Quinto {28vb}Decimo, Sabbato ante festum Sancti Clementis. 100 1220 November. No location. N., abbot of Saint-Paul de Sens notes that a dispute (discordia) existed between Philippe Mabile, domicellus, and the monks of Vauluisant over the repairs of some ditches by which the woods of Cérilly and Notre-Dame-de-Séant were divided. Philippe alleged that the monks conducted the repairs without notifying him and to his injury. The dispute was settled by Philippe swearing never to bother the monks over the repairs. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fos. 28v - 29r Script E. B. Original lost. Ind: GC, v. 12, col. 253. De fossatis nemoris de Cerili per compositionem Mabile 29This is assuming that the feast of St. Clement referred to here is the principal feast. The other, less likely, possibilities for this date are November 15 or September 6. 205 [E]go N., abbas Sancti Pauli Senonensis, notum facio universis presentes litteras inspecturis quod cum discordia esset inter Philippum Mabile, domicellum, ex una parte, et monachos Vallis Lucentis, ex altera, super reparationem quorundam fossatorum per que divisio fiebat inter nemora de Cereliaco et nemora Sancte Marie, illam reparationem sine suo assensu predictus Philippus non debere fieri asserebat, quam ergo predicta reparatio, ipso nesciente, fiebat de predictis monachis conquerebatur, dicens illos sibi iniuriosos existere et molestos, tandem vero predicta discordia ad statum pacis reducta fuit, me presente, in hunc modum: Constitutus in mea presentia, abbate Vallis Lucentis et predicto Phillipus, ipse Philippus, mediante fide, creentavit de cetero monachos Vallis Lucentis super predicta reparatione nunquam vexaturos. In cuius rei testimonium, presentem cartam sigilli mei feci munimi-{29ra}-ne roborari. Actum anno Gratie Mo CCo Vicesimo, mense Novembri. 101 1214 (o. st.). No location. Brother Gautier, abbot of Vauluisant, notes that Brother Milo, conversus of Vauluisant and master of the Cellars at Vaux, at the license of the abbot, gaves away and concedes a small manse at Vaux next to the manse of Cailat to Robert Bodet of Charentenay and his heirs so that Robert, or his heirs, or whoever should hold this manse, will pay each year on the feast of Saint Remy (October 1) 6 d. and 1 minellum oats ad cumulum. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 29r Script E. B. Original lost. Related Charter: 99. De masura relicta Roberto Bodet de Charenteneio [U]niversis litteras istas inspecturis, Frater Galterus, dictus abbas Vallis Lucentis, eternam in Domino salutem. Noverint universi quod Frater Milo, conversus noster, magister cellarii nostri de Vallibus, unam parvam masuram nostram que est in villa de Vallibus iuxta masuram Cailat, de licentia nostra, dimisit et concessit Roberto Bodeth de Charenteneio et heredi eius possidendam, ita quod propter hoc idema Robertus, aut heres eius, aut qui masuram tenebit, reddet singulis annis in festo Sancti Remigii fratribus ecclesie nostra, sine intermissione, sex denarios et unum minellum avene ad cumulum. In huius rei testimonium, litteras nostras scribi fecimus sigilli nostri attestatione signatas. Actum anno domini Mo CCo XIIIIo. a. idem ex corr. A. 102 1198 (o. st.). No location. Guillaume, abbot of Vauluisant, notes that a dispute (controversia) was held between Milo, priest of Saint-Benoist-sur-Vanne, and his brother, Jacques, and was settled in this way: Jacques gave to his brother the land Margise and in addition the house that owes cens (est in censu) to Vauluisant. Similarly, Jacques quit the land Fortuna and the land 206 on the meadow of Colaz, unless he paid Milo 100 s. within 20 days of the Nativity (Probably Christmas, but could be the Virgin or Saint John the Baptist).30 A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 29r Script E. B. Original lost. Related Charter: 284. De quadam querela presbiteri de Sancto Benedicto [G]uillelmus, Dei gratia Vallis Lucentis abbas et humilis minister, omnibus ad quos littere iste pervenerint in Domino salutem. Noverit universitas vestra quod contro{29rb}-versia que vertebatur inter M[ilonem], presbiterum de Sancto Benedicto, et fratrem eius, Iacobum, sopita et in tranquillum redacta est in hunc modum: predictus et enim Iacobus fratri suo M[iloni] quittavit terram de Margise ex integro ad hec domum que est in censu Vallis Lucentis. Et terram de Fortune et terram que est super pratum Colaz similiter quittavit ei ex toto, nisi redderet ei centum solidos intra viginti dies nativitatis. Actum anno ab incarnatione Domini, Mo Co Nonagesimo Octavo. 103 1228 (o. st.), February 22. No location. Felix, deacon of the Vanne Basin notes that Renaud de Praella de Flacy and Hersend, his wife, gave and conceded to the church of Vauluisant in perpetual alms 7 d. of cens, namely 4 d. from the gardens next to the palisade at Maupas, 2 d. from the land next to Spinam de Sciiam and 1 d. from the land of the little quarry (quarrellum) of Flacy. Geoffroy, Jean and Aceline, their children, confirmed and willed this donations. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 29r-v Script E. B. Original lost. Renaldus de Praella de Flaci dat septem denarios censuales [O]mnibus presentes litteras inspecturis, Felix, decanus de Riparia, in Domino salutem. Noverit universitas vestra quod, in presentia nostra constituti, Renaldus de Praella de Flaciaco, Hersendis, uxor eiusdem, dederunt et concesserunt in perpetuam elemosinam ecclesie Vallis Lucentis septem denarios censuales, scilicet quatuor quos habebant super ochias iuxta Palicios de Malo Passu sitas, et duos super terram iuxta Spinam de Seiiam sitam, et unum denarium super terram de quarrellum, {29va}reddendos, videlicet, apud Flaciacum singulis annis dicte ecclesie, scilicet in crastinum Nativitatis Domini. Hanc autem elemosinam voluerunt et laudaverunt, Gaufridus, Iohannis et Acelina, liberi eorum. Quod ut ratum permaneat, ad peticionem partium, munimine sigilli nostri fecimus roborari. Actum anno domini Mo CCo Vicesimo Octavo, in Cathedra Sancti Petri. 104 1210, June 26. No location. 30The precise meaning of this document is uncertain. I am reading ad hec to mean "adding to these things." Further, the conditional clause, nisi redderet . . ., does not necessarily refer to the last two pieces of property. It could refer to only the last, the land on the meadow, or it could signify all the property in the transaction. The current summary is what I believe to be the most likely understanding. 207 Guillaume, abbot of Montier-la-Celle, Milo, deacon, and Roland, canon, of Troyes, judges delegated by the lord pope in the case (causa) which was disputed between the abbot and monks of Vauluisant and the Hospitallers of Courroy, represented by Brother Roger, master Hospitaller (Hospitalario Magistro), note that litigation was held (lite contestata) in their presence over the woods of Seboart. The judges absolved Vauluisant from the allegations of the Hospitallers, as the ditches were made in the time of Raoul, prior of Notre-Dame-de-Porte-Saint-Léon. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 29v Script E. B. Original lost. Related Charters: 3, 8, 91-2. Sententia contra Hospitalarios de Coldreto pro Suboart [N]os Wllelmus, Sancti Petri Cellensis abbas, Milo, decanus, et Rolandus, canonicus, Trecensis, iudices delegati a domino papa in causa que vertebatur inter abbatem et monachos Vallis Lucentis, ex una parte, et Hospitalarios de Coldreio, ex alia, Fratre Rogero, Hospitalario magistro, ipsius domus in tota causa per litteras magni magistri in Francia procuratore constituto, super nemore quod est apud Seboart lite coram nobis contestata super possessione et proprietate ipsius nemoris. Attestationibus ab utraque parte receptis, et {29vb}publicatis, et rationibus, et allegationibus hinc inde propositis et omnibus his que ad causam ipsam contingere iudebantur, diligenter auditis et cognitis, ad ultimum die ad proferendum sententiam perentorie partibus assignata, habito prudentum virorum consilio, partibus presentibus per sententiam diffinitivam absolvimus abbatem et monachos Vallis Lucentis ab impetitione Hospitalariorum de Coldreio super possessione et proprietate dicti nemoris, sicut fossata que facta fuerunt tempore Radulphi, prioris de Porta Sancti dividunt ipsum nemus. Actum anno Gratie Mo CCo Decimo, sabbato infra octabas Sancti Iohannis Baptiste, mense Iunio. 105 [circa 1197]31 No location. E., abbess, and the convent of the Paraclete make known that they will adhere to whatever, whether judgment or settlement, Pierre de Origny-le-Sec and Godefroy de Pouy determine, with Henri, prepositus, mediating between the two, if it should become necessary, on the case (causa) which is disputed between their house and the church of Vauluisant over a part of the tithes between Pouy and Villeneuve-aux-Riches-Hommes. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fos. 29v - 30r Script E. B. Original lost. Related Charters: 38, 39, 204, 372, MC41. Littere de rato abbatisse super compromissione facta [E]go E., abbatissa Paraclitensis, et eiusdem loci conventus, omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis notum facimus quod quiquid Petrus de Origniaco et Godefridus de Posiaco, Henrico preposito Mediante, si necesse fuerit, component, pace vel iudicio, in causa que vertitur inter nos et ecclesiam Vallis Lucentis, {30ra}videlicet super discordia partis eiusdem decime site inter Poisiacum et Villam Novam, ratum habemus et firmum. 31around the time of #38. 208 106 1224 (o. st.), January. No location. Thibaut [IV], count palatine of Champagne and Brie, makes known that Hugues de Saint-Maurice-aux-Riches-Hommes, in his presence, recognized that he gave Eudes Noblet, a man of Fontenay-de-Bossery, to the brothers of the abbey of Vauluisant. If indeed said man moves in fief from him, Thibaut, having considered the request, confirms, wills, approves and ratifies the gift with his seal. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 30r Script E. B. Original lost. Ind: D'Arbois de Jubainville, Histoire -- Catalogue, v. 5, p. 221, no. 1663. Related Charter: 58, NC17. Elemosina Hugo de Sancti Maurico de Odone Noblet [E]go Theobaldus, Campanie et Brie comes palatinus, notum facio universis presentes litteras inspecturis quod dilectus et fidelis meus, Hugoa de Sancto Mauricio, in mea presentia, recognovit quod ipse dederat in elemosinam Odonem Noblet, hominem de Fonteneto Bauseri, fratribus abbatie Vallis Lucentis. Ego, siquidem de cuius feodo dictus homo movet, donationem factam dictis fratribus, intuitu precatis, laudo, volo, approbo ac sigilli mei munimine confirmo. Actum anno Gratie Mo CCo Vicesimo Quarto, mense Ianuario. a. Hugo]Hugno ex corr. A. 107 1226 (o. st.), April. No location. Anselm, dominus de Traînel, makes known that Jean, prepositus of Traînel, sold to the brothers of the church of Vauluisant a house on the square (in foro) of Traînel with all its surroundings which he bought from Michone de Souligny-les-Etangs. Anselm confirms and concedes the sale to be possessed in perpetuity, but maintains his justice in the area. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 30r Script E. B. Original, AD Yonne, H 775. 12.0 x 13.1 cm. Domo sita in foro Trianguli vendita a Iohanne preposito [E]go Ansellus, dominus Trianguli, notum facio omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis quod Iohannes, prepositus de Triangulo, vendidit fratribus ecclesie Vallis Lucentis quandam domum sitam in foro Trianguli cum omnibus porprisiis suis quam emit a Michone de Su-{30rb}-leniaco. Hanc autem venditionem iamdicte ecclesie laudo et concedo in perpetuum libere possidendam, salva tamen iusticia mea. Ad cuius rei confirmationem, presentem cartam sigilli mei munimine feci roborari. Actum anno domini Millesimo Ducentesimo Vicesimo Sexto, mense Aprili. 108 1200 (o. st.). No location. Anselm, dominus of Traînel makes known that, in the presence of himself and many others, Pierre Flamanz de Pommere gave in alms Augrinus de Lailly and his entire family, namely, 2 sons, Renaud and Garnier, and 2 daughters, Marie and Emeline, to the church and brothers of Vauluisant. Elisabeth, the wife of Pierre, confirmed. In the 209 confirmation and witness of this affair, Pierre affixed the impression of Anselm's seal to the (original) document. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 30r Script E. B. Original lost. Elemosina Petri lo Flamen de Pomeriaus de Augrino de Laleio et familia sua. [E]go A[nsellus], dominus de Triangulo, notum facio, tam futuris quam presentibus, quod Petrus Flamanz de Pomeriaus donavit, in presentia mea, multis etiam assistentibus, in elemosinam ecclesie et fratribus Vallis Lucentis, Augrinum de Lailiaco cum familia sua, duobus, videlicet, filiis, Renaudum et Garnerum, et filiabus duabus, Maria et Emelina. Hanc autem donationem laudavit Elysabeth, dicti Petri uxor. In cuius rei confirmationem et testimonium, idem Petrus fecit inpressione sigille mei presentes litteras roborari. Actum anno Domini Mo CCo. 109 1198 (o. st.). No location. Anselm, dominus of Traînel, makes known that the controversy which was held for some time between Geoffroy, miles of Foissy, and the brothers of the church of Vauluisant over certain payments at Lailly, and the use of iron in the woods called Lussein was pacified in his presence, in the following manner: Geoffroy dismissed the brothers of Vauluisant from all payments in the woods. In the iron mine he conceded as much as one furnellum (little forge) could be able to use. Further, he gave usage of pasture in the woods and all his land in the woods of Lussein, in the forest of Foissy and in the finage of Foissy for nourishing of all their cattle. All these concessions are confirmed by his mother, Nazaria, his sisters, Nazaria, Emengard and Ricoldis and his relatives (cognati) Hugues, Nicholaus, and Hudeerus. Anselm de Traînel, from whose fief all that Geoffroy holds at Foissy moves, confirmed this and promised to maintain the concession. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 30r-v Script E. B. Original, AD Yonne, H 724. 11.4 x 17.3 cm. Missing left 1/3 to 2/5 of charter. a. Quantin II, p. 498, no. 488. (after A) Ind: Lalore, Traînel, no. 154 (reference is to fo. 20r). Compromisso Gaufridi de Foisi et ecclesie Vallis Lucentis de ferragio nemoris de Luisant [E]go Ansellus, dominus de Triangulo, notum {30va}facio, tam presentibus quam futuris,a quod controversia que diu habita fueratb inter Gaufridum, militem de Fuisseio, et fratres ecclesie Vallis Lucentis super quibusdam redditibus qui sunt apud Lailiacum et ferragio nemoris qui dicitur Lucens, in hunc modum pacificata fuit in mea presentia: quod prefatus Gaufridus dicte ecclesie fratribus redditus illos libere et quiete in perpetuum dimisit possidendos. In nemore etiam, predicto minam ferri quantum uno furnello poterit sufflari dictis fratribus concessit. Insuper dedit eis usuarium pasture inc nemore lucenti et in foresta Fuisseii et in omnibus terris suis que sunt in finagio Fuisseii preter quam in pratis ad omnia pecora sua alenda omni tempore percipiendum. Super his omnibus se garantiamd laturum quantum exiget ius sub sacramento fidei promisit. Hec omnia laudaverunt Nazaria, mater eius; et sorores, eius Nazaria, Ermengardis,e et Ricoldis;f et cognati eius Hugo, Nicholaus,g Hudeerus. Ego quoque, de cuius feodo est quicquid prefatus Gaufridus apud Fuisseium habet, hoc totum laudavi et manutenen- 210 {30vb}-dum promisi. Et ut ratum maneat et inconcussum, sigilli mei impressione muniri feci. Actum anno incarnati Verbi Mo Co Nonagesimo Octavo. a. presentibus quam futuris]futuris quam presentibus trp. B. c. in]in in A. Corresponding section in B no longer extant. e. Ermengardis]Emengardis B. f. Ricoldis]Richoldis B. b. habita fuerat trp. A. d. garantiam]guarantiam B. g. Nicholaus om. A. 110 1222, December. No location. Hugues, miles (and prepositus) of Villeneuve-l'Archevêque, makes known that the church of Vauluisant, and Pierre, cleric, son of Baudoin, prepositus, owed him 8 d. of cens paid every year on the feast of the Exaltation of the Cross (September 14), from two pieces of land which had belonged to Baudoin, prepositus, and are in the territory of Estremont. Hugues gave those 8 d. in perpetual alms to the church of Vauluisant, along with another 8 d. of cens owed by Jean, miles of Memorant on a certain meadow at Villeneuve behind the house of Hugues le Roi not far from his house, to be paid on Christmas. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fos. 30v - 31r Script E. B. Original lost. Related Charters: 5, 111. Hugo miles de Nova Villa remittit octo denarios censuales [E]go Hugo, miles de Nova Villa Archiepiscopi, notum facio presentibus et futuris quod ecclesia Vallis Lucentis et Petrus, clericus, filius Balduini, prepositi, michi debebant octo denarios annui census reddendos singulis annis in festo Sancte Crucis in Septembre, de duabus peciis terrarum que fuerant supradicti Balduini, prepositi, et sunt in territorio de Estremont. Istos supradictos octo denarios ego dedi in perpetuam elemosinam ecclesie vallis lucentis. Dedi etiam in perpetuam elemosinam ecclesie Vallis Lucentis octo denarios censuales quos Dominus Iohannes, miles de Memorant, debebant michi singulis annis ad crastinum Natalis Domini, de quodam prato quod est apud Novam Villam retro domum Hugonis Regis, non longa ab ipsa domo. Quod ut ratum sit et fideliter, ab omnibus teneatur, {31ra}litteras istas sigilli mei testimonio roborari feci. Actum anno Domini Mo CCo Vicesimo Secundo, mense Decembre. 111 1222, November. No location. Hugues, miles, prepositus of Villeneuve-l'Archevêque, makes known that he gave to the church of Vauluisant in perpetual alms 8 d. of cens which the church owed to him from a certain piece of land at Estremont which belonged to Baudoin, prepositus. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 31r Script E. B. Original lost. Related Charters: 5, 110. Hugo remittit octo denarios censuales [E]go Hugo, miles, prepositus de Nova Villa Archiepiscopi, notum facio presentibus et futuris quod ego dedi ecclesie Vallis Lucentis in perpetuam elemosinam octo denarios annui census quos dicta ecclesia debebat michi de quadam terra sita in Estremont que fuit Balduini, prepositi. Quod ut ratum et firmum permaneat in perpetum, litteras istas sigilli 211 mei impressione muniri feci. Actum anno Domini Mo CCo Vicesimo Secundo, mense Novembri. 112 1221 (o. st.). No location. Alice, domina of Marcilly-le-Hayer, for the remedy of her soul and the souls of her ancestors, gave to God, Saint Mary and the monks of Vauluisant, with the confirmation and assent of her sons, Jean and Geoffroy, 6 sextarii of Grain: 3 of rye and 3 of oats to be paid each year on the feast of Saint Remy (October 1), from the profits (Gaanagium -Fr.: gagnage) of Geoffroy, son of Alice, which he has at Saint-Flavy, next to Marigny-leChâtel. In exchange, Alice gave Geoffroy six sextarii from her profits at Dosches. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 31r Script E. B. Original, AD Yonne, H 754. 10.9 x 19.4 cm. Seal of Alice de Marcilly. The bottom-right portion of the parchment is somewhat damaged. Ind: Roserot, III:1352. Related Charter: 74. Legatum pie memorie Aaliz domine de Marceli [E]go Aaliz, domina de Marcelli, notum facio presentibus et futuris quod ego dedi, laude et assensu filiorum meorum,a Iohannis et Gaufridi, pro remedio anime mee et antecessorum meorum, Deo, et Beate Marie, et monachis Vallis Lucentis sexb sextaria bladi, tria, scilicet, siliginis et tria avene, in gueeignagio Gaufridi, filii mei, quod habet aput Sanctum Flavetum iuxta Ma-{31rb}-rignic ad festum Sancti Remigii, post obitum meum, singulis annis percipienda. Et sciendum quod ego, predicta Aaliz, dedi predicto filio meo, Gaufrido, excambiumd pro sex predictis sextariis bladi in guaanagioe vico de Doiche. Hanc elemosinam laudavit Guido, miles de Meriaco, frater predictorum filiorum meorum, Iohannis et Gaufridi. Et ut hec elemosina ratumf et inconcussa permaneat, presentes litteras sigilli mei munimine roboravi. Actum anno Gratie Mo CCo Vicesimo Primo. a. meorum om. A. b. sex]sexta B. c. Marigni]Marine B. d. excambium]exquambium B. e. guaanagio]gueenagio B. f. ratum]ratu ex corr.? A. Corr. Sect. of B missing. Either a hairline stroke was added, or this is rate ex corr. 113 1224 (o. st.) February. No location. Vir Nobilis, Garnier [IV, de Traînel], dominus of Marigny-le-Châtel, makes known that Garnier [III], dominus of Marigny, miles, his father, gave in alms to the church of Vauluisant 100 s. provinois from the mayorship of Marigny to be paid every year on the feast of the Purification of the Virgin (February 2). He (Garnier IV) confirms and concedes the donation and will make it to be held and observed by his heirs. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 31r-v Script E. B. Original, AD Yonne, H 754. 6.0 x 14.3 cm. Related Charters: 62, NC23. Legatum pie memorie Garnerus domini Marigniaci 212 [O]mnibus presentes litteras inspecturis, Vir Nobilis Garnerus de Maregniaco salutem in Domino. Noverint universi quod Garnerus, dominus Marigniaci,a miles, pater meus, dedit ecclesie Vallis Lucentis centum solidos Pruvinenses in elemosinam perpetuam in maioratu Marigniaci,b singulis annis in Purificatione Beate Marie percipiendos. Quam donationem, concedo et confirmo et ab heredibus meis observari faciam et teneri taliter: quod tam {31va}ego, quam ipsi, sine ulla contradictione, predictam donationem persolvemus. Ad cuius donationis confirmationem, sigillum meum duxi apponendum. Actum anno Domini, Mo CCo Vicesimo Quarto, mense Februario.c a. Marigniaci]Maregniaci B. b. Marigniaci]Maregniaci B. c. Februario]Febrruario B. 114 [ca. 1196]32 No location. Brother Guy, abbot of Preuilly, notes that he has been commissioned by the judges delegated by the pope, namely Master Peter the Chanter of Paris, and Maurice, the archdeacon of the same church, to the complaint (querela) raised by Girard Baet against the house of Vauluisant over usage rights in the woods of Barrault, and has settled the dispute, with the consent of both parties, in this way: Guillaume, the abbot of Vauluisant, and the convent of that house concede usage rights in the aforesaid woods according to the same terms made to Gilo de Montgueux (Monte Goor) and Eudes de Saint-Pregts, the mode and form of these usage right is clearly determined in the letters of the Archbishop of Sens. (The agreement with Eudes is still extant, MC24) A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 31v Script E. B. Original lost. Ind: John W. Baldwin, Masters, Princes and Merchants: The Social Views of Peter the Chanter and his Circle, Princeton, 1970, v. 2, p. 235, no. 41. Related Charter: MC24. Compromissio facta de Bosco Raant qui impetebatur a Girardo Baet [F]rater Guido, Pruliacensis dictus abbas, omnibus ad quos presentes littere pervenerint salutem et pacem. Noverit universitas vestra quod querela quam Gerardus Baet super usuario nemoris Raaldi adversus domum Vallis Lucentis a iudicibus super hoc a domino papa delegatis, scilicet Magistro Pe[tre], cantore Parisiensi, et Mauricio, eiusdem ecclesie archidiacono, nobis commissa est et consensu utriusque partis in [[in]] hunc modum terminata: pro bono pacis, domnus Wllelmus, abbas Vallis Lucentis, et conventus eiusdem domus predicto Gerardo usuarium in prefato nemore concesserunt eo modo et ea forma qua Giloni de Monte Goor et Odoni de Sancto Preiecto fuerat concessum. Modus autem et forma huius usuarii in litteris domini Senonensis archiepiscopi aperte dis{31vb}-tinguitur et determinatur. 115 1217 (o. st.), March. No location. Milo de Corbeil, canon of Paris, makes known that he confirms, concedes and approves, by letters patent approving and testifying to the sale of a certain meadow and a rural homestead (ortus), made by Goderio, his maior of Poussey, to the convent of Vauluisant. 32Judged by internal reference to an agreement between Vauluisant and Eudes de Saint-Pregts over the usage of Barrault. The charter referred to is MC24, 1196. Note that Baldwin gives 1183-1193 as the range of dates. 213 A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 31v Script E. B. Original lost. Milo de Corbolio approbat venditionem a Goderio de Poci factam [E]go Milo de Corbolio, canonicus Parisiensis, notum facio omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis quod vendicionem factam a Goderio, maiore meo de Poci, conventui de Vallelucenti super quodam prato et quodam orto, laudo, concedo et approbo, litteris meis patentibus venditionem hanc approbantibus et testificantibus. Actum anno Gratie, Mo CCo Septimodecimo, mense Marcio. 116 1214 (o. st.). No location. Guillaume, count of Joigny, notes that Thibaut de Bar gave and conceded in perpetual alms to the Hôtel-Dieu de Traînel whatever he had in tithes and cens at Epineau-lesVeuves, and in the entire parish. Guillaume, from whom these things were held in fief, confirmed and conceded this donation. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 31v Script E. B. Original, AD Yonne, H 723. 5.6 x 17.8 cm. Seal of Guillaume, count of Joigny. Related Charter: 70. Tistimonium nostri de dono decime espineti et ubi fuerit factum [E]go Willelmus, comes Iovigniaci, notum facio, tam presentibus quam futuris, quod Theobaldus de Barro dedit et concessit in perpetuam elemosinam Domui Dei de Triangulo quicquid ipse habebat in decimis et in censu apud Espinetum et in tota parrochia. Ego vero, de cuius feodo erat hanc donationema laudavi et concessi. Quod ut ratum sit et firmum, presentem cartam sigillo meo roboravi. Actum anno Gratie, Millesimo Centesimo Quartodecimo. a. donationem]donatinem A. 117 1199, June. No location. Thibaut [III], count palatine of Troyes, makes known that Leteric, miles of Courgenay recognized that he gave and conceded to the church of Vauluisant in perpetual alms, with the assent of his wife and children, the land of Waroy from the round thistle-field (dumo rotundo) through the marl pit (marnam), up to the road to Sens, so that the road shall remain with said miles. Beccause the aforesaid land moves from his feudal rights and the aforesaid alms were recognized in his presence, Thibaut confirmed and conceded the donation, and undertook to warranty it to the aforesaid church. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fos. 31v - 32r Script E. B. Original lost. a. Quantin II, pp. 504-5, no. 496. After A. Ind: D'Arbois de Jubainville, Histoire--Catalogue, v.5, p. 16, no. 482. Elemosina Leterici de Corgenai de terra de Varoys diligenter inferius limitata {32ra}[E]go, Theobald, comes Trecensis palatinus, notum facio presentibus et futuris quod Letericus, miles de Corgenai, in mea constitutus presentia, recognovit se, assentientibus uxore sua et liberis suis, in perpetuam elemosinam dedisse et concessisse 214 ecclesie Vallis Lucentis terram de Waroyx a dumo rotundo per marnam directe usque ad viam Senonensis, ita quod dicta via ex parte predicti militis remaneat. Quia vero predicta terra de feodo meo movet et prefata elemosina coram me recognita est, donationem istam laudavi et concessi et predicte ecclesie disposui garantire. Verum, ne donationis huius aliqua possit in posterum calumpnia suboriri, in huius rei testimonium presentem feci cartam sigilli mei munimine roborari. Actum anno incarnati Verbi Mo Co Nonagesimo Nono, mense Iunio. 118 1213, May. Troyes. Blanche, countess palatine of Troyes, makes known that a dispute (discordia) was held between Vauluisant and Fressendis de Courgenay and her children. The monks claimed that they had pasturage for all their cattle and animals in the lands of Fressendis. And Fressendis and her sons claimed pasturage for all their animals and glandage for their pigs in the monks' lands. Further, there was a dispute over a certain part of the woods which both parties claimed to be theirs. A peace and concord was reached in which the animals of Vauluisant will go through the lands and woods of Fressendis and her sons and men within one league (unam leugam) from the abbey without damaging the standing crops or fields. The terms are the same for Fressendis' party, except that they will receive no pannage rights (pasnagium) in the forest; In the time of glandage, all such rights will remain with the monks so that from the time of the feast of the Exaltation of the Cross (September 14) to Christmas the pigs of Fressendis and her men may not enter the monks territory. Blanche notes that for the disputed woods, she sent, with the assent of both parties, Geoffroy de Mota and Pierre de Boy who, on the advice of upstanding local men, split the disputed wood and established boundary stones (metas) there, so that the Courgenay side will remain with Domina Fressendis and her sons, and the abbey side will remain with the monks and church of Vauluisant. Both parties conceded these terms and pay 60 l. for sureties, Fressendis with her sons and daughters, Jean, Guiot, Bartholomew and Agnes, giving their pledge to Blanche, countess of Troyes, while the monks gave their 60 l. to Jean le Beau and Berengar de Nogent. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fos. 32r - 33r Script E. B. Original, AD Yonne, H 716. 25.9 x 27.9 cm. a. Quantin III, p. 56 no. 125. After B. Ind: D'Arbois de Jubainville, Histoire -- Catalogue, v. 5, p. 73, no. 820. Related Charters: 32, 33, 97, 120. De controversia diversarum querelarum cum Domina Fraisant quomodo [quomodo] fuerit sedata [E]go Blancha, comitissa Trecensiuma palatina, notum facio universis presen-{32rb}tibus pariter et futuris quod diu fuit discordia inter abbatem et monachos Vallis Lucentis, ex una parte, et Frassandam de Corgenaio et liberos eius, ex altera, super hoc: quod monachi dicebant se habere pasturagium omnibus pecoribus et animalibus ecclesie in omnibus nemoribus et terris dicte Frassendis, et liberorum eius, et hominum eorum. Quod dicta frassendis et eius filii negabant et dicebant quod ipsi et eorum homines de Corgenaio habebant pasturagium ad omnia sua animalia in omnibus nemoribus et terris monachorum et glandem ad porcos suos. Conquerebatur etiam utraque pars, dampna multa sibi facta fuisse super querelis istis. Erat etiam discordia inter ipsos super quadam nemoris particula quam utraque pars affirmabat esse suam. 215 Super hisb omnibus fuit facta pax et concordia inter ipsos, de communi utriusque partis assensu, in mea presentia in hunc modum: omnia animalia magna et parva ecclesie Vallis Lucentis {32va}ibunt a modo in perpetuum per omnia nemora et terras predicte Frassendis, et eius filiorum, et hominum eorum, ubique infra unam leugamc ab abbatia, sine dampno segetum et pratorum. Similiter, omnia animalia predicte Frassendis, et filiorum eius, et hominum eorum de Corgenaio, ibunt per omnia nemora et terras monachorum Vallis Lucentis ubique infra unam leugamd ab abbatia, sine dampno segetum et pratorum. Sed in pasnagio nemorum nichil habebent dicta Frassendis, et liberi eius, nec homines eorum, sed totum remanet monachis; ita, videlicet, quod monachi sua nemora tempore glandium poterunt custodire et tunc in tempore glandium, videlicet ab Exaltationee Sancte Crucis usque ad Natale, non intrabunt porci dictorum Fraxsendis,f et filiorum eius, vel hominum eorum, nemora ecclesie Vallis Lucentis. Et sciendum quod utraque pars sua nemorag de novo incisa poterit custodire ab animalibus tantum quantum {32vb}usitatum est in terra mea nemora de novo decisa custodiri. Dampna quidem que utraque pars exigebat, remanenth quittai hinc inde. De illa nemoris particula super qua erat contentio,j statutum fuit et concessum hinc inde: quod illuc mitterem et facerem abonari et dividi ius ecclesie a iure sepedicte Frassendis et filiorum eius; et ego illuck misi, de assensu partium, dilectos et fideles meos, Gaufridum de Mota et Petrum de Boy, qui duo illa nemora per testimonia proborum hominum de patria illa diviserunt, et metas ibidem fixerunt ex parte mea et perpetuo statuerunt, ita quod a metis illis nemus ex parte Corgenaii remanet Dominel Frassendi iamdictem et filiis eius et ex parte abbatie remanet monachis et ecclesie Vallis Lucentis. Hanc itaque pacem predicti abbas concesserunt.n Similiter, prescripta Frassendis et eius filii et filia, Iohannes, videlicet, Guiotus, Bertelotuso et Agnes eandem pacem concesserunt et fiduciaverunt et dederunt me plegiam super quicquid de me tenent usque ad sexaginta {33ra}libras de ista pace inviolabiliter observanda. Similiter, monachi dederunt usque ad sexaginta libras plegios Iohannem le Biau et Berengarump de Nogento de hac pace firmiter tenenda. In cuius rei memoriam et confirmationem, presentem cartam notari feci et sigilli mei munimine roborari. Datum Trecis anno Gratie Mo Ducentesimo Terciodecimo, mense Maio. a. Trecensium A]Trecen. (abbv.) B]Trecensis a. b. his]hiis a. (B?) c. leugam]leucam B. d. leugam]leucam B. e. Exaltatione]Exaltacione B. f. Fraxsendis]Frassendis B. g. nemora] om. A. h. remanent]remaneret a. i. quitta]quita B. j. contentio]contencio a. k. illuc] om. A. l. Domine] om. B. m. Frassendi iamdicte trp. B . n. abbas concesserunt]abbas et monachi concesserunt add. a. (B?) o. Guiotus, Bertelotus]Berthelotus, Guiotus trp. et add. "h" B. p. Berengarum]Berengarium B]Belengarium a. 119 1223 (o. st.), January. No location. Jean [de Brienne], king of Jerusalem, notes that a dispute was held (contentio verteretur) between Brother Aubert, abbot, and the convent of Vauluisant and Erard de Brienne over usage rights in the forest which is called Les Rajeuses, and was pacified by him, with the assent of both parties in the following fashion: Aubert and the convent of Vauluisant quit all usage rights that they sought in the noted forest to Gautier, archbishop of Sens, except that they retain the usage of grassy pasture (pasture herbagii) for the use of all animals of the grange of Les Loges, but pigs are not allowed to pasture there. Moreover, the men of Seant, namely, the heirs of the deceased Ansaud, prepositus, the heirs of Chrétien le Duc, and the rest, for this surrender of all that they had, probably the usage rights which they said they had by hereditary right of two capita of dead wood for charcoal, in the woods of 216 Vauluisant adjacent to the borders of the granges of Cérilly and Les Loges. They surrendered these rights to the abbot and brothers of Vauluisant at the request of Dominus Erard. Further, Erard swore in the presence of Dominus Gautier, archbishop of Sens, that he would carry the warranty over this surrender to the brothers of Vauluisant, and would repair the damage if a some person from Séant, or one of their heirs, incurs damages. Therefore, Erard and Philippa, daughter of the Henri [II], former count of Troyes, Erard's wife, gave to the brothers of Vauluisant the usage of pasture for all animals of the granges of Cérilly and Les Loges in the woods called SaintEtienne, and in all woods and lands which are under their dominion. They also recognized that the church of Vauluisant has a sixth part in all things in the woods of Notre-Dame [de Séant], and in the woods of Alleux, and they maintained usage right, just as they owned [them]. In the observation of which things, Erard and Philippa confirmed and conceded this and obligated their heirs in perpetuity. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 33r-v Script E. B. Original, AD Yonne, H 706. 23.5 x 19.1 cm. Ind: Lalore, Traînel, no. 201. Related Charters: 72, 122-24, 128, 220, 226, 236-37, 243, 269. Quitavit ecclesia Vallis Lucentis usuarium Rabiose quibusdam conventionibus interpositis [I]ohannes, Dei gratia Iherusalem Rex, universis ad quos presentes littere pervenerint salutem in Domino. Noverit universitas vestra quod cum contentio verteretur inter Fratrem Aubertum, abbatem Vallis Lucentis, et conventum eiusdem domus, ex una parte, et karissimum consanguineum nostrum, Nobilem Virum Erardum de Brena, ex altera, super usuagio foreste que dicitur Rabiosa, tandem, ad peticionema partium, nos contentionem istam pacificavimus,b videlicet in hunc modum: Predictus Aubertus,c abbas Vallis Lucentis, totusque eiusdem loci conventus totum illud usuagium quod petebant in {33rb}foresta memorata reverendo in Christo patri nostro, Galtero Senonensis archiepiscopo, in perpetuum quitaverunt,d excepto quod ad usus omnium animalium unius Granchie sue, que dicitur granchia de Logiis usuariume pasture herbagii ad voluntatem eiusdem archiepiscopi in eadem foresta sibi retinuerunt. Nec tamen porcos pascere propter hocf poterunt in eadem. Homines autem de Seanz,g pro recompensatione huius quittationis, videlicet heredes defuncti Ansaudi prepositi, et heredes Christiani Ducis, et ceteri, omnes qui in nemoribus Vallis Lucentis adiacentibus finibus granchiarumh de Cereli et de Logiis usuagium carbonagii de lignis mortuisi habentibus duo capita ad terram iure hereditario habere se dicebant, totum illud usuagium, ad preces Domini Erardi, dicto abbati et fratribus Vallis Lucentis in perpetuum quittaverunt, iuramento prestito quod usuagium illud de cetero non reclamarent, nichil omnino sibi nec heredibus eorum de eodem usuagio {33va}retinentes. Dictus vero Erardus fiduciavit, coram Domino Galtero, Senonensis archiepiscopo, quod fratribus Vallis Lucentis super hac quitationej portaret garantiam. Et si aliquis hominum de Seanz,k vel heredum eorum, occasione predicti usuagii eos vexaret, ipse Erardus faceret eisdem fratribus damna et deperdita que propter hoc facta essent restaurari. Propterea, ipse Erardus et karissima soror nostra, Philippa, Henrici, pie memorie, quondam comitis Trecensis filia, uxor eius, dederunt supradictis fratribus usuarium pasture ad omnia animalia Grangiarum de Cerelli et de Logiis in nemore quod dicitur Sancti Stephani et in omnibus nemoribus et terris que sub dominio suo sunt et sub eorum potestate. Recognoverunt etiam quod ecclesia Vallis Lucentis habet sextam partem in nemore quod dicitur nemus Sancte Marie in omnibus et in nemore de Allodiis et usuarium pro ut habere consueverunt. Hec omnia firmiter observanda laudaverunt et concesserunt 217 sepedicti Erardus et Philippa, et ad hec heredes suos inperpetuum obligave-{33vb}-runt. In cuius rei testimonium, litteras istas sigilli nostri fecimus munimine roborari. Actum anno Domini Mo CCo Vicesimo Tercio, mense Ianuario a. peticionem]petitionem B. b. pacificavimus]patificavimus B. c. Aubertus]. . B. d. quitaverunt]quictaverunt B. e. usuarium]usuagium B. f. pascere propter hoc]propter hoc pascere trp. B. g. Seanz]Seant B. h. granchiarum]grangiarum B. i. mortuis om. A. j. quitatione]quittatione B. k. Seanz]Seant B. 120 1218 (o. st.), March. No location. Blanche, countess palatine of Troyes, notes that a dispute was held between Jean and Bartholomé, domini of Courgenay, and the abbot and convent of Vauluisant over a weir (French: écluse) that the monks built below the mill of Courgenay by which they planned to lead water to their newly-built mill above their abbey. Finally, in the presence of Blanche, they composed the following agreement: Jean and Bartholomé quit the mill of Courgenay to the monks and allowed them to construct a road to the mill, and established provisions for the appointment of a miller. In addition, the brothers permitted the monks to water their fields above Courgenay, provided that the water that leaves the fields returns to the mill of Courgenay. In return for this, the monks are to pay the domini 3 modii of molitura and 1 modius of praiseworthy wheat, half on the octave of Christmas (January 2), and half on the octave of Easter (second Monday after Easter). If the monks should not pay, they will be held for a 2 s. penalty for each day after the deadline they have not paid. Furthermore, the monks recognized that from the mill of Courgenay to the grange of Livanne, all fishing rights belong to Jean and Bartholomé. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fos. 33v - 35r Script E. After C. B. More likely "Original," AD Yonne, H 710, copy 1. 29.7 x 26.6. Seal of Blanche, countess of Troyes. C. "Copy," AD Yonne, H 710, copy 2. After B(?). 25.0 x 35.0. Ind: D'Arbois de Jubainville, Histoire -- Catalogue, v. 5, p. 138, no. 1188. Translation: Appendix C. Related Charters: 32, 33, 97, 118. De controversia orta propter exclusam subtus molinum Corgenaii [E]go Blancha, comitissa Trecensis palatina, notum facio universis presentibus pariter et futuris quod cum discordia verteretur inter dilectos et fideles meos, Iohannem et Bartolomeum, fratres, dominos de Corgenai, ex una parte, et abbatem et conventum Vallis Lucentis, ex altera, super quadam exclusa quam ipsi monachi fecerant subter molendinum de Corgenai, quod erat dictorum fratruma Iohannis et Bartholomei; per quam exclusam ipsi monachi volebant aquam de Corgenai ducere ad quoddam molendinum suum quod de novo construxerant desuper abbatiamb suam, tandem, probis viris interponentibus, partes suas taliter in mea presentiac composuerunt: Quod dicti fratres, Iohannes et Bartholomeus, concesserunt monachis ut ibidem faciant exclusam et calceiam quales et quantas voluerint {34ra}et quod ipsis monachis liceat ad aquare prata sua sita desuper Corgenaid quando, quantum et quociens eis placuerit, dummodo aqua que exibit de pratis ad molendinum de Corgenai revertatur. Insuper, quittaverunt prefati fratrese Iohannes et Bartholomeus monachis supradictis ipsum molendinum de Corgenai et eis concesserunt illud in perpetuum possidendum, volentes et concedentes ut ipsi monachi capiant de terris eorumdem fratrum quantum necesse fuerit ad opus molendini: adducento, scilicet terram, bigis, civeriis apportando. 218 Et quociensf supradicti monachi voluerint reparare, ipsum molendinum de Corgenai licebit eis aquam ducere per terram dominorum de Corgenai donec fuerit reparatum. Retinuerunt autem sibi dicti fratres in eodem molendino quod mater eorum, quamdiu vixerit, in eo molere poterit sine moltura. De terra autem dictorum fratrum, habebunt monachi circa molendinum undiqueg quatuor tesas mensuratas extra soleas que nunc {34rb}in molendino apparent et tenentur ipsi fratres per terras eorum viam tradere usque ad molendinum. Pro quittationeh itaque dicti molendini et pro concessione omnium predictorum, tenentur ipsi monachi reddere memoratis fratribus et eorum heredibus in perpetuum quatuor modios bladi annui redditus persolvendos apud Corgenai ad mensuram Ville Nove Archiepiscopi, unum modium, scilicet, frumenti laudabilis et tres modios laudabilisi molture, talibus terminis persolvendos: medietatem videlicet singulis annis inj crastino octavarum Pasche et aliam medietatem in crastino octavarum Natalis Domini. Si autem bladum illud non redderetur ad terminos constitutos et per monachos staret quin esset persolutum, monachik singulis diebus quibus illud retinerent post elapsum terminum redderent dictis fratribus vel eorum heredibus duos solidos pro pena. Tenentur autem dicti fratres et aliis supradictis et de molendinol {34va}legitimam portare monachis garantiam. A calceia vero et exclusa indesuper usque ad ortum Luvenne, tota piscariam est predictorum fratrum Iohannis et Bartholomei, nec in ea possunt monachi aliquidn reclamare. In excloturis vero molendini, neque ipsi fratres, neque eorum heredes, sed nec monachi possunt apponere ingenia ad pisces capiendos. Circa Corgenaium vel prope Corgenaium alia non possunt molendina construi. Sed illud tenentur monachi retinere ne corruat,o ut in eo suas habeant eisentias,p tam domini quam homines de Corgenai, molturas rationabiles persolvendo. Si monachi in eodem molendino ingravaverint ad molendum et venerint domini vel homines ad molendum bladum suum, monachi non poterunt molere plusquam duos sextarios, donec domini vel homines moluerint moutamq suam reddendo moliturasr suas. In eodem molendino apponent et amovebunt monachi quando voluerint molendinarium {34vb}qui, quotienss appositus fuerit, fidelitatemt faciet in ecclesia de Corgenai quodu et a dominis et hominibus de corgenai rationabilesv capiet molturas ad usus et consuetudines aliorum molendinorum in illis partibus constructorum. Significabunt monachi dominis de Corgenai diem quando molendinarius faciet huiusmodi sacramentum, ut intersint si voluerint. Quiw si interesse voluerint, tam molendinarius ille quam monachi inde quittix remanebunt. Similiter fiet quotiens molendinarius apponetur. Ceterum domini de Corgenai fossata sua poterunt ad aquare, ita tamen quod aqua non divertatur alibi quin tota redeat ad molendinum. Has siquidem conventionesy fiduciaverunt coram me dicti fratres firmiter observare monachis et ipsi monachi creentaveruntz quod eas inviolabiliter observabunt. Ego itaque, de cuius feodo movet predictum molendinum et de qua prefatus Iohannes tenet in {35ra}feodo et hommagioaa bladum illud sibi assignatum,bb predictas conventionescc volui etdd approbavi ac sigilli mei munimine roboravi.ee Actum anno Gratie Millesimo, Ducentesimo, Octavo Decimo, mense Marcio.ff a. fratrum om. A. b. abbatiam]abbaciam B. c. presentia]presencia B. d. Corgenai]Corgneai A. e. fratres om. A. f. quociens]quotiens BC. g. undique om. A. h. quittatione]quitatione BC. i. laudabilis]laudabi A. j. in]in in add. A. k. monachi]monachis ex corr. A. l. et aliis . . . molendino]et de molendino et aliis supradictis trp. BC. m. piscaria]pischaria B. n. aliquid om. A. o. corruat]corrunt ex. corr. A. eisentias]aisancias B]aisentias C. q. moutam]moltam B. molituras]molturas BC. s. quotiens]quociens B. t. fidelitatem]fidem A. Corgenai quod]Courgenai et fidelitatem quod add. A. v. rationabiles]racionabiles B. p. r. u. w. 219 qui]quod A. x. quitti]quiti BC. y. conventiones]convenciones A. z. creentaverunt]creantaverunt BC. aa. hommagio]homagio B. bb. assignatum]assignatatum B. cc. conventiones]convenciones A. dd. et om. A. ee. roboravi]robo roboravi add. A. ff. Marcio]Martio C. 121 1212, December. Paris. Adam, Archdeacon, and G., Deacon, of Saint-Germain-d'Auxerre, and P. Pulverellus, canon of Paris, judges delegated by the pope for the cases (causis) which the monastery of Vauluisant put forth against Domina Ida de Traînel, former wife of Dominus Anselm de Traînel, administrating the affairs of her sons, litigated in their presence, just as it was legitimately contested against the administrator (Ida), having received witnesses and documents, heard confessions, and diligently considered all that the parties wished to put forth in their presence, when faith (an oath?) was made to them that said monastery had possessed for a very long time the woods of Capra Sicca, Seboart, Briveres, La Perta, Leumeen, Fauconnais, Le Rochoi, Livanne, Fuissets, Foisians, Sorlein, Vilefranche, and Vinoles, and the monastery ought to freely possess them. (all of these forests more or less are centered around the main monastic establishment and the grange of Livanne). Finally, both sides having had for several days the assigned date for the delivery of the sentence, and Ida's party being contumaciously absent, they condemned Domina Ida that she: 1. permit the monks to hold those woods without question of ownership (salva questione proprietatis). Further, she shall entirely free from their bail (vadia) the men of the monastery whom she had seized entering those woods so that she shall bring no trouble to said men or their sureties or the monastery. 2. They also condemn her that she she must allow the monastery to take freely from the iron mine enough iron for one furnace. 3. Ida shall permit pasture rights for all cattle in the finage of Foissy and Lussein woods and in all the land of Geoffroy, miles of Tortus. 4. Allow the monks the usuage of wood, pastures and the mine in the woods of Lailly, called by some le Haie 5. They free her from the damages sought because of her prohibitions or those of Dominus Anselm. 6. They also condemn said domina that she permit the usage of wood and pasture in the woods of Lancy. 7. Moreover, she shall permit the brothers to send cattle into the lands, meadows and woods which were Dominus Anselm's around their abbey and three granges of Livanne, Beauvoir and Toucheboeuf. 8. Ida must return the horse which Dominus Anselm took to Saint-Gilles or pay 100 s. for a new steed. 9. Ida was absolved from the horse named Bretons. 10. Pay for the horse she holds from the abbey. 11. Pay 8 l. 7 s. money of Provins. 12. Ida was absolved from four horses which Anselm took from the monastery. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fos. 35r - 36r Script E. B. Original lost. Ind: Lalore, Traînel, no. 183. (reference is to fo. 40v). Also Relevant: Quantin, v. III, p. 55, no. 123. The abbey of Saint-Pierre-le-Vif secured a January 16, 1213 (n. st.) judgment against Ida for a similar violent denial of their rights. Related Charter: 24. Sententia data contra Ydam dominam Trianguli de nemoribus citra Venne fluvio constitutis [I]n nomine Patris et Filii et Spiricu Sancti, amen. Nos Adam, archidiaconus, et G., decanus, Sancti Germani Autisiodorensis et magister P. Pulverellus, canonicus Parisiensis, a domino papa iudices delegati in causis quas monasterium Vallis Lucentis proponebat contra Dominam Ydam Trianguli, uxorem quondam Domini Anselli de 220 Triangulo, amministrantem res filiorum suorum, lite coram nobis, tanquam contra administratricem legitime contestata, receptis testibus et instrumentis, auditis confessionibus, et omnibus que partes coram nobis proponere voluerunt diligenter consederatis, cum fides nobis facta fuerit quod dictum monasterium longissimo tempore libere possederit nemora que dicuntur Capra Sicca, Seboart, Briveres, la Perte, Leu{35rb}-meen, Fauconoit, lo Rochoi, la Luvane, Fuissetes, Foisians, Sollen, Vilefranche, Vinoles, et adhuc libere debeat possidere. Pluribus diebus partibus ad audiendam diffinitivam sententiam assignatis, et parte domine per contumatiam absente, condempnavimus Dominam Ydam in hoc: quod eis permittat libere possidere nemora supradicta salva questione proprietatis. Homines etiam monasterii inventos in nemoribus quos capi fecit et vadia eorum liberet omnino ut nullam molestiam inferat dictis hominibus vel plegiis eorum aut ipsi monasterio. Condempnamus etiam Dominam Ydam ut de cetero permittat dictum monasterium libere trahere minam ferri quantum unum fornellum sufflare potest, in nemore quod dicitur Luisant, quia fides nobis legitime facta est monasterium longo tempore in possessione fuisse et super hoc violentiam eidem factam salva questione proprietatis. Et ut permittat similiter extrahere minam ferri per quinque annos quantum unum fornel-{35va}-lum sufflare potest, ratione preteriti temporis, quia a tanto tempore eidem facta est violentia. Condempnamus etiam Dominam Idam ut permittat fratres libere habere usuagium pasture ad omnia pecora in fores[[s]]ta Foseii et in nemore de Lusant et in omnibus terris Gaufridi, militis Torti, que sunt in finagio Foisseii usque ad Vennam fluvium, omni tempore preter quam in pratis, quia fides nobis facta est monasterium vallis lucentis longo tempore in possessione fuisse et violentiam ei factam salva questione proprietatis de dampno autem petito ab ipsa, propter eius prohibitionem vel Domini Anselli de Triangulo liberamus eandem. Condempnamus etiam dictam dominam ut libere permittat monasterium memoratum in nemore Lailelii, quod a quibusdam dicitur li Haiet, accipere usuagia in lignis et pasturis et in mina, quia fides facta est nobis monasterium Vallis Lucentis in possessione fuisse et violentiam ei factam salva questione pro-{35vb}-prietatis. De dampnis autem petitis ex eius prohibitione vel Domini Anselli, eandem liberamus. Condempnamus etiam dictam dominam ut dictum monasterium permittat libere uti usuagio ad omnia necessaria in lignis et pasturis in nemore quod dicitur Lanci salva questione proprietatis. Condempnamus etiam dictam dominam ut permittat fratres Vallis Lucentis mittere pecora ad pasturam in nemora et terras et prata que fuerunt Domini Anselli circa abbatiam vel circa earum tres grangias Luvane, Biaveoir, Tochebuef salva fide proprietatis questione, quia fides nobis facta est monasterium Vallis Lucentis longo tempore in possessione fuisse et violentiam ei factam. Condempnamus etiam dictam dominam ut reddat equum quem Dominus Ansellus duxit ad Sanctum Egydium, vel si non potest, centum solidos pro equo. De equo quem petierat monasterium Vallis Lucentis tanquam commendatum {36ra}qui dicebatur Bretons, absolvimus dictam dominam. Condempnamus etiam dictam dominam ut reddat quendam equum quem habet ab abbatia. Condempnamus etiam eandem dominam in octo libris et septem solidis pruviniensibus eidem monasterio reddis. De quatuor autem equis quos monasterium dicebat sibi ablatos per dominum ansellum dictam dominam absolvimus. Actum publice Parisius, anno Domini Mo CCo Duodecimo, mense Decembri. 122 1223 (o. st.) January. Séant (Bérulles). Erard de Brienne and Philippa, his wife, note that an agreement was reached between their men of Séant (Bérulles today) and the church of Vauluisant. The men of Séant quit to Vauluisant their usage rights for charcoal from the forests around the granges of 221 Cérilly and Les Loges. Erard and Philippa also gave pasturage rights for the animals of these two granges in their woods of Saint-Etienne. In addition, they recognized that the church of Vauluisant owns a sixth part of the woods of Notre-Dame and Les Alleux, and promised to preserve their ownership. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 36r-v Script E. B. Original, AD Yonne, H 706. 18.7 x 29.6 cm. Severe water or fire damage. Related Charters: 119, 123-24, 128, 220, 226, 236-7, 243, 298. De quitatione usuariorum nemorum de Cereliaco Ego, Erardus de Brena, et Ego, Philippa, uxor eius, H[enrici], clare memorie quondam comitis Trecensis, filia. Notum facimus presentibus et futuris quod homines nostri de Seanz, scilicet Simon, prepositus; Girardus, filius Gaufridi Tyrant; Herbertus, filius Christiani Ducis; Guibertus; et Renaldus,a frater eius; heredes defuncti Herberti Sarpete, videlicet Herbertus et alii; Galterus Sapiens, filius Renaudi de Plaseto; Iaquetus; et Grivellus, {36rb}frater eius; Stephanus, filius Robillart; et Fillons, soror eius; Radulphus Magnus; Guiotus, filius Christiani Pertuiset; et bernardus, frater eius; parentes et heredes eorum predictorum; et multi alii de Seant usuagium carbonagii de lignis mortuis duo capita habentibus ad terram in nemoribus ecclesie Vallis Lucentis que adiacent finibus grangiarum de Cereliaco et de Logiis, iure hereditario habere, se dicebat. Isti supradicti homines et ceteri qui predictum usuarium in supradictis nemoribus reclamabant, in presentia nostra convocati in ecclesia de Seanz,b totum illud usuarium, ad preces nostras, Fratri Auberto, abbati, et fratribus Vallis Lucentis in perpetuum quittaverunt, iuramento prestito quod usuarium illud de cetero non reclamarent, nichil omnino sibi, nec heredibus eorum, in eodem usuario retinentes. Ego vero, Erardus, fiduciavi coram Domino Galtero Senonense archiepiscopi quod fratribus Vallis Lucentis super hac quittatione garantiam portabo, et {36va}si aliquis hominum de Seanz,c vel heredum eorum, occasione predicti usuarii eos vexaverit, ego faciam eis dampna et deperdita que propter hoc facta fuerint restaurare. Preterea, nos dedimus eisdem fratribus usuarium pasture ad omnia animalia grangiarum de Cereli et de Logiis in nemore nostro quod dicitur nemus Sancti Stephani et in omnibus nemoribus et terris que sub dominio nostro et potestate nostra sunt. Nos etiam recognoscimus quod ecclesia Vallis Lucentis habet sextam partem in nemore quod dicitur Sancte Marie in omnibus, et in nemore de Allodiis, et usuarium prout habere consueverunt. Hec omnia firmiter observanda laudamus et concedimus ad hoc heredes nostros in perpetuum obligamus. Quod ut ratum permaneat, presentem cartam sigillorum nostrorum fecimus munimine roborari. Actum apud Seant,d anno Domini Mo CCo Vicesimo Tercio, mense Ianuario. a. Renaldus]Renaudus B. d. B illegible at this point. b. Seanz]Seant B. c. Seanz]Seant B. 123 1222, December. Séant (Bérulles). Erard de Brienne and Philippa, his wife, daughter of Henri [II], once count of Troyes, make known that they confirmed, at the request of the brothers of Vauluisant, the (deathbed?) donation by Alice, his mother, as attested by the monks and the domina of Pougy, of one modius of oats annual payment on the feast of Saint Remy (October 1) and pasturage rights in Fleurigny and Vallières to Vauluisant. In addition, they gave pasturage rights for all the monks' animals from their granges of Servins and Chevroy and add that if a sale of said woods of Vallières should occur, the aforesaid animals from 222 the granges may not enter the felling area (cospetiis, French: coupe) of the woods for four years. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fos. 36v - 37r Script E. B. Original, AD Yonne, H 766. 12.0 x 20.2 cm. Seals of Erard de Brienne (left) and Philippa, daughter of the former count of Champagne (right). Ind: Lalore, Traînel, no. 199 Related Charters: 72, 119, 122-24, 128-29, 243. De modio avene de Flore et pasturis de Valeriis [E]go, Erardus de Brena, {36vb}et ego, Philippa, uxor eius, H[enrici] clare memorie quondam comitis trecensis, filia, notum facimusa universis presentes litteras inspecturis quod cum Pogeii domina et fratres Vallis Lucentis nobis testimonium perhiberent quod pie memorie Aeliz, mater mei, scilicet Erardi, ante mortem suam dedisset in elemosinam ecclesie Vallis Lucentis unum modiumb avene annui redditus et pasturas de Valleriis et de Florigniaco, nos ad supplicationem dictorum fratrum, laudavimus donum illud. Nos etiam dedimus, et concessimus, et assignavimus quod supradicti fratres percipient singulis annis supradictum modium avene apud Florigniacumc in festo Sancti Remigii in redditibus nostris avene. Dedimus etiam et concessimus supradicte ecclesie pasturas supradictas ad omnes bestias et pecorad grangiarume suarum, videlicet de Cervins et de Chevroi, in remedio animarum supradicte matris mee et omnium parentum nostrorum. Ea tamen condicionef apposita: quod si fie-{37ra}-ret in predictis Valeriis venditio nemoris predicta animalia supradictarum grangiarum,g per quadrennium nonh intrarent in cospetiisi nemoris supradicti. Quod ut ratum et stabile permaneat, in perpetuum litteras istas sigillorum nostrorum fecimus munimine roborari. Actum anno Domini Millesimo Ducentesimo Vicesimo Secundo, mense Decembri, apud Seantum. a. facimus]fatimus B. d. pecora]peccora B. g. grangiarum]granchiarum B. b. modium]modim A. e. grangiarum]granchiarum B. h. non]noi A. c. Florigniacum]Floregniacum B. f. condicione]condictione B. i. cospetiis]cospeitiis B. 124 1223 (o. st.), January. No location. Erard de Brienne makes known that when he sold his forest which is called les Rajeuses to Gautier, archbishop of Sens, the usage rights of the herbage from pasture (usuarium pasture herbagii) remained with the brothers of Vauluisant for all the animals of their grange of Les Loges, except pigs. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 37r Script E. B. Original lost. Ind: Lalore, Traînel, no. 202. Related Charters: 72, 119, 122-123, 128, 226, 230, 236, 244, 322. De usuario Logiarum in Rabiosa in his que pertinent ad pasturam [E]go, Erardus de Brena, notum facio universis presentes litteras inspecturis quod cum ego vendidissem forestam meam que dicitur Rabiosa reverendo patri meo Galtero Senonensi archiepiscopo, usuarium pasture herbagii remansit fratribus Vallis Lucentis ad omnia animalia grangie sue de Logiis, exceptis porcis. In cuius rei memoriam, litteras annotatum sigilli mei munimine roboravi. Actum anno Domini Mo CCo Vicesimo Tercio, mense Ianuario. 223 125 1228 (o. st.), January. Garnier [IV] de Traînel, dominus of Marigny[-le-Châtel] and Hélisand, countess of Perche (widow of Count Thomas), his wife, gave, conceded and quit to the church of Vauluisant, for the salvation of their souls, Herbert of Rigny[-la-Nonneuse] with his wife, Marie, and all their children, Michael, Jean, Garnier, Robert, Eudes, Jacques, Marie, André, Odelina, and Avelina, along with Gautier de Marigny-le-Châtel and Eustachie, his wife, and Gonard, cleric, their son. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 37r-v Script E. B. Original lost. Related Charters: 77, 81, 126-27. Garnerus de Marigni dat Herbertum de Rigni et Galterum de Marigni cum uxoribus et liberis eorum {37rb}[E]go, Garnerus de Triangulo, dominus Marigniaci, et ego, Elisendis, uxor eiusdem, notum facimus universis presentes litteras inspecturis quod nos, pro remedio et salute animarum nostrarum, dedimus et concessimus et quittavimus ecclesie Vallis Lucentis Herbertum de Regniaco et Mariam, uxorem eius, et liberos eorundem; videlicet Michaelem, Iohannem, Garnerum, Robertum, Odonem, Iacobum, Mariam, Androetum, Odelinam et Avelinam; et Galterum de Marigniaco, Eustachiam, uxorem eius, Gonardum, clericum, filium eorumdem. Promittimus etiam, fide corporaliter a nobis prestita, quod nos eidem ecclesie super predicta donatione legitimam garantiam portabimus et quod nichil de cetero in iamdictis Herberto, Galtero, uxoribus et liberis eorundem per nos vel per alios reclamabimus vel reclamari faciemus. In cuius rei testimonium, ego, Garnerus de Triangulo, dominus Marigniaci, et ego, Elysendis, uxor eius, {37va}comitissa Perticensis, presentes litteras sigillorum nostrorum munimine fecimus roborari. Actum anno Gratie M. CC. Vicesimo Octavo, mense Ianuarii. 126 1228 (o. st.), January. No location. Dreux, dominus of Traînel, and Anselm [IV], dominus of Voisines, conceded, willed and confirmed Garnier and Hélisand's donation of Herbert de Rigny, Gautier de Marigny[le-Chatel], their wives and children. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 37v Script E. B. Original, AD Yonne, H 784. 6.1 x 16.0 cm. Ind: Lalore, Traînel, no. 219. Related Charters: 77, 81, 125-27. Approbant duo fratres elemosinam de Herberto de Reni et Galtero de Marigniaco [E]go Droco, dominus Trianguli, et ego, Ansellus, dominus Vicinaruma notum facimus universis presentes litteras inspecturis quod nos donationem quam dilectus frater noster, Garnerus, dominus Marigniaci, et Nobilis Domina Elysendis, uxor eiusdem, fecerunt ecclesie Vallis Lucentis de Herberto de Regniaco et Galtero de Marigniaco, uxoribus et liberis eorumdem, concedimus et volumus et laudamus. In cuius rei testimonium, ego, Droco de Triangulo, dominus, et ego, Ansellus, dominus Vicinarum,b presentem paginam sigillorum nostrorum munimine roboravimus. Actum anno Domini, Millesimo CCo Vicesimo Octavo, mense Ianuarii. a. Vicinarum]Vicisinarum B. b. Vicinarum]Vicisinarum B. 224 127 1228 (o. st.) January. No location. Thibaut [IV], count palatine of Champagne and Brie, notes that Garnier de Traînel, dominus of Marigny[-le-Châtel] recognized in his presence that he gave in alms to the church of Vauluisant the family of Herbert de Rigny[-la-Nonneuse], with the exception of two married daughters, Héloïse and Elisabet. Thibaut wills, confirms and approves this donation with the impression of his seal. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 37v Script E. B. Original, AD Yonne, H 784. 5.3 x 14.9 cm Washed out, but legible. Ind: Lalore, Traînel, no. 218, D'Arbois de Jubainville, Histoire -- Catalogue, v. 5, p. 261, no. 1890. Related Charters: 77, 81, 125-26. Approbat comes Campanie donum de Herberto de Rigni [E]go Theobaldus, Campanie et Brie comes palatinus, notum facio universis presentes litteras inspecturis {37vb}quod, in presentia mea constitutus, Garnerus de Triangulo, dominus Marigniaci,a recognovit se dedisse in elemosinam ecclesie Vallislucentis Herbertum de Regniaco, Mariam, uxorem eius, et liberos eorundem, exceptis duabus filiabus maritatis, videlicet Eluisa et Elysabeth. Hanc autem donationem volo, laudo et sigilli mei impressione confirmo. Actum anno Domini Mo CCo Vicesimo Octavo, mense Ianuario. a. Marigniaci]Maregniaci B. 128 1225 (o. st.) February. No location. Erard de Brienne makes known that he gives and concedes to the church and brothers of Vauluisant the modius of oats from the terragium of Fleurigny that Domina Alice, domina of Vénizy, his mother, gave and conceded to the same church for her soul. Erard assigns this modius from his customs at Fleurigny to be received on the day after Christmas. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 37v Script E. B. Original lost. Related Charters: 72, 119, 122-124, 123 (esp), 243. Approbat Erardus de Brana elemosinam matris sue [E]go, Erardus de Brena, notum facio universis presentes litteras inspecturis quod unum modium avene quod karissima Domina A[aliz], domina Venisiaci, mater mea, dedit et concessit ecclesie et fratribus Vallis Lucentis, ob remedium anime sue in terragio Florigniaci, dono, et concedo; et assigno dicte ecclesie et dictis fratribus dictum modium avene in constumiis meis de Florigniaco, in crastino Natali Domini percipiendum. Actum anno Domini Mo CCo Vicesimo Quinto, mense Februario.. 129 1221 (o. st.). No location. 225 Oda, domina of Pougy, makes known that Alice, mother of Erard de Brienne, before her death, when she was at the time of sound mind, in her presence and others, conferred in perpetual alms and conceded for the remedy of her soul and those of her parents, donating, to the brothers of Vauluisant the pasture rights of Vallières and Fleurigny, for the use of all the brothers' animals from the granges of Servins and Chevroy, so that if a sale should occur at any time, they (the animals) shall cease from the felling area (cospeciis, French: coupe) of the woods. Said domina (Alice) also gave one modius of oats annually at Fleurigny from her payments. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fos. 37v - 38r Script E. B. Original, AD Yonne, H 766. 8.3 x 18.4 cm. a. Quantin III, pp. 115-16, no. 262. After B. Related Charters: 123, 128. Domina de Pogeio testificatur elemosinam domine de Venisi [E]go Oda, domina Pogeii, notum omnibus presentibus et fu-{38ra}-turis quod pie memorie Aalid, mater Erardi de Brena, ante mortem suam, cum adhuc in sana mente consisteret, in presentia mea et quorumdam aliorum apud Pogiacum, contulit in perpetuum et donando concessit fratribus domus Vallis Lucentis, pro remedio anime sue et parentum suorum, pasturas de Valeriis et de Floriney ad omnes bestias et pecora suarum grangiarum, videlicet de Cervins et de Chevroi, ita quod, si aliquando fieret in predictis Valeriis venditio nemoris per quadriennium a cospeciis cessarent. Dedit etiam eadem domina domui Vallis Lucentis unum modium avene apud Florignei in redditibus suis annuatim percipiendum. Et quia hoc vidi et audivi, presentes litteras feci sigilli mei munimine roborari. Actum anno Domini Mo CCo Vicesimo Primo. 130 1163 (o. st.). Sens. Louis [VII], king of the Franks, gave passage and customs in royal land for needs of food and clothing without mercatura to Pierre, abbot, and the house of Vauluisant.33 A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 38r Script E. B. Original lost. a. Quantin II, p. 159, no. 144. After A. Ind: Achille Luchaire, Etudes sur les actes de Louis VII, no. 491 Remittit dominus rex omnes consuetunes et transversa [I]n nomine sancte et individue Trinitatis, amen. [E]go, Ludovicus, Dei gratia Francorum rex, regie administrationis est eis providere et {38rb}benignitatem exhibere qui in servitio Dei spiritaliter occupati sunt, ut per eorum meritum in nostra temporali occupatione veniam consequamur. Itaque sciant universi presentes et futuri quod, pro amore Dei, transversa et consuetudinesa terre nostre que ad nos pertinent de omnibus quecumque sunt ad usum fratrum, tam in victu quam in vestitu, sine mercatura Fratri Petro et domui de Valle Lucenti in elemosinam donavimus. Pro immobili memoria et firmitate, sigillo nostro corroboravimus subter inscripto karactere nostri nominis. Actum publice Senonis, anno incarnati Verbi Mo LXIII, astantibus in palatio nostro quorum 33This charter and the following one are similar to the concessions made by Louis VII and his vassals to the abbey of Clairvauxx contained in Henri d'Arbois de Jubainville, Études sur l'état intérieur des Abbayes Cisterciennes et principalement de Clairvaux au XIIe et au XIIIe siècle, Paris, 1863, pp. 381-384. 226 apposita nomina et signa: §34 comitis Theobaldi, dapiferi nostri, § Guidonis, buticularii, § Mathei, camerarii, constabulario nullo. Data per manum Hugonis, cancellarii. a. consuetudines]consuetudinis A. 34I use this symbol to indicate an S with a diagonal slash through it (/). 227 131 1158 (o. st.). Paris. King Louis [VII], makes known that Guibert, viscount [of Corbeil], gave in alms to the brothers of Vauluisant whatever pertained to him from the tolls (pedagium) he would take at Corbeil from the monks for those things that are needed for food and clothing. And Guibert's son, Anselm, and Anselm's wife and children, conceded this gift in alms. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 38r-v Script E. B. Original, AD Yonne, H 710. 19.6 x 15.0 cm. Ind: Achille Luchaire, Etudes sur les actes de Louis VII, no. 415. Vicecomes Gillebertus remittit omnes consuetudines Corbolii transeum [I]n nomine Sancte et individue Trinitatis, amen. [E]go Ludovicus, Dei gratia Francorum rex, quecumque re-{38va}-ligiosis domibus conferuntur a fidelibus decet nos conservare et testificari, ne invidentia malorum possint fratres inquietari. Unde notum facimus universis presentibus et futuris quod Gislebertus, vicecomes, fratribus de Vallelucenti de eo quod pertinet ad victum et vestitum eorum apud Corbolium in elemosina perdonavit pedagium suum. Et hoc donum et hanc elemosinam filius eius, Ansellus, et uxor anselli et infantes concesserunt. Quod ut ratum sit et inconcussum, sigillo nostro fecimus confirmari. Actum publice Parisius, anno ab incarnatione Domini Mo Co LVIIIo, astantibus in palatio quorum apposita sunt nomina et signa, § Comitis Theobaldi, dapiferi nostri § Guidonis, buticularii § Mathei, camerarii § Mathei, constabularii. Data per manum Hugonis, cancallarii. 132 [1144-1158]35 No location. Goderic, viscount of Corbeil, gave whatever pertains to him from the toll (paagium) on the monks at Corbeil. This donation was confirmed and conceded by his daughters Alice and Mahaut and witnessed by Pierre, Goderic's nephew, Baudoin de Corbeil, Paganus de Servum, Guy de Tigiri, Clarembaud, his brother, Gautier Bucherius and Maugrinus, his brother. Sealed by Thibaut, bishop of Paris. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fos. 38v Script E. B. Original lost. Remissio exactionum paagii de Corbolio [N]otum sit omnibus presentibus et futuris quod Codericus, vicecomes Corboliensis, pro redemptione anime sue et antecessorum suorum, con-{38vb}-cessit in perpetuum fratribus Vallis Lucentis de rebus suis propriis, quicquid ad se pertinebat de paagio apud Corbolium, constituto laudantibus et concedentibus filiabus eius, Aales et [[et]] Mahaut. Cuius rei testes sunt: Petrus, nepos eiusdem Goderici, Balduinus de Corbolio, Paganus de Servum, Guido de Tigiri et Clarembaudus, frater eius, Galterus, bucherius, et Maugrinus, frater eius. Quod ut ratum in posterum maneat et inconcussum, scripto commendari et sigillo reverentissimi Theobaldi, Parisiacensis episcopi, fecimus confirmari. 351144-58, Thibaut's Parisian episcopacy, Gams. 228 133 1190, June. No location. Philippe [II Auguste], king of the Franks, notifies his prepositi and baillivi that those who have assumed the habit of the Cistercian Order are specially privileged, and that they are to defend Cistercian monasteries from all violations of their rights or property, and are without delay to restore the property of the monks, conversi, or representatives which malefactors seized, as well as to levy and deliver the payment of forfeit. If they do not follow this privilege, they will be held to pay to the king 100 s. and to pay the abbot or brothers whatever was requested which pertained to them and was not done.36 A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fos. 38v - 39r Script E. B. Original lost Ind: Delisle, Catalogue des Actes de Philippe-Auguste, no. 317. Precipit Philippus rex Francorum ballivis suis pro domo Vallis Lucentis [P]hilippus, Dei gratia Francorum rex, prepositis et ballivis suis ad quos littere iste pervenerint salutem. Universos qui de ordine Cisterciensi sunt speciali quodam privilegio pre ceteris qui religionis habitum assumpserunt conversationis sancte studio et meritis ipsorum exigentibus fovere et manu tenere intendimus. Proinde, quia abbatem de Vallelucente, virum religiosum, et fratres ipsius monasterii {39ra}aliqua in dominio nostro possedere didicimius, ne per oppressionem seu maliciam impiorum res predicti loci iniuriam aliquam seu diminutionem ex defectu iusticie sustineant. Iccirco, vobis et singulis et universis precipimus quatinus ea que sunt de rebus predicti monasterii in terra nostra ab omni iniuria et vexatione defendatis. Verum, si quis in potestatibus vestris constitutus aliquid de rebus abbatis, sine clamore ceperit. De rebus malefactoris, ex precepto nostro, tantum capiatis quod res monachis vel conversis vel nuntiis sine mora possit res[[s]]titui et forifactum emendari. Si quis autem de terris baronuma aliquid iniurie rebus sepedicti loci que in nostra terra sunt inferat, volumus ut iusticiarii eorum quam totius conveniantur super emendatione iniurie, ut res sique ablate, sunt restituant et forifactum emendent. Attendentes quod, si quis vestrum quod non credimus huius precepti nostri, transgressor extiterit tociens nobis centum solidos pro {38rb}emendatione dabit quotiens ab abbate vel fratribus pro iusticia facienda quantum ad vos pertinet requisitus defecerit. Quod ut perpetuum robur, obtineat sigillo nostro confirmamus. Actum anno incarnati Verbi, Mo Co Nonagesimo, mense Iunio. a. baronum]boronum ex. corr. A. 134 [1159 - 1168]37 Montreiul. Hugues, archbishop of Sens, makes known that Dominus Frecrius de Montreuil gave in alms, for the redemption of his soul and the souls of his parents, whatever he had in the salt toll (salagio) at Montreiul to Pierre, abbot, and the brothers of Vauluisant, with the confirmations of his brothers, Hugues and Rocelin, his wife Heloise, and Agnes, his daughter. 36This is a general letter and its inclusion in this cartulary probably should not be interpreted as a special royal protection extended to the abbey of Vauluisant which was withheld to other Cistercian houses. 371159, Abbot Pierre's earliest possible installation; 1168, death of Hugues, archbishop of Sens, Gams. 229 A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 39r-v Script E. B. Original lost. Remisit Freecrius de Monsterello exactionem salagii [E]go Hugo, Senonensis archiepiscopus, omnibus, tam futuris quam presentibus, notum facio quod Domnus Frecrius de Monsterello dedit in elemosinam, pro redemptione anime sue et parentum suorum, Petro, abbati Vallis Lucentis, et fratribus in ibi deo servientibus quicquid habebat in salagio de Monsterello, laudantibus fratribus suis, Hugone et Rocelino, uxore quoque eius, Heluisa, et filia sua, Agnes. Factum est hoc apud Mosterellum, assistentibus et audientibus: Rocelino, decano de Conis; Fucardo, capellano suo; et Rainaudo, alio capellano; Godefrido, cellarario de Pruliaco; Arnulpho de Dontelio; Pagano de Varenes; Radulpho Crochart; Gilone de Ver-{39va}-no; Girardo Crochart, Drogone de Villa Nova; Maurisio, preposito Firmino; Furnario Godemanno. Quod ut ratum et inconcussum omni tempore haberetur, sigilli mei attestatione firmavi. 135 [1227], April 23. Lateran. Pope Gregory IX writes to the Archbishop of Sens, stating that the abbot and convent of Vauluisant petitioned him for permission to construct a chapel in the Sens suburb of Saint-Pierre-le-Vif. Deferring to the Archbishop, the pope commands (mandamus) that the archbishop concede to them what they asked, without prejudicing the rights of another (sine iuris preiudicio alieni). A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 39v Script E. B. Original lost. Related Charters: 1, 136-7, 217. Privilegium de capella Senonis construenda [G]regorius, episcopus, servus servorum Dei, venerabili fratri, archiepiscopo Senonensi, salutem et apostolicam benedictionem. Dilecti filii, abbas Vallis Lucentis, Cisterciensis Ordinis, nobis humiliter supplicarent ut eis construendi capellam in domo eorum de Burgo Sancti Petri Vivi Senonensis licentiam concedere dignaremur. Volentes igitur in hoc tibi deferre, qui loci diocesanus existis, fraternitati tue per apostolica scripta mandamus quatinus eisdem postulata concedas, sine iuris preiudicio alieni, si videris expedire. Datum Lateranum, X kalendas Aprilis, pontificatus nostri anno primo. 136 [1227], April 23. Lateran. Pope Gregory IX writes to the Archbishop of Sens, stating that the abbot and convent of Vauluisant petitioned him for permission to construct a chapel in their grange which is called Servins. Deferring to the Archbishop, the pope commands (mandamus) that the archbishop concede to them what they asked, without prejudicing the rights of another (sine iuris preiudicio alieni). A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 39v Script E. B. Original lost. Related Charters: 1, 135-37, 217. Privilegium de capella construenda in grangia de Ceruins 230 [G]regorius, episcopus, servus servorum Dei, venerabili fratri, archiepiscopo Senonensi, salutem et apostolicam benedictionem. Dilecti filii {39vb}abbas et conventus Vallis Lucentis, Cisterciensis Ordinis, nobis humiliter supplicarunt ut eis apud grangiam suam que Cervins dicitur construendi capellani licentiam concedere dignaremur. Volentes igitur tibi deferre, qui loci diocesanus, existis fraternitati tue per apostolica scripta mandamus quatinus eisdem postulata concedas, sine iuris preiudicio alieni. Datum Lateranum, X kalendas Aprilis, pontificatus nostri anno primo. 137 [ca. 1228]38 No location. (Document in vidimus: December 10, 1227. Lateran) Durand, bishop of Châlons-sur-Sâone, wishes to declare that he has seen, held, and inspected the legal privileges and indulgences conferred on all abbots of the Cistercian Order and on the brothers serving God under the same order, which he includes in vidimus. Judging from initial pope, Durand's death, and the date of completion of the Vauluisant cartulary, this vidimus could contain any number of papal documents, most of them hailing from Gregory VII and Honorius III. As for this first document under vidiumus, judging from Gregory VII and the admittedly generic intitulatio, there are at least two bulls that could match this first one. In the bull Cum ea quae, Gregory IX frees the monasteries of the Cistercian Order from paying a portion of all gifts in alms to the prelates of the church who have jurisdiction over the parishes of the donors. The other option is the privilege Si adhuc Amalech, freeing the monasteries of the Cistercian Order from being required to answer lawsuits maliciously established in venues more than two days' journey from their abbeys, unless cited by the pope with specific reference to this document. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 39v Script E. Fragmentary. Crossed Out. B. Original lost. Related Chaters: 1, 135-37. {Option 1} C. Copy of document under vidimus issued to Pontigny, AD Yonne, H 1402. 23.3 x 28.9 cm. Small leaden bull of Gregory IX a. Manrique, Cisterciensium seu verius ecclesiasticorum annalium a condito cistercio, v. 4, p. 349.39 Ind: Potthast, v.1, p. 699, no. 8101 (but dated January 11, 1228). Translation (of document in vidimus): Appendix C Interpolation after C and a. {Option 2}. b. Manrique, Cisterciensium seu verius ecclesiasticorum annalium a condito cistercio, v. 4, p. 349. Interpolation after b. De eo quod ultra duas dietas a monasteriis non trahamur ad causas [Durandus], miseratione divina, episcopus Cabilonensis omnibus ad quos littere presentes pervenerint salutem et veritatis testimonium acceptare. Universitati vestre volumus declarare quod privilegia et indulgentias legitimas universis abbatibus Cisterciensis Ordinis, et fratribus sub eodem ordine Deo servientibus, collatas, vidimus, tenuimus et inspeximus, continentes hanc formam: 38Durand's episcopacy, 1215-31, Gams; Beginning of Gregory IX's papacy, March 21, 1227 (election), Potthast. Moreover, this appears to be among the privileges issued by Gregory in the winter of 1227-28. 39 231 [G]regorius, episcopus, servus servorum Dei, dilectis filiis . . abbati Cisterciensi, et universis coabbatibus eius, et fratribus sub eodem ordine Deo [servientibus salutem et apostolicam benedictionem. {Option 1}Cum ea que vobis pietatis intuitu offeruntur quasi totaliter pauperibus Christi cedunt,a ita quod potius exinde vobis dispensationis onus incumbat quam commoditatis usus accrescat, reputandumb est non solum impium, sed etiam abusivum aliquid de datis vobis elemosinis aliorum avaritia vel invidia defalcari. Ex parte, siquidem, vestra fuit expositumc coram nobis quod si quando Christi fidelesd aliqua de bonis suis, mobilia, vel immobilia, devotionis obtentu in vita sua, monasteriis vestris donant, ecclesiarum prelati, in quorum parrochianume donatores existunt, super hiis temere se opponunturf exigendo exinde certam aliquam portionem. Volentes, igitur, super hoc quieti vestre congruo remedio providere, auctoritate vobis presentium indulgemus ut de hiis que monasteriis vestris taliter offeruntur, nullam cogamini cuiquam solvere portionem. Nulli ergo omnino hominum liceat hanc paginam nostre concessionis infringere vel ei a usu temerario contraire. Si quis autem hoc attemptare presumpsit, indignationem omnipotentis Dei et Beatorum Petri et Pauli, apostolorum eius, se noverit incursum. Datum Lateranum, V idus Decembri,g pontificatus nostri anno primo.] a. cedunt]cedant a. b. reputatum]reputandum Christi fideles trp. a. e. parrochianum]parochia g. V idus Decembri]III Idus Ianuarii a. c. expositum]propositum a d. f. opponuntur]opponunt a. {Option 2}Si adhuc Amalech persequitur Israelem, dum cupidi et amari homines, Viros Religiosos, Dominum videre per contemplationis otiam cupientes, non solum aperta saevitia, verum etiam subdola caliditate multipliciter inquietant, nos qui veri Moysis vices, licet immeriti, gerimus, debemus illorum, et refragari conatibus, et versutiis obviare, ne Virgam peccatorum super sortem iustorum relinquere videamur. Ex parte siquidem vestra fuit expositum coram nobis, quod nonnulli Clerici et Laici non tam iustitiam suam prosequi, quam vos persequi damnabiliter intendentes, vos ultra duas, pluresve diaetas a Monasteriis per litteras Apostolicas faciunt malitiose citari, ut fatigati laboribus, et expensis, vel cedere litibus, vel damnosas subire compellamini pactiones. Ut igitur sapientia vincat sua suavitate malitiam, cum experimento sciamus, quam sit amarum Sancta contemplationi vacantibus, distrahi litibus odiosis, volentes quantum cum Deo possumus vestrae quieti consulere; ne de caetero ultra duas diaetas a Monasteriis propriis per litteras Apostolicas trahi positis in causam, auctoritate vobis presentium indulgemus, nisi litteras de hac indulgentia fecerint mentionem. Nulli ergo omnino hominum liceat hanc paginam nostre concessionis infringere vel ei a usu temerario contraire. Si quis autem hoc attemptare presumpsit, indignationem omnipotentis Dei et Beatorum Petri et Pauli, apostolorum eius, se noverit incursum. Datis Laterani quarto Idus Ianuarii, Pontificatus nostro anno primo. {the end of the vidimus would then appear here} 138 1205 (o. st.). No location. Brother Jean, abbot of Preuilly, notes that the church of Vauluisant and Etienne Plomet, miles, had a dispute (querela) over the woods of Barrault, and finally both sides promised to adhere to the determination made by Abbot Jean and Dominus Milo, miles de Montigny[-Lencoup]. They determine that, for the salvation of peace, they (nos) gage to Etienne 30 l. provinois from the charity of the church of Vauluisant. Etienne quit 232 whatever he had or believed he had in said woods and conceded it to be possessed by the church of Vauluisant in perpetuity. They also gave to Marie, wife of Etienne, miles, 100 s. for her confirmation of this surrender. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 40r Script E. Fragmentary. Crossed Out. B. Original, AD Yonne, H 766. 9.8 x 16.2 cm. Seal of Jean, abbot of Preuilly. Related Charters: MC25, MC31. [Universis litteras istas inspecturis, Frater Iohannes, dictus abbas de Pruliaco, salutem in Domino. Noverit universitas vestra quod cum inter ecclesiam Vallis Lucentis, ex una parte, et Stephanum Plome, militem, ex alia, querela verteretur super nemore de Bosco Raaudi, tandem, ex utraque parte, facta est compromissio in nos et Dominum Milonem, militem de Montiniaco, ut nos de querela illa dilegenter inquireremus veritatem et quicquid inde statueremus, dictus Stephanus et predicta ecclesia firmiter tenerent et immutabiliter observarent. Nos itaque, veritate diligentius inquisita, tandem, pro bono pacis donavimus predicto Stephano de ka]-{40ra}-ritate ecclesie Vallis Lucentis triginta libras Pruvinenses. Ipse vero quitavit coram nobis si quid habebat vel habere se credebat in dicto nemore et concessit predicte ecclesie perpetuo possidendum. Nos etiam donavimus marie uxori eiusdem stephani militis centum solidos pro laudatione istius predicte quitationis.a In cuius rei memoriam, litteras istas scribi et sigilli nostri fecimus attestatione muniri. Actum anno Gratie,b Mo CCo Vo.c a. predicte quitationis]predicte laudationis et et quitationis A. | quitationis]quitacionis B. b. gratie]ab incarnatione Domini B. c. Vº]VIº ex corr. B. 139 [1142 - 1163]40 Church of Vauluisant. Foulques de Lailly, in his final illness, gave for the salvation of his soul 23 d. in cens which the same church owed to him annually: 12 from the woods called "Sorlein," 8 from land next to the road to Sens, and 3 from a vineyard at Sens. This gift was confirmed by Marie, his wife, Arthur, his son-in-law (gener), Wanreia, Arthur's wife, and Emengard, Foulques' daughter. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 40r Script A. B. Original, AD Yonne, H 737. 11.3 x 31.8 cm. a. Quantin I, pp. 373-74, no. 229. After B. Related Charters: 152, 156, 180, 184, 194, 294, NC6, AC2. {Script A}De Fulchone de Laileo. de Fulcone qui dedit Deo et ecclesie Vallis Lucentis XXIII nummos censuales Notum sit omnibus fidelibus Christianis quod Fulcho de Laileo, in ultima infirmitate sua, de qua et mortuus est, se ipsum Deo offerens in ecclesia Vallis Lucentis, dedit eidem aecclesiae pro animae suae salute XXIII nummos, quos ipsi eadem aecclesia Vallis Lucentis annuali censu debebat, XII, videlicet, de nemore quod vocatur Sorlein, octo autem de terra quadam que est iuxta viam quae tendit Senonensem, tres vero pro quadam vinea que est Senonis. Hoc donum laudavit Maria, uxor Fulchonis, et Arturius, gener eius, et Wanreia, uxor Arturii, et Ermengardis, filia predicti Fulchonis. Huius laudationis testes fuerunt: Guillelmus Goria; Hugo de Laileio; et filii eius, Theobaldus et Isembardus; Ernaudus de Laileio; Manasses, filius Stephani; et Giraudus; et alii plures. 401142, beginning of Hugues' Archiepiscopacy, Gams. 1163, last date of Script A charters. 233 Et ut hoc ratum et inconcussum omni tempore habeatur, precibus predicti Arturii, generi Fulchonis, sigillo Domini Hugonis, Senonensis archiepiscopi, signatum atque firmatum est. 140 [1142 - 1163]41 No location. Helias de Maupas confirmed whatever Vauluisant possessed from the hereditary holdings of his ancestors, specifically, land at Pouy, Courgenay, and Lailly, except people, and ? the land which is called Armentières.42 Furthermore, he conceded the usage of his woods for the pigs and all the other cattle of Vauluisant. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 40r Script A. B. Original lost. a. Quantin I, p. 375, no. 231. After A. De Helia de Malo Passu qui quitavit possessionem antecessorum Notum sit omnibus Sanctae Aecclesiae filiis quod ego, Helias de Malo Passu, laudavi et libere habendum confirmavi aecclesiae Vallis Lucentis quicquid tenebat de hereditate antecessorum meorum, videlicet omnem terram et nemus quod antecessores mei habuerunt apud Poiseium et apud Cur-{40rb}-gineim et apud Laileium, preter homines, terram etiam illam que vocatur Armenterie. Insuper, etiam usuarium in omnibus nemoribus meis ad porcos et ad cetera omnia pecora sua eidem aecclesiae concessi. Huius laudationis et confirmationis testes sunt: Willelmus, archidiaconus; et Herveius, prepositus, frater eius; Rainaldus Sancti Iuliani; Matheus, precentor; Salo, vicecomes; Henricus de Sancto Remigio; Hugo, prepositus Senonensis. Et ut hoc ratum et inconcussum omni tempore habeatur, precibus meis sigillo Domini Hugonis, Senonensis Archiepiscopi, signatum atque firmatum est. 141 [1145 - 1163].43 Vauluisant. Garnier de Marcilly[-le-Hayer], son of Robert, and Thibaut, his brother-in-law (sororius), gave to the church of Vauluisant for the love of God and the remission of their sins usage rights in all their woods and plains for the cattle of the church, except pigs. This gift was freely placed on the altar of Vauluisant. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 40r Script A. B. Original lost. a. Quantin I, p. 460, no. 307. After A. Related Charter: 60 (?). 411142, beginning of Hugues' Archiepiscopacy, Gams; 1163, last charters in Script A; 1165, death of Salo, Viscount of Sens, Lecoy de Marche, "Coutumes et Péages de Sens," Bibliotheque de l'Ecole de Chartes, v. II, 6 ser., 1866, pp. 265ff. Salo, 1139-1165. 42judging by the somewhat tenuous evidence offered by the form of #142, where the word exceptis is used instead of preter, allowing for a distinction between what is excepted and what is included, I believe that the land which is called Armentières is excluded from the donation. That it still can be understood both ways is suggested, however, by the rubric to #142. 431145 beginning of Henri's episcopacy, Gams; 1163, last date for Script A charters. The Fr. hand provides 1146 as a date. Quantin claims that it took place before 1150. 234 Garnerii Thobaldi de usu pasture Quia labilis humana memoria diutius difficile retinet quod facile discit, presenti scripto presentibus ac posteris Christi fidelibus mandare curavimus quod Garnerius de Marcelleio, filius Roberti, et Theobaldus, sororius eius, dederunt pro Dei amore et remissione peccatorum suorum aecclesiae Vallis Lucentis usuarium in omnibus nemoribus suis et in planis, ad usum pecorum suorum exceptis porcis. Et donum hoc per librum posuerunt super altare aecclesiae Vallis Lucentis. Huius doni testes fuerunt: Freherus, miles de Marcelleio; Hugo de Laileio, villicus monachorum, Milo de Poiseio. Hoc etiam donum laudaverunt: Fenia, uxor predicti Garnerii, et Adelina, uxor ipsius Theobaldi de Marcelleio, teste: Nicholao, capellano; Frehero etiam predicto; et Domno Ottrano de Marcelleio. Et ut hoc ratum et inconcussum omni tempore habeatur, rogatu predictorum Garnerii atque Theobaldi, sigillo domini Henrici, Trecensis episcopi, signatum est atque firmatum. 142 [1142 - 1163] Sens, curia of Dominus Hugues, archibishop.44 Anselm, son of Houdier, gave to the church of Vauluisant whatever he had in the territory of Lailly, except people and that part that he had in the tithe of the village of Lailly. His wife, son Jobert, other son, and two daughters confirmed this. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 40r-v Script A. B. Original, AD Yonne, H 737. 9.8 x 17.1 cm. a. Quantin I, p. 374, no. 230. After B. Related Charter: 187. Anselli filii Hodieri donum factum de decima Laleii45 Notum sit omnibus, tam presentibus quam futuris, quod Ansellus, filius Holdieri, donavit aecclesiae Vallis Lucentis quicquid habebat in territorio Laillei, exceptis hominibus et parte illa quam habebat in decima ville Laillei. Hoc laudavit uxor eius, et filius eius, Iosbertus, et alter filius, et duae filiae. Hoc factum {40va}est Senonis, in curia Domini Hugonis archiepiscopi. Donationis huius et laudationis testes fuerunt: Symon, thesaurarius; et Rainaldus de Sancto Iuliano, archidiaconus; et Odo, decanus; Iosbertus de Iolna; Hugo, prepositus regis; Odardus; et Balduinus, generi Constantii. 143 [1127 - 1142]46 No location. Henri, archbishop of Sens makes known that Hilduin de Marolles[-sous-Lignières] conceded that the monastery may freely possess in perpetuity whatever Baudoin and his brother-in-law, Daimbert, held in fief from him, in woods as well as in lands and meadows. 441142, beginning of Hugues' archiepiscopacy, Gams. 1163, last date for Script A charters. Unless the Script E rubricator, almost a century later, knew that Anselm was giving tithes in the territory of Lailly and not the village, the rubric is somewhat misleading. The exclusionary clause introduced by exceptis employs the ablative instead of the accusative used to indicate those holdings included in the gift. Hence, the part of the tithes of the village of Lailly is excluded from the gift. This more accurate sense is also captured in the Script E description on the back of the original (C), viz., "Dat Ansellus, filius Holdeeri, quicquid habet in territorio Laleii, exceptis hominibus et parte decime." 461127-42, Henri's archiepiscopacy, Gams. Fr. hand provides 1135. 45 235 A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 40v Script A. B. Original lost. Related Charters: 206-7. Heldevini de Matriolis concedentis [e]cclesia [Val]lis Lucentis pos[sid]eat feodum Ego Henricus, Senonensis archiepiscopus, notum fieri volumus omnibus fidelibus, tam presentibus quam futuris, quod, ante presentiam nostram veniens, Hilduinus de Matriolis et quicquid Balduinus et sororius eius, Daimbertus, de feodo eius, tam in silvis quam in terris et pratis, habebant monasterio de Valle Lucenti concessit in perpetuum libere possidendum. Huius rei testes sunt qui affuerunt: Symon, archidiaconus; Paulinus, canonicus; Hugo, canonicus; Robertus, canonicus; Stephanus de Toriniaco; Rainaldus filius Widonis; Evrardus burgensis. Ex parte eorum: Theobaldus Rufus; Stephanus Gorgias; Guarinus de Masleio. 144 1130, July 18. Saint-Julien, in the camera of the archbishop. Etienne de la Ferté relinquished into the hands of the archbishop of Sens, by the name of Henri, all the tithe that pertained to him from the lands in the parish of Lailly that the monks of Vauluisant worked. Henri then gave them to Vauluisant to possess in perpetuity, with Etienne present and willing. Besides this, Etienne gave to the abbot all the land that he owned in the same provinoish. This donation is unanimously conceded by Hersende, Etienne's wife, their son, Milo, and their daughters Damed, Agnes and Margaret. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 40v Script A. B. Original, AD Yonne, H 737. 32.2 x 15.4 cm. a. Quantin I, p. 274, no. 155. Related Charter: 197. Stephani de Firmitate dantis decimam sitam in finagio Laliaci Notum sit omnibus quod Stephanus de Firmitate reliquit in manu archiepiscopi Senonensis, nomine Henrici, omnem decimam quae ad eum pertinebat de terris quas monachi de Valle Lucenti operarentur in parrochia Laleii, sive carrucis seu manibus vel precio. Et idem archiepiscopus donavit eam predictis monachis, perpetuo possidendam, ipso presente ac volente. Preter hec, etiam predictus stephanus abbati eiusdem loci donavit omnem terram quam habebat in predicta parrochia. Huius rei testes sunt: Odo, capellanus; Magister Ioslinus; Gaulterius;a Gifardus; Hingrandus, frater predicti Stephani; et Stephanus, famulus eiusdem. Actum apud Sanctum Iulianum, in camera archiepiscopi, XV kalendas Augusti, anno ab incarnatione Domini Mo Co XXXo, Ludovico regnante in Galliam, Innocentio papa, presidente Romane Aecclesiae. Hec predicta, sicut Stephanus concessit et dedit prefatis monachis, ita uxor eius, Hersendis, et filius eorum. Milo, ac filiae suae, Damed, Agnes et Margari-{40vb}-ta unanimiter concesserunt, audientibus: Herberto Farsi, priore Senensi; Constantio; Richerio; Stephano Rascem; Iohanne; Stephano; Oylardo. a. Gaulterius]Gualterius B. 236 145 [1142 - 1163]47 No location. Isnard, viscount of Joigny, gave in alms to the church of Vauluisant whatever rights he had in Armentières from Fonte Amandi to Armentières and the close (plasseium, Fr. plessis?) around it, as well as whatever the monks can acquire from fiefs held from him at Rigny[-le-Ferron]. His wife, Esmerilla, and his son, Jolduin, confirmed this. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 40v Script A. Crossed Out. B. Original lost. a. Quantin I, pp. 458-59, no. 305. After A. Ind: Roserot III:1266. Related Charters: 156, 287, 330, NC24. Hisgnardi vicecomitis Ioviniaci quicquid habebat in Ermenteriis est donum eius Notum sit omnibus fidelibus Christianis, tam presentibus quam futuris, quod Hisnardus, vicecomes Ioiniacensis, dedit in elemosinam aecclesiae Vallis Lucentis, pro remedio animae suae et parentum suorum, quicquid iuris habebat in Armenteriis et a Fonte Amandi usque ad Armenterias, et ipsum fontem et plasseium circa illum, et ultra hoc, quicquid aecclesia Vallis Lucentis poterit adquirere de feodo suo in finibus Rennei. Huius rei testes sunt: Garnerius de Fosseio; Fulco de Laileilo; Arturius, gener eius; Reinaldus, filius Daimberti de Ioviniaco. Hoc etiam laudavit uxor predicti vicecomitis, nomine Esmerilla, et filius eius, Iolduinus. Huius laudationis testes sunt: Ansellus Vastans Segetem, et predictus Reinaldus, filius Daimberti de Ioviniaco; et Odo miles de Ioviniaco. Et ut hoc ratum semper habeatur, iussu predicti vicecomitis, inpressione sigilli Donni Hugonis, senonensis archiepiscopi, signatum est. 146 [1128 - 1129,]48 June. No location. Henri, Archbishop of Sens, notes that Adelelm, miles of Sens, gave to Vauluisant whatever he held from Lailly to Courgenay, except the woods of Lancy. Nevertheless, the monks will licitly and freely collect in those woods however much wood will be necessary for their uses. The wife of Adelelm, called Lideburgis, and their sons, Hugues, Arnulf and Anselm, confirmed this donation. Henri affixed his seal and confirmed as much of this donation pertained to him, with Hilduin Manent [de Trancault], from whose rights and feudal overlordship this donation pertained (de cuius iure et benefitio), confirming and conceding. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fos. 40v - 41r Script A. B. Original lost. a. Quantin, II, pp. 53-54, no. 48. After A. Adelelmi militis Senonensis dantis terra inter Corgenai et Laleium In nomine Domini, Henricus, Dei miseratione Senonensis urbis archiepiscopus Sciant presentes pariter ac futuri quoniam quidam miles Senonensis, nomine Adelelmus, 471142-1168, Hugues' Archiepiscopacy, Gams. 1163, latest date of Script A Charters. Quantin claims that this took place before 1150. 48given as Louis VI's 20th regnal year. Louis VI was consecrated king on August 3, 1108 (Giry, p. 746). Only if the first regnal year was reckoned to be equal to the first calendrical year in which Louis' reigned would the year be 1128, all other possibilities, including the most likely ones, tend to favor an 1129 interpretation. 237 sub recompensatione et beneficio karitatis, attribuit, in presentia nostra, monachis de Valle Lucida quicquid possessionis tenebat a villa Lailliaco usque ad villam que dicitur Curtis Geneii, excepto quod silvam que dicitur Lanceia retinuit in manu sua, sic tamen ut monachi de lignis eiusdem silve licite et libere colligant et asportent quecumque necessaria erunt usibus suis. Quod ut firmum et stabile perpetualiter permaneat, coram nobis et nostris publice concessit, et concessionem istam in manu nostra deposuit. Interfuerunt de clericis nostris: Symon, Wastiensis archidiaconus; Paulinus, aecclesiae nostre canonicus et diaconus; Goslenus, {41ra}Sancti Iohannis canonicus regularis; Odo, sacerdos et canonicus Beatae Mariae. Ex parte monachorum: Stephanus, miles de Thoriniaco; Arnulfus, serviens noster. Ex parte supradicti Adelelmi: Rainaldus, miles, prepositus noster; Iohannes, baretellus; Iohannes, filius Mainerii. Laudavit hoc idem uxor eiusdem Adelelmi, nomine Lideburgis, et filii eorum, Hugo, Arnulfus et Ansellus. Ex parte monachorum: Stephanus, miles de Toriniaco; Daimbertus, miles, filius Arnaldi Benefacti; Daimbertus, miles, cognomento Crocatius. Ex parte Hildeburgis et filiorum eius, Herveus, miles, cognomento Buslenus; Theobaldus Rufus; Iohannes, filius Mainerii; Constantius, cognomento Mala Terra. Ut autem hec omnia firmiter et inconcusse roborentur, in argumentum fidei et veritatis inpressionem sigilli nostri apponuimus et quantum ad nos pertinere videbatur, firmavimus et laboravimus, laudante et concedente Hilduino Manente, de cuius iure et benefitio erat. Data mense Iunio, regnante Ludovico, rege anno XX. Petrus, cancellarius, scripsit 147 [1127 - 1160]49 No location. Chirograph containing two agreements: 1. A dispute (contentio) was had between Norpaud, abbot of Vauluisant, and Norgaud, prior of Flacy, concerning lands, meadows and woods in Flacy, and was ended in the following fashion: it was placed on three men, Milo, archpriest, Jolduin, conversus of Foissy and Hugues Pautonnier, leper, who determined that the church of Vauluisant had from the inheritance (hereditate) of deceased Pagan de Fontevannes, half of the woods and a third of the lands, meadows, waters and other payments, except in those lands which were divided, and excepting what was in the land across the river which is called Vetolius above the road to Villemaur; the church of Vauluisant has nothing in that inheritance. 2. On another day, an exchange was made between Norpaud, abbot of Vauluisant and Norgaud of Flacy: The abbot of Vauluisant gave to the church of Molêmes by the hand of Norgaud prior, one penny (= 1 d.) annual cens from the mill at Flacy and a third part of the urban plot (ochie) on which the mill was, so that the road which was next to the mill was in the state and nothing was made lesser remained. In exchange, the prior gave a plot above the one on which the mill was. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 41r Script A. B. Original 1, AD Aube, 10 H 1. 27.9 x 21.6. CHIROGRAPHUM in right margin. C. Original 2 lost. a. Quantin I, pp. 453-54, no. 299. After A. Compactio inter abbatem Vallis Lucentis et inter priorem de Falceio de terris pratis et aliis Notum sit omnibus sancte Dei aecclesiae filiis quod contentio facta est inter Norpaldum abbatem Vallis Lucentis et Norgaldum, priorem de Flasceio, de terris, et pratis, et silvis 491160, latest possible end of Norpaud's abbacy. 238 quas habebat in eadem villa. Que contentio tali ordine terminata est: posita fuit super tres homines; Milonem, videlicet, archipresbiterum; Iolduinum, conversum de Fosseio; Hugonem Paltenarium, leprosum; qui dixerunt in verbo veritatis et dictum suum lege qua debuerunt probaverunt quod ecclesia Vallis Lucentis in silvis habebat medietatem, in terris, in pratis, in aquis, et in aliis redditibus, tertiam partem de hereditate defuncti Pagani de Fonte Vene, nisi in illis terris quae partite erant, excepto quod in terra illa que est ultra rivum, qui vocatur Vetolius, desuper viam que tendit {41rb}Villam Maurum, nichil habet Aecclesia Vallis Lucentis in eadem hereditate. De concordia illa quae facta est predictum trium predictorum hominum testes sunt: Guillelmus, presbiter de Flasceio; Philippus Bibens Seccanam; Garnerius de Fosseio; Andreas, maior; Rogerius, maior Domni Stephani; et Robertus, homo monachorum; et alii multi. Sciendum etiama quod, alia die, quedam commutatio facta est inter Norpaldum, abbatem Vallis Lucentis, et Norgaldum eundem, prioremb de Flasceio, talis: quod predictus abbas dedit aecclesiae Molelmi, per manum eiusdem prioris, Norgaldi, nummum unum que annuo censu habebat in molendino de Flasceio, et terciam partem ochie in qua erat molendinum, ita quod via que iuxta molendinum erat in eodem statu et nichil peioraretur permaneret. Predictus vero prior dedit ecclesie Vallis Lucentis ochiam unam que est desuper illam in qua est molendinum pro dono illo quod fecit predictus abbas. Huic commutationi interfuerunt: Gofridus de Flasceio; Philippus Bibens Seccanam; Garnerius de Fosseio; Drogo Strabo; Robertus, vitulus; Iterius, venator; Guillelmus, presbiter. Et ut hoc ratum haberetur, sigillo utriusque abbatis, scilicet Molelmi et Vallis Lucentis sub cyrografo debuit firmari. a. etiam]est A. b. priorem om. A. 148 [1142 - 1160]50 Molinons, in the house of Garnier. A certain dispute (contentio) existed between Norpaud, abbot of Vauluisant, and Houduin Manent over the woods of Les Sièges, and was ended in the following way: Houduin recognized that his men had no customary rights in the woods. Nonetheless, at the request of Houduin, the abbot recognized that the men of Houduin were accustomed to building their houses from the wood of that forest. Therefore, it was agreed that if at a certain time they should sell their houses, the abbot of Vauluisant will receive, according to the ratios given, the equivalent of 5 percent of the sale price. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 41r-v Script A. B. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 86r. Script C. (#331) C. Original lost. Related Charter: 176. De Holduino Manente qui cognovit iura nemoris Eschegiaruma Notum sit omnibus fidelibus Christianis quod contentio quedam fuit inter Norpaldum, abbatem Vallis Lucentis, et Holduinum Manentem de nemore Eschegiarum, que tali modo finita est: predictus Holduinus cognovit quod homines suib nullam omnino consuetudinem habebant in nemore illo. Tamen, abbas, precibus ipsius Holduini, concessit ut proprii homines Holduini qui in Eschegiis morarentur, domos suas tantummodo de predicto nemore fabricarent et tali pacto: quod si aliquando easdem domos venderent, predictus abbas Vallis Lucentis de decem solidis, {41va}VI nummos 501142, beginning of Hugues' Archiepiscopacy, Gams. 1160, last possible year of Norpaud's abbacy. 239 haberet; de XV solidis, IXc nummos; vel de XX solidis, duodecim nummos; de XL solidis, II solidos; de LX solidis, tres solidos; et sic de caetero. Huius compositionis quae facta est apud Molendineium, in domo Garnerii, testes fuerunt: Donnus Holduinus; dominus Villemauri, Drogo Strabo; Iosbertus, frater eius; Garnerius de Fosseio; Philippus Bibens Seccanam; Iterus Boisuns; Arnulfus Boisuns; Helyas de Malopasso; Arturius de Laileio;d et alii multi.e Et ut ratum et inconcussum omni tempore habeatur, sigillo Domini Hugonis, Senonensis archiepiscopi, firmatum atque signatum est, rogatu predicti Holduini Manentis. a. B:{86ra}Holduini Manaentis de nemore Eschegiarum. c. IX]XII ex. corr. A]XII B. d. Laileio]Leileio B. b. B:homines {86rb}sui e. et alii multi om. B. 149 [Date of recognition: 1146 - May, 1147]51 No location. Recognition at Vauluisant. Familial confirmations at Nogent-sur-Seine. Dominus Milo de Nogent[-sur-Seine] conceded to the monks of Vauluisant, for his soul and those of his parents, whatever the monks can acquire that is held in fief from him at Courgenay. He recognized this again at Vauluisant when he was going to go to Jerusalem. His daughter, Elisabeth, and her husband, Girard, confirm this at Nogent. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 41v Script A. B. Original, AD Yonne, H 710. 13.4 x 16.8 cm. Ind: Lalore, Traînel, no. 28; Evergates, 189. Related Charters: 173, 377, 394-5, 409. De Milone de Nogento. dante quicquid [acqui]rerere [pos]semus in [ter]ritorio [Co]rgenei Notum sit omnibus fidelibus quod Domnus Milo de Nogento, pro anime sue parentumque suorum remedio, concessit monachis in Valle Lucente Deo servientibus quicquid de feodo suo in territorio Curginei acquirere possent. Huius rei testisa fuit: Domnus Ansellus de Triagnio et Domnus Garinus, frater eius; Fulco de Iotro; Milo Sanctus. Hoc iterum recognovit apud Vallem Lucentem, Iherosolimam iturus, ita quod Domnus Ansellus de Triagnio interfuit, et Radulfus Bussuns, et Willelmus Cornez de Cantamerla. Hoc idem laudavit apud Nogentum filia eius, Elisabeth, et Girardus, maritus ipsius. Huius rei testes fuerunt: de parte monachorum; Erardus, predicti castri capellanus; Garnerius de Fusseio; Philppus Bibens Sequanam; de parte Domni Milonis: Rainaldus, prepositus eius; Stephanus, frater predicti capellani; et Fromundus, frater eius; Garnerus, famulus ipsius Domni Milonis. Et ut hoc ratum et inconcussum perpetuo haberetur, precibus ipsius Milonis, signatum atque firmatum est sigillo Hugonis, Senonensis archiepiscopi, et sigillo Henricis, Trecensis episcopi. a. testis]testes A. 51Henri was bishop of Troyes by 1145, but since Milo most likely died on the Second Crusade (see argument in note to #394), placing this act between the preaching of the crusade and the departure seems to make the most sense. 240 150 [1142 - 1163]52 No location. Itier, son of Milo Buissun, notes that he recognized and confirmed the gift that his father made to Vauluisant of the usage rights in his woods such that the pigs and other cattle of the church may pasture in the woods at that time (illo tempore) as much as they want. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 41v Script A. B. Original, AD Yonne, H 774. 21.9 x 11.6 cm. a. Quantin I, p. 536, no. 375. After B. De Itero filio Milonis Bussun laudante elemosinam de usuario in nomorem {41vb}Notum fieri volo omni sancti Dei ecclesiae quod ego, Iterus, filius Milonis Buissun, recognovi et laudavi donum quod fecit pater meus aecclesiae Vallis Lucentis de usuario nemoris sui, hoc modo: scilicet, quod porci et omnia pecora eiusdem aecclesiae in nemore illo tempore pascant quantum voluerint. Huius cognitionis et laudationis testes sunt: Willelmus, archidiaconus; Herveius, prepositus, frater eius; Milo, decanus de Muliluns; Durannus, presbiter de Fusseio; Philippus Bibens Sequanam; Helias de Malo Passu; Iosbertus, infans. Et ut hoc ratum et inconcussam omni tempore habeatur, precibus meis, sigillo Domini Hugonis, Senonensis archiepiscopi, signatum atque firmatum est. 151 [1147 - 1154]53 No location. The following pact was made between the church of Saint-Jean-de-Sens and the Church of Vauluisant, by Domnus Foulques, abbot of Saint-Jean and by Donnus Norpaud, abbot of Vauluisant: that they would acquire together the land of Saint-Germain[-des-Près] of Paris, and the woods that is between Vauluisant and Voisines, and also the Land of Saint-Germain at Courgenay, and they would split in half the expenses they put forth and divide the land in half, so that the church of Saint-Jean would receive its half towards Voisines and the curch of Vauluisant would receive the half towards Vauluisant. Furthermore, Vauluisant should possess their part freely, without tithes, and should be allowed to have suitable transit to other pastures through that part which belongs to Saint-Jean. Furthermore, when they should be able, they would buy together another woods towards Sens, and those that wish to receive half should put forth half. The tithes of other woods or lands, except the tithes of the land of Voisines, the canons of SaintJean scarcely (minime) conceded to the church of Vauluisant. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 41v Script A. CIROGRAPHUM at bottom of charter/page. B. Original 1, AD Yonne, H 430. 21.3 x 12.0 cm. CIROGRAPHUM in left margin. C. Original 2 lost. a. Quantin I, pp. 437-48. no. 284. After A. Pactio aecclesiae Sancti Iohannis Senonensis et Vallis Lucentis de terris acquirendis Notum sit omnibus fidelibus Christianis quod talis pactio facta est inter ecclesiam Sancti Iohannis Senonensis et ecclesiam Vallis Lucentis, per Domnum Fulconem, abbatem Sancti Iohannis, et per Donnum Norpaldum, abbatem Vallis Lucentis: quod terram Sancti Germani Parisiacensis et nemus, quod est inter Vallem Lucentem et Visinias, et iterum 521142-1168, Hugues' archiepiscopacy, Gams. 1163, latest date of Script A Charters - Earliest date of Script B. Fr. hand gives 1149. Quantin claims circa 1155. 531147-54, Foulques' abbacy, GC v. 12, col. 250. 241 terram Sancti Germani que est apud Curgeneium simul adquirerent, et per medietatem expensas ponerent, et per medietatem terram dividerent, ita quod ecclesia Sancti Iohannis partem suam acciperet versus Visinias et ecclesia Vallis Lucentis versus Vallem Lucentema et, insuper, ecclesia Vallis Lucentis partem suam, sine decimis libere possideret; et ad aliena pascua transitum convenientem per partem illam que est Sancti Iohannis similiter haberet. Alia vero nemora versusb Senones, quandoc possent, simul adquirerent et qui vellent medietatem accipere, medietatem expensarum ponerent.d Aliorum tamen nemorum vel terrarum decimas, exceptis decimis terre Visiniarium, canonici Sancti Iohannis aecclesiae Vallis Lucentis minime concesserunt. Ut hoc firmiter omni tempore teneatur, sigillis abbatum utriusque aecclesiae firmatum est. a. versus Vallem Lucentem om. A. c. quando]quantum a. (ex abbv. qn) b. versus]verus A. d. et qui vellent . . . ponerent om. a. 152 [1129, April 1] The day of the benediction of the altar (atrium).54 Vauluisant. Foulques de Lailly and Marie, his wife, surrendered in the hands of Henri, Archbishop of Sens, on the day of the benediction of the altar (atrium. Quantin translates as "des lieux réguliers du monastère.") of Vauluisant, all their tithes on the lands worked by the monastery at Lailly. And, with them present and willing, Henri gave the same tithes to the monks to possess in perpetuity. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 42r Script A. B. Original, AD Yonne, H 737. 9.1 x 44.9 cm. #152 and 153 are on the same original. a. Quantin I, p. 311, no. 184. After B. Ind: Lalore, Traînel, no. 15. Related Charters: 139, 156, 180, 184, 194, 294, NC6, AC2. {42ra}Fulconis de Lailleio et Grimaldi, presbiteri de Molendinis Leonsa de decimis Sciant presentes pariter ac futuri quod Fulco de Lailleo et Maria, uxor eius, dimiserunt in manu Domni Henrici, Senonensis archiepiscopi, omnem decimam que eis contingeret de omnibus que monachi de Valle Lucida laborare poterint manibus, carrucis vel precio, seu quolibet modo in omni parrochia de Lailleio. Et ipsis presentibus et volentibus, idem archiepiscopus eandem decimam hisdem monachis donavit perpetuo possidendam. Huius rei testes sunt: Symon,b archidiaconus; Paulinus, canonicus; Odo, capellanus archiepiscopi; Fulco, decanus de Valle Mauri; Ansellus de Triagnio; Milo Buissun;c Stephanus Marescoth; Hugo de Bleve. Actum apud Vallem Lucidem, die qua benedictum est atrium eiusdem loci. a. Grimaldi, presbiteri . . . Leons del. A. c. Buissun]Buisson B. b. Symon]Simon B. 153 [ca. 1129, April 1]55 Vauluisant. 54Date of the benediction of the altar as attested in #208. Quantin claims this double charter is ca. 1136. of the benediction of the alter as attested in #208 and given as the date in charter #152, which physically precedes #153 on the same original piece of parchment. In any case, Gams states that Henri was archbishop until 1142. Quantin claims this double charter is ca. 1136. 55Date 242 Grimaud, priest of the churches of Lailly and Molinons, conceded, with Domnus Henri, archbishop of Sens, dispensing and recommending, to the monks of Vauluisant to thave in perpetuity, that part of the tithe which was owed to him from everything in those two parishes which the monks would otherwise owe him. In exchange, the monks agreed to pay each year to Grimaud and his successors a half-sextarius of wheat and a halfsextarius of barley. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 42r Script A. B. Original, AD Yonne, H 737. 9.1 x 44.9 cm. #152 and 153 are on the same original. a. Quantin I, p. 311-2, no. 184. After B. De Grimaldo presbitero de Lailleo de decima Notum sit sancte aecclesie filiis quod Grimaldus, presbiter ecclesiarum de Lailleio et de Molendinis Leons, dispensante ac precipiente Domno Henrico, Senonensium archiepiscopo, concessit monachis de Valle Lucida perpetualiter habendam illam partem decime que ei deberetur de omnibus que ipsi, quolibet modo, operati fuerunt in parrochiis aecclesiarum suarum, hac, videlicet, inter se propter pacis caritatisque custodiam conditione concorditer habita: quod monachi ipsi Grimaldo et ceteris post ipsum earundem ecclesiarum presbiteris, sive unus plures fuerint, dimidium sextarium frumenti et dimidium ordei per singulos annos reddiderint. Horum testes sunt: Valterius, Monachus de Pontiniaco; Symon,a archidiaconus; Paulinus, canonicus; Odo, capellanus,b canonicus; Ioslenus, canonicus regularis. a. Symon]Simon B. b. capellanus ins. sup. text. AB. 154 [1142 - 1160]56 No location. Hugues de Blivia gave in perpetual alms to the church of Vauluisant, through the hand of Norpaud, abbot, a meadow above the abbey, a cens of 2 d. for two little meadows belonging to Robert de Villeneuve, the entire woods of Buxiens, and the land of his brother, Humbert, next to the Cross of Reingard; furthermore, he gave a meadow above Courgenay which Haimo, Hugues' man, was accustomed to make hay with, at the same time as the land next to that meadow which is called de Ferreci, and the little piece of land which his man, Guiard, held by the fulling mill (ad pusatorium), if they should be able to acquire it from him. Throughout his holdings he gave the right of pasturage for all the pigs (the cartulary copy has cattle) of the monastery in all his woods. His wife, Filluns, his daughter, Cecilia, and his two sons, Jean and Ingo confirm this. His son, Jean (ego in the second half), confirms the gift and adds a pice of land called Milo's vineyard and another piece of land above Courgenay which Nicholas was accustomed to farm. He also concedes the usage rights in all his woods and lands for all the cattle of the church, and the road from which he removed boundary markers. Jean confirms to the church that land which is called Longuevalle and he makes this confirmation in exchange for the land above Courgenay by the Cross of Andrea which the abbot gave him. His wife, Emeline, confirmed. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 42r-v Script A. B. Original, AD Yonne, H 710. 38.0 x 24.8 cm. Quantin I, pp. 470-71, no. 318. After B. 561142, beginning of Hugues' archiepiscopacy, Gams; 1160, latest possible date for Norpaud's abbacy. Quantin provides ca. 1150. 243 Related Charter: 408. Hugo de Blivia et Iohanne filio eius. de prato secus abbatiam prope pirum Notum sit omnibus fidelibus Christianis quod Hugo de Blivia dedit in perpetuam elemosinam aecclesiae Vallis Lucentis, per manum Norpaldi abbatis, pratum illud quod desuper {42rb}abbatiam iuxta pirum habebat, et censum duorum nummorum quem Robertis de Villa Nova ex duobus pratulis iuxta illud positis ei debebat; similiter, etiam totum nemus illud quod dicitur Buxiens, ita quod nichil penitus sibi retinuit ex eo; terram quoque fratris sui, Huberti, que sita est iuxta crucem Reingardis; insuper, et pratum quod Haimo, homo ipsius, falcare solebat quod est super Curgeneium; simulque terram iuxta positam que dicitur de Ferreci; necnon et particulam terrae quam tenebat homo suus, Guiardus, ad pusatorium, si quomodo ab illo eam adquirere possent; super hec omnia usuarium ad pastum porcoruma in cunctis nemoribus suis. Hoc laudaverunt uxor, Filluns, filiaque ipsius, Sesilia, necnon et duo filii eius, Iohannes et Ingo. Donationis huius testes sunt: ex parte ipsius Hugonis, Milo Bussuns; Bovo, filius Arnulfi de Insulis; Philippus filius Radulfi Bussuns; Warnerius Brununs; Theodericus, famulus ipsius; Ex parte abbatis et monachorum, Philippus Bibens Sequanam; Fulcob de Lailleio; Warnerius de Fusseio; et Anselmus, frater eius; Hugo Paltenerius;c Radulfus Buissuns;d Hugo de Laileio; Ivo, faber; Iohannes, palmarius; Theobaldus, filius Hugonis de Laileio. Donum etiam et elemosinam quam pater meus fecit de rebus quas ista carta enumerat, ego, Iohannes, confirmo et insuper addo in elemosinam ecclesie particulam terre quae dicitur Vinea Milonis et aliam terram desuper Curgeneium quam Nicholaus arare solebat, et usuarium in nemoribus meis et in terris ad omnia peccora aecclesiae, et viam illam de qua metas eieceram aecclesiae concedo. Terram etiam illam que dicitur Longa Vallis ecclesie confirmo. Et hoc facio pro terra quadam quam dedit michi predictus abbas quae est desuper Curgeneium ad crucem Andree. Hoc laudavit uxor mea, Emelina. Huius rei testes sunt: ex parte mea, Ansoldus {42va}de Maireio; et filius eius, Theobaldus; Gauterus, homo meus; ex parte abbatis, Iohannes, palmarius; et filius eius, Theobaldus; Felix; et Henricus, frater eius;e Felix; et Fulcherius, frater eius; Iohannes; et Stephanus, sororius eius. Et ut hoc donum meum et donumf patris mei aecclesia Vallis Lucentis semper quiete possideat, precibus meis, sigillo Domini Hugonis, Senonensis archiepiscopi, firmatum est. a. porcorum]pecorum A. d. Buissuns]Buisuns B. f. meum et donum om. A. b. Fulco]Fulcho B. c. Paltenerius]Palterius A. e. Felix; et Henricus, frater eius om. A. 155 [1142 - 1160]57 No location. A dispute (contentio) was held between Norpaud, abbot of Vauluisant, and Arthur de Lailly over the usage of the woods of Vauluisant that Arthur and the people of Lailly claimed, and over certain markers (signis) made by the conversi of Vauluisant in Arthur's woods, which is ended thus: Arthur recognized that neither he nor the inhabitants of Lailly had any right in the woods of Vauluisant and he approved the markers made by the conversi. 571142, beginning of Hugues' archiepiscopacy, Gams; 1160, latest possible date for Norpaud's abbacy. Quantin provides ca. 1150. 244 A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 42v Script A. B. Original lost. a. Quantin I, p. 455, no. 300. After A. Related Charter: 156. De Arturio de Laileo et limitatione nemorum Notum sit omnibus fidelibus Christianis quod contentio fuit inter Norpaldum, abbatem Vallis Lucentis, et Arturium de Lailleio de usuario nemoris Vallis Lucentis quod clamabat Arturius et homines de Lailleio, et de signis quibusdam que fecerant conversi Vallis Lucentis inter nemus Arturii, que tali modo finita est: Arturius cognovit quod nullam consuetudinem habebat, neque ipse, neque homines Laillei, in nemore Vallis Lucentis. Signa etiam que fecerant conversi Vallis Lucentis accredentavit. Huis cognitionis testes fuerunt: Willelmus, archidiaconus; Iosbertus de Iolna; Gosfridus Esventez; et filius eius, Hugo; Holduinus Manens; Garnerius de Fusseio; Iosbertus, infans; Harduinis, prepositus de Muret. Et ut hoc ratum et inconcussum habeatur, precibus predicti Arturii, sigillo Domni Hugonis, Senonensis archiepiscopi, firmatum atque signatum est. 156 [1142 - 1161]58 Traînel. Vauluisant (confirmation of wives), Lailly (confirmation of Emengard). Foulques de Lailly and Arthur, his son-in-law (gener), gave to the church of Vauluisant whatever lands and meadows they had in the area of Courgenay. In addition, they gave usage rights in their woods and lands of Lailly so that the aforesaid church may acquire all necessities from the woods, namely, for building, charcoal, iron, glandage and herbage in both the plains and the woods. The church, however, will not be permitted to make arable those lands in which the monks own three quarters and they (Foulques and Arthur) the fourth. Maria, wife of Foulques, and Wandreia, wife of Arthur, and Richoldis, daughter of Foulques, confirmed this donation at the gate of Vauluisant. Emengard, daughter of Foulques, confirmed at Lailly. Isnard, viscount of Joigny, from whom Foulques held the property in fief, Esmerilla, his wife, and Jolduin, their son, confirmed this and, beyond this, confirmed whatever the church of Vauluisant should be able to acquire in their overlordship at Lailly. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, B. Original lost. a. Quantin (d) II, pp. 59-60, no. 55. After A. Ind: Lalore, Traînel, no. 27. Related Charters: 139, 145, 152, 155, 159, 180, 184, 194, 287, 294, 330, NC6, NC24, AC2. Fulchonis de Laileio. De prato et terra circa Corgene In nomine sancte et individue Trinitatis. Notum sit omnibus fidelibus Christianis quod Fulco de Laileio et Arturius, gener eius, donaverunt aecclesiae Vallis Lucentis quicquid terre et prati habebant in finibus Curgenei. Donaverunt etiam eidem ecclesiea Vallis Lucentis usuarium in nemore et in terra Lailei, ita quod omnia necessaria faciat de nemore predicta aecclesia: edificia, videlicet, carbonem, ferrum inde sumat, glandes comedat, herbam, et in plano et in bosco, usque accipiat. Arare tamen eidem aecclesie 581142-1168 Hugues' episcopacy, Gams. The appearance of Foulques de Lailly in this charter, however, suggests that this took place before #155. This suspicion is reinforced by the absence of Foulques from any charters of undisputed authenticity that can be positively dated after 1160. 245 non licebit illam partem quam habebant in terris in quibus monachi tres partes habe{42vb}-bant et illi quartam, ubicumque esset. Hoc donum factum est apud Triagnium, ita quod testes fuerunt: Domnus Ansellus de Triagnio; et Garnerius, frater eius; Ansellus Vastans Segetem; Petrus de Turnela; Garnerius de Fosseio; Radulfus Boisons; Dietus de Berneriis; Helias de Malo Passo; Vitalis, prepositus de Triagnio; Alemnus de Villa Nova; Bartholomeus, presbiter de Planteiaco. Hoc donum laudaverunt ad portam Vallis Lucentis Maria, uxor predicti Fulconis, et Wandreia, uxor predicti Arturii, et Richoldis, filia eiusdem Fulconis. Huius laudationis testes fuerunt: Milo, decanus de Mulineio; et Guillelmus, presbiter de Balneiolo; Hugo de Laileio; Ioannes, nepos eius; et Theobaldus, filius ipsius Hugonis. Hoc iterum laudavit Aremengardis, filia predicti Fulconis, apud Laileium, ita quod testes fuerunt: predictus Milo, decanus de Mulineio; Guillelmus, presbiter de Balneiolo; Hugo supradictus; et filius eius, Theobaldus; et Iohannes Rufus. Hoc etiam donum aecclesiae Vallis Lucentis concessum laudavit Domnus Hisgnardus, vicecomes de Ioviniaco, de cuius feodo terra illa erat, et Esmerilla, uxor eius, et Iolduinus, filius. Et ultra hoc, laudaverunt quicquid aecclesia Vallis Lucentis adquirere poterit de feodo suo apud Laileium. Huius laudationis testes fuerunt: Fromundus Farsitus; Narioldus, sororius eius; Paganus Levains; Stephanus Coctanum; Reinaldus de Sancto Iuliano; Iosbertus de Iagnio, Constantius Ribaudus; et Philippus, filius eius. Et ut hoc ratum et inconcussum omni tempore habeatur, rogatu Fulconis de Laileio et Arturii, generi eius, sed et predicti Vicecomitis Hisgnardi Ioviniaci, impressione sigilli Domni Hugonis, Senonens archiepiscopi, firmatum est. a. Vallis Lucentis . . . . Donavit etiam eidem ecclesie om. a. 157 1163. Sens. Hugues, archbishop of Sens, makes known that Philippe, son of Constance, conceded to Abbot Pierre and the brothers of Vauluisant one vineyard in Beaumont around the valley of the same place (Vauluisant?), with the confirmations and concessions of his father, Constance, his wife, Tecia, their sons, Geoffroy, Jean and Eudes, and also their daughters, Emeline and Agnes. Jordanis, brother of Philippe, and his sisters Aveline and Belissent, the wife of Baudoin, also confirmed this gift. Furthermore, Girard, abbot of Saint-Pierre-le-Vif, to whom cens is owed from the vineyard, confirmed the transaction. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 43r Script B.1. Slightly larger hand, orange rubric, same ink. B. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 47v Script B.3. (#202) Moderately distinct hand, may be same as A.1. C. Original, AD Yonne, H 763. 18.3 x 17.8 cm. {Script B.1}De Philippo filio Constantii et vinea de Bello Montea Ego Hugo, Senonensis archiepiscopus, presentibus et futuris notum facio quod Philippus, filius Constantiib concessit Petro, abbati Vallis Lucentis, et fratribus in ibi deo servientibus vineam unam in Bellomonte circa vallem eiusdem loci, laudantibus et concedentibus patre suo, Constantio, et uxore sua, Tecia, et filiis suis, Gaufrido, Iohanne, Odone, filiabus quoque Aemelina et Agnes. Hoc etiam donum laudavit Iordanis, frater eiusdem Philippi, sorores quoque eius Avelina et Belissent, uxor bauduini. Girardus etiam, abbas Sancti Petri Vivi, laudavit, in cuius censu est predicta vinea. Huius rei testes sunt: Odo, decanus; Christianus, sacerdos; Odo Magnus; Gaufridus; Sado; Bauduinus; Garnerius Espertels, maior Sancti Petri Vivi. Actum est hoc Senonis, anno 246 ab incarnatione Domini Mo Co LXo III. Quod ut ratum et inconcussum omni tempore haberetur, sigilli mei attestatione firmavi. a. B: Philippus dedit vineam in Bello Monte. b. Constantii]Constancii C. 247 158 [1159 - 1168]59 No location. Domna Emengard de Villemaur (Widow of cadet Tecelin de Villemaur), wife of Domnus Henri de Traînel (cadet branch of Traînel family), gave in alms to Pierre, abbot, and the brothers of Vauluisant whatever she had in the territory of Courgenay, in plains and woods. She made this gift to be confirmed by her sons, Henri and Arnulf, and also by her daughter, Elisabeth. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 43r Script B.1. Same in most characterstics as #157, but slightly larger than it. B. Original AD Yonne, H 710. 15.0 x 24.9 cm. {43ra}De Domina Ermengardi quicquid habebat in territorio Curgineti donat Ego Hugo, Senonensis archiepiscopus, tam futuris quam presentibus, notum fieri volo quod Domna Ermengardis de Villamauri, uxor Domni Henrici de Triagno, dedit in elemosinam Petro, abbati Vallis Lucentis, et fratribus in ibi Deo servientibus quicquid habebat in territorio de Corgenaio, in plano et in bosco. Hoc donum ecclesie Vallis Lucentis factum laudaverunt filii eius, Henricus et Arnulfus, filia quoque eius Elisabet.a Huius rei testes fuerunt: Domnus Dierus de Berneriis, Arnulfus Buisun, Odo Albusb, et Radulfus, et Drogo, frater eius, de Ferrariis. Quod ut ratum permaneret, sigilli mei attestatione firmavi. a. Elisabet]Elisabeth B. b. Odo Alb; sic A, B, and all other instances of Odo Albus in this cartulary. 159 [1161 - 1185]60 No location. Esmerille, viscountess of Joigny, conceded in alms to Vauluisant everything that belonged to her in the land called Grava which is next to the road which fords at Lailly, and in the woods next to the fields of Toucheboeuf. Her son, Jolduin, viscount, confirmed this. Garnier de Foissy conceded the part which he had in the same land. His son, Hugues, confirmed this. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 43r Script B.2. B. Original lost a. Quantin I, p. 459, no. 306. After A. Related Charters: 82, 156, 161. 591159, earliest possible date of Pierre's abbacy; 1168 end of Hugues' archiepiscopacy, Gams. of this document is uncertain. First, the Fr. hand provides 1144 in the margin of the cartulary. Quantin claims that this document took place before 1150. Yet, here, Jolduin, the son of Esmirilla, is viscount, suggesting, if not indicating, that this charter is after the last appearance of Viscount Isnard in the charters, in 1161 (#287, 330), and possibly after the his departure for the Holy Land in 1170, (departure indicated in A.-A., Cherest, Vézelay, Étude historique, II, reprinted in R.B.C. Huygens, Monumenta Vizeliacensia: Textes relatifs à l'histoire de l'abbaye de Vézelay, Corpus Christianorum Continuatio Medievalis v. 42, Turnhout, 1976, p. 182, no. 1, citing Maximilien Quantin, "Les croisés de la BasseBourgogne," in Bulletin de la Société des sciences historiques et naturelles de l'Yonne, 7:1853, p. 301, n. 1). Further, the intermediary nature and location of the script places its transcription firmly between the Script A edition of circa 1163 and the Script C additions around 1185, thus providing the basis for my current date. This supposition is reinforced by the appearance of Garnier de Foissy, with his son Hugues, then a knight, in 1174 in charter #161. 60Dating 248 {Script B.2}Emirilla vicecomitissa de Ioigneio. De terra que Grava dicitur{43rb} Sciant, tam presentes quam futuri, quod Emirilla, vicecomitissa de Ioigneio, concessit in elemosinam ecclesie Vallis Lucentis omnem partem terrae que dicitur Grava, que est iuxta viam qui vadit de Laeio in nemore iuxta culturam Tanchebovis. Hoc laudavit filius, Ioduinus, vicecomes. Huius rei testes sunt: Raynaudus, capellanus de Molinons; Felix Troia; Milo, prepositus; Iosbertus, tunc maior eius. Martinus, venator. Partem etiam quam habebat in hac terra, Garnerius de Fosseio concessit ecclesiae Vallis Lucentis. Et hoc laudavit Hugo, filius eius. Presens fuit Iterus, tunc maior. 160 1184 (o. st.). No location. Anselm [II] de Traînel (lord of Traînel) and Garnier de Traînel (lord of Marigny-leChâtel) note that they confirmed and conceded to the church of Vauluisant whatever the church possesses from their patrimony and feudal domain, whether by gift or purchase. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 43r Script C. B. Original, AD Yonne, H 710. 20.4 x 19.8 cm. a. Quantin II, p. 357, no. 343. After B. {Script C}Anselli de Triangulo et Garnerii fratris eius qui la[udant] feodum. In nomine sanctae et individue Trinitatis. Ego, Ansellus de Triangulo, et ego, Garnerus de Triagnello, frater predicti Anselli, laudamus atque concedimus ecclesie Vallis Lucentis, pro redemptione animarum nostrarum, quicquid de patrimonio et feodo nostro, dono vel emptione, possidet in terris, in nemoribus, in pratis et in aquis. Huius rei testes sunt: Robertus, prior de Balneolis;a Gregorius, clericus; Daimbertus de Sternantis; Seguinus de Toriniaco; Girardus, miles de Fox; Hugo de Plaiotro; Andreas de Pruvino; Petrus, prepositus Ville Nove; Henricus Chapenruns. Quod ne ecclesiab Vallis Lucentis pravorum hominum infestatione super his in posterum vexari potuisset, presentem paginam duobus sigillis nostris roboravimus. Actum anno ab incarnatione Domini Mo Co LXXXo IIIIo. a. Balneolis]Barneolis ex corr. B. b. ecclesia]ecclesie ex corr. B. 161 1174 (o. st.). Sens, the pontifical palace. Guillaume, archbishop of Sens notes that Garnier de Foissy, with Emengard, his wife, and his sons and daughter, Garnier, cleric, Hugues, miles, and Isabelle, present and confirming, gave in alms for the soul of Geoffroy, his son, half of all his meadows between Villeneuve-l'Archevêque and Maupas on the south side of the River Vanne. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 43r-v Script C. B. Original, AD Yonne, H 785. 19.2 x 21.2 cm. Seal of Guillaume, archbishop of Sens. Ind: Lalore, Traînel, no. 90. Related Charters: 83 (?), 159. Garnerii de Fosseio Guillelmus,a Dei gratia Senonensis archiepiscopus, apostolicae sedis legatus, omnibus, tam futuris quam presentibus, in perpetuum.b Quod per spacia temporum delet oblivio quasi recenter factum, scriptura reservat et reddit memorie, huius siquidem rationis intuitu, presenti pagine commendari precepimus ut univer-{43va}-sitati vestre notum 249 fieret quod Garnerius de Fosseio, audientibus et laudantibus Emengardi, uxore sua, et filiis suis, Garnerio, clerico, et Hugone, milite, et Isabeli, filia sua, dedit in elemosinam, in presentia nostra, pro anima Gaufridi, filii sui, ecclesie Vallislucentis medietatem omnium pratorum suorum que possidet inter Villam Novam et Malum Passum in australi parte fluminis Vanne. Ut ergo hec donatio in presentia nostra misericorditer facta rata et inconcussa in posterum permaneat, presens scriptum annotari fecimus et sigilli nostri auctoritate confirmari, inhibentes sub pena excommunicationis ne quis a usu temerario huic nostre confirmationi in aliquo obviare presumat, salva in omnibus sedis apostolice auctoritate. Actum Senonis in palatio pontificali, anno ab incarnatione domini Mo Co LXXo IIIIo, astantibus nobis: Odone, decano senonense; Rogero, capellano nostro; Nigello, monacoc et cellerario; Giraldo, clerico; Berengario de Villamauri; Hugone de Pressi; Seguinod de Fonte Vanne; Salone de Dongione; Willelmo de Marcelliaco; Godefrido de Villamauri; Iterio de Malonido; Willelmo de Hungeria; Ebrardo, milite de Laileio; et aliis pluribus. a. Guillelmus]Willelmus B. (Willelmus) b. in perpetuum ex abbv. "in Pm. P." B]in posterum A. d. Seguino]Sewino B. c. monaco]monacho B. 162 1167 (o. st.). No location. Henri, bishop of Troyes, makes known that Itier de de Courceaux gave in alms to the monks of Vauluisant usage rights in his woods which are in the confines (in finibus) of Thorigny, namely the usage of herbage and glandage and whatever pertains to pasturage for all kinds of animals. He also gave to the monks thickets (rametam) for the use of animals and their custodians. Afterwards, Philippe, father of Itier, Eremburg, his [Philippe's] wife, Gollanda, and Galiena, Itier's wife, confirmed the transaction. Further, Dominus André de Vénizy and Guy Gâtebléd also confirmed, from whom the aforesaid woods moved in fief (casamento sive feodo). Because Itier was proved to be bishop Henri's parishoner and the woods are held in the pagus of Sens, the document is confirmed with the seal of both Henri, bishop, and Hugues, archbishop of Sens. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 43v Script C. B. Original, AD Yonne, H 774. 22.0 x 20.3 cm. Seal of Henri, bishop of Troyes. a. Quantin II, pp. 195-196, no. 178. Ind: Lalore, Traînel, no. 72, 73. Related Charters: 76, 163, MC35, NC16. Iteriius de Curcellis dedit usum pa[sturam] in nemoribus suis Ego Henricus, Dei gratia Trecensis episcopus, notum facio presentibus et futuris quod Iterius de Curcellis dedit in elemosinam monachis de Valle Lucente usuarium in nemoribus suis que sunt in finibus Toriniaci, videlicet herbam et glandem et quicquid ad pastum pertinet universi generis animalium. Dedit etiam eis et rametam, tam ad opus animalium quam ad opus custodum eorum. Et sunt testes: Manases, archidiaconus; Magister Girardus, et Magister Bernardus, clericia nostri. Affuerunt etiam huic rei milites nonnulli et similiter testes extiterunt: Dominus, videlicet, an-{43vb}-dreas, comes Breniensis, gener Anselmi de Veneseio, per cuius manum hoc factum est; Seguinus de Fonte Vene; Godefridus de Villa Mauri. Hoc postmodum laudavit Philippus, pater supradicti Iterii, et Eremburgis, uxor eius; et Gollandaque; et Galiena, uxor Iterii. Testes inde fuerunt: Arnulnus,b capellanus de Lintione; Petrus, presbiter, nepos eiusdem Seguinus supradictus de Toriniaco; Mainardus de Roseriaco; Ansellus de 250 Curcellis; Bovo Glavianus; Guilelmus de Lintione; Iohannes Lupus; et alii plures. Postremo hoc, ipsum totum laudaverunt supranominatus Dominus Andreas de Venesioc et Guido Gaustable,d de quorum casamento sive feodo predicta nemora erant, attestante: Glarembaldo de Villa Mauri; Godefrido de eadem villa; Teobaldo Garus; Milone Crocheu; Ansello de Curcellis; Garino de Miliduno. Actum anno incarnati Verbi Mo Co LXo VIIo. Et quia predictus Iterius noster parrochianus esse probatur, et prenominata nemora in Senonico pago habentur, placuit predictis monachis ut impressione sigilli, tam Domini patris nostri Hugonis Senonensis archiepiscopi quam nostri, presens cartula confirmaretur ad assertionem perpetue veritatis. Quod sic fieri annuimus amen. a. clerici]cleri A. d. Gaustable]Guastable B. b. Arnulnus]Arnulfus B. c. Venesio]Veneseio B. 163 [1168 - 1176]61 No location. Guillaume, archbishop of Sens and papal legate, notes that Guy Gâtebléd gave and conceded to the house of Vauluisant everything he owned in the finage of Thorigny, in wood and plains, namely everything necessary for animals and herders (bestiis et pastoribus). A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fos. 43v - 44r Script C. B. Original, AD Yonne, H 774. 10.0 x 16.1 cm. Well-preserved seal of Guillaume, archbishop. Ind: Lalore, Traînel, no. 120. Related Charters: 76, 162, MC35, NC16. Guidonis Gasteble de finagio Toriniaco Guillelmus,a Dei gratia Senonensis archiepiscopus et apostolice sedis legatus, omnibus ad quos littere iste pervenerint in Domino salutem. Quod per spacia temporem delet oblivio quasi recenter factum, scriptura reservat, huius siquidem rationis intuitu, presenti scripto inserere curavimus ut, tam posteris quam modernis, notum fieret quod Guido Gasteble domui Vallelucentis dedit et concessit omnia que habebat in finagio Toriniaci, in bosco et in plano, scilicet omne quod est necessarium bestiis et pastoribus. Quod ut ratum in posterum et inviolatum permaneat, scripti huius attestationeb et sigilli nostri impressione communire curavimus. Huius rei testes sunt: Garnerius, canonicus, frater suus; Andreas de Brena; {44ra}Hugo Esvente; Salo de Daniun; Milo Crochuz; Noel, cellerarius; Frater Gauterus. a. Guillelmus]Willelmus B. b. attestatione]attestacione B. 164 [1159 - 1167]62 No location. Girard, minister (and abbot) of the church of Saint-Pierre-le-Vif, desires to make known that Renaud, a certain man of his church, sold some of his vineyards to Pierre Abbot of Vauluisant, namely 1 arpent at Plenchias and 1/4 at Calloel. The wife of Renaud, Petronilla, along with her daughters confirmed this. Petronilla's mother, Rooldis, with her son, Pierre, and her daughter, Claire, also confirmed this. And all equally conceded 611168-76, Guillauame-aux-Blanches-Mains' tenure as archbishop of Sens, Gams. Quantin states that this charter took place "vers 1170"). Lalore provides 1183 as the date. 621159, earliest possible beginning of Pierre's abbacy; 1167, end of Girard's abbacy, Bautier, GC. 251 and confirmed this. The abbot of Saint-Pierre-le-Vif confirmed and conceded this sale, maintaining the justice and rectitude (rectitudine) of his church in the vineyard. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 44r Script C. B. Original lost. Rainaudi de Senone de arpento vinee ad Plancas Ego Gi[rardus], ecclesiae Sancti Petri Vivi humilis minister, notum esse volo presentibus et futuris quod quidam homo noster, Rainaudus nomine, quasdam suas vineas vendidit Venerabili Petro, abbati Vallis Lucentis, unum, scilicet, arpennum ad Plenchias et unum quarterium ad Calloel. Hoc uxor eiusdem Rainaudi, Petronilla nomine, laudavit cum filiabus suis. Hoc etiam mater eiusdem Petronille, nomine Rooldis, cum filio suo, Petro, et filia, Clara nomine, laudavit. Et ut ecclesia Vallis Lucentis easdem vineas in posterum sine calumpnia et inquietudine possideret, omnes pariter concesserunt et laudaverunt. Nos vero, ad peticionem eiusdem abbatis, venditionem ipsam sicut prescripta est concessimus et laudavimus, salva in omnibus iusticia et rectitudine ecclesie nostre. Quod ne a posterorum memoria laberetur scripto et sigillo nostro muniri decrevimus. Testes: Arnaldus, monachus; Philippus, monachus; Gaufridus, monachus; Landricus, monachus; Iordanus, clericus; Philippus, frater eius; Balduinus, filius Bertelai; Gaufridus Rufus; Garnerius Espertellus, tunc maior Sado. 165 [1168 - 1176]63 On the road between Sens and Molinons. Guillaume, archbishop of Sens, makes known that Simon de Nois (probably somewhere around Pouy and Livanne) gave and conceded, with the confirmation of his wife and children, to the church and brothers of Vauluisant usage rights for its animals in all his land, woods, plains, glandage and herbage. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 44r Script C. B. Original lost. Simonis de Nois de pasturis W[illelmus], Dei gratia Senonensis archiepiscopus, omnibus ad quos littere presentes pervenerint in Domino salutem. Universitati vestre notum fieri volumus quod, veniens ante nos, Symon de Nois, cum uxore sua et liberis suis, donavit et concessit, ad laudationem eorum, ecclesie Vallis Lucentis et fratribus in perpetuum usuariam animalibus eorum per totam terram suam, et in bosco et in plano, in glande et in herba. Actum est istud in via inter Senonis et Molinuns, presentibus: Vitali, presbitero de Reigni; Rainaudo de Molinuns; Bartholomeo, senescaldo; Teone, preposito; Hugone, preposito Ville Nove; Radulfo maiore de Fuissi. Quod ut ratum firmumque permaneat, {44rb}presentis scripti patrocinio et sigillo nostro confirmavimus. 166 1183 (o. st.). Sens. Guy, archbishop of Sens, recognizes that Ulric, abbot of Vauluisant, with the assent of the entire convent conceded to him and his successors, and to Dominus Anselm de Traînel, and to his successors, all the monastery's possessions in the parish of 631168-76, Guillaume-aux-Blanches-Mains' tenure as archbishop of Sens, Gams. 252 Villeneuve-sur-Vanne [-l'Archevêque], except a house held freely and without cens (excepta domo quam habent in eadem villam liberam et sine censu) and the meadow of Geoffroy, miles of Molinons. In exchange, the archbishop or whoever will receive payments from that villeneuve, will pay annually to the monastery 4 sextarii of grain, half of the spring and half of the winter variety, within the octave of All Saints' Day (November 2-8). A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 44r Script C. B. Original, AD Yonne, H 786. 20.1 x 18.3 cm. Related Charter: 168. Guidonis Senonensis archiepescopi et Anselli de Triangulo de d[omo] Ville [Nove] Guido, Dei gratia Senonis archiepiscopus, omnibus ad quos littere iste pervenerint in Domino salutem. Notum fieri volumus quod dilectus filius noster, Ulricus,a abbas Vallis Lucentis, assensu tociusb conventus sui concessit et donavit nobis atque successoribus nostris Senonensibus et Domino Ansello de Triangulo atque successoribus eius imperpetuum quicquid habent infra parrochiam de Villa Nova super Vennam, excepta domo quam habent in eadem villa, liberam et sine censu, et exceptis pratis Gaufridi, militis de Molinuns. Nos vero in recompensationem reddemus singulis annis infra octavas Omnium Sanctorum monasterio et fratribus Vallis Lucentis quatuor sextarios annone, medietatem ibernagii et medietatem tremesii. Hanc autem annonam persolvet quicumque redditus nostros de villa illa recipiet. Quod ut ratum maneat et firmum, presentis scripti testimonio fecimus confirmari et sigillo nostro muniri. Actum Senonis, anno incarnati Verbi Mo Co Lo XXXo IIIo. a. Ulricus]Urricus B. b. tocius]totius B. 167 [1168 - 1176]64 Curia of the Archbishop of Sens. Guillaume, archbishop of Sens and papal legate, notes that a case (causa) was disputed between the brothers of Vauluisant and the monks of Notre-Dame-de-Porte-Saint-Léon, and the monks of Corona (La Couronne?) over the toll of salt. It is ended and adjudged that the brothers (of Vauluisant) may bring in salt for the aforesaid monks (Of N-D-dPSL and Corona), but not for any other secular or ecclesiastical institution or person. (This reading is based on the nominal distinction between fratres and monachi in the charter) A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 44r Script C. B. Original lost. Sententia data de pedagio salis Guillelmus, Dei gratia Senonensis archiepiscopus et sedis apostolicae legatus, omnibus sancte matris ecclesie filiis, tam futuris quam presentibus, imperpetuum. Noverit universitas vestra quod causa que inter dilectos nostros, fratres de Valle lucenti et monachos Sancte Marie de Porta Leonis et monachos de Corona super pedagio salis vertebatur in curia nostra, terminata est et adiudicatum est. Quod fratres de Valle Lucenti, pro rebus que ad usum suum, feruntur predictis monachis, sed nec alicui ecclesiastice secularive persone ullum deberet pedagium. Huic iudicio affuerunt: Venerabilis Frater Willelmus, Autisiodorum episcopus; Stephanus, abbas Sancti Remigii; 641168-76, Guillaume-aux-Blanches-Mains' tenure as archbishop of Sens, Gams. 253 Odo, decanus Senonensis; Magister Girardus, archidiaconus Trecensis; et Magister Radulfus; Manases de Pugeio; et Ansellus de Triagnello; et alii plures. 168 1183 (o. st.). No location. Anselm de Traînel recognizes that Domnus Ulric, abbot of Vauluisant, conceded to him and his successors, and to the archbishop of Sens, and his successors, all the monastery's possessions in the parish of Villeneuve-sur-Vanne [l'Archevêque] except a house held freely and without cens (excepta domo quam habent in eadem villam liberam et sine censu) and except the meadows of Geoffroy, miles of Molinons. Anselm in exchange will pay within the octave of All Saints' Day (November 2-8) a cens of 4 sextarii of grain, half of the spring and half of the winter variety. The Dominus Archbishop, or whoever should hold the village on his part, will also pay the same amount. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 44r-v Script C. B. Original, AD Yonne, H 786. 15.7 x 23.9 cm. Seal of Anselm de Traînel. a. Quantin II, p. 344, no. 327. After B. Ind: Lalore, Traînel, no. 118. Related Charter: 166. Anselli de Triangulo et Guidonis Senonensis archiepiscopi de domo Ville [Nove] {44va}Ego, Ansellus de Triangulo, omnibus ad quos littere iste pervenerint in Domino salutem. Noverit universitas vestra quod venerabilis amicus noster, Domnus Ulricus,a abbas Vallis Lucentis, assensu tocius conventus sui, concessit et donavit michi atque successoribus meis et venerabili Guidoni,b archiepiscopo Senonensi, atque successoribus eius imperpetuum quicquid habebat infra parrochiam de Villa Nova super Vennam, excepta domo que est in eadem villa libera et sine censu, et exceptis pratis Gaufridi militis de Molinuns. Ego vero, Ansellus, et succesores mei in reconpensationemc reddemus singulis annis infra octavas Omnium Sanctorum monasterio et fratribus Vallis Lucentis quatuor sextariosd annone, medietatem ibernagii et medietatem tremesii. Et dominus archiepiscopus Senonensis, vel quicumque predictam tenuerit villam, tantumdem reddet. Quod ut ratum maneat et firmum, munimine sigilli nostri feci muniri. Actum est hoc anno incarnati Verbi Mo Co LXXXo IIIo. a. Ulricus]Urricus B. b. Guidoni]Gidoni B. c. reconpensationem]recompensationem B. d. sextarios]sextaria B. 169 [1148 - 1150]65 No location. Girard, abbot of Sainte-Columbe-de-Sens, notes that, with the assent of his chapter, he concedes to the church of Vauluisant the house of Anchery and his vineyards at Gron under the same terms that Anchery held them, namely that Vauluisant pay to the abbey of Sainte-Columbe the same annual cens on the house and vineyards. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 44v Script C. B. Original lost. Related Charters: MC17, NC8. 651148-May 14, 1150, Girard's abbacy at Sainte-Columbe, GC v. 12, col. 150. 254 G[irardus] Sancte Columbe de Senone abbas de domo Ancheri Sciant presentes et futuri quod ego, G[irardus], Dei gratia Beate Columbe Senonensis abbas, assensu capituli nostri, concedo ecclesie Vallis Lucentis domum Encerii et vineas ipsius que sunt in territorio Gronni, tali tenore, quali eas ipse Encherius tenebat, scilicet ut eundem censum, tam de domo quam de vineis, monachi Vallis Lucentis ecclesie Sancte Columbe singulis annis reddant quem ipse reddebat. Testes huius rei: Nicolaus, prior; Laurentius, prepositus; Iohannes, capellanus. 170 1183 (o. st.). No location. Dominus Anselm de Traînel makes known that Hermenoldis, former wife of Etienne de Villeneuve, and her sons demanded 100 l. provinois and ten modii of grain from the brothers of Vauluisant for a debt. The brothers of Vauluisant said they were entirely unaware of this debt. Anselm, desiring to settle this, imposed an end to the dispute, with the assent of both parties: the brothers of Vauluisant shall pay to Hermenoldis, or whomever she should wish, 50 l. provinois by the feast of Saint Martin (November 11), and neither she nor her sons will claim anything further from the church of Vauluisant. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 44v Script C. B. Original lost. Ind: Lalore, Traînel, no. 119. Omnibus ad quos littere iste pervenerint, Dominus Ansellus de Triangulo salutem. Noverit universitas vestra quod Hermenoldis, quondam uxor Stephani de Villa Nova filiique eius a fratribus Vallis Lucentis C libras nummorum Pruviniensium cum X modiis annone pro debito exigebat. Econtrario, predicti fratres {44vb}hoc debitum dicebat se penitus nescire. Ego autem hanc controversiam sedare volens, assensu utriusque partis, hoc modo finem imposui: quod fratres Vallis Lucentis prefate mulieri, vel cuicumque voluerit, reddant L libras pruvinenses usque ad festum Beati Martini. Ipsa vero et omnes liberi eius super hac re nichil ulterius ab ecclesia Vallis Lucentis reclamabunt vel requirent. Huius rei testes sunt: frater meus, Garnerus; Seguinus de Toriniaco; Frater Milo Tegniaco; et Hugo de Plaiotro. Et ut hoc ratum et inconcussum omni tempore habeatur, munimine sigilli mei feci muniri. Factum est hoc anno verbi incarnati Mo Co LXXXIIIo. 171 1182 (o. st.). No location. Amselm de Traînel notes that a controversy was held between the saintly men of Vauluisant and the heirs of Pouy over the land of Felix Capra and Rainaud, milites, a third part of which was owned by the heir and Doe and Odeline, her(?) sister.66 According to the sworn judgement of old men of the country, it is decided that the dispute (querela) [land?] will remain in entirety with Vauluisant. There then follows a list of those who swore (i.e., the jury). A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 44v Script C. B. Original lost. Ind: Lalore, Traînel, no. 117. 66this last clause is based on the transcription sororis eius. The passage would make more sense if the text was emended to sorores eius, then Doe and Odeline would both be the heir's sisters. 255 Related Charter: 382. De terra Felicii Capre Ego Ansellus de Triangulo, universis notum fieri volo quam controversia que orta fuerat inter sanctos homines de Valle Lucenti et heredes de poseiaco super terra Felicii Capre et Renaudi Militis qui erat tercie partis heres et Doe et Odeline, sororis eius. Que iuxta iuramentum veterum hominum terrae, in curia mea decisa, sanctis hominibus de Valle Lucenti integre remansit querela et hii sunt qui iuraverunt: Girardus; Gislebertus; Iohannes Botedev; Iohannes, frater Girardi; Iohannes, filius Rainaldi; Iohannes de Cruce Clemens; Robertus Siccus; Godefridus, filius Girardi; Felicius; Odo; et quam plures alii. Quod ne alique vetustate deleri potuisset fideli paginae commissum, sigillo meo roboravi. Actum anno incarnati Verbi Mo Co LXXXIIo 172 1127 (o. st.). Monstuez. "Foundation document," where Artaud, abbot of Preuilly, sought to reduce the number of monks at Preuilly by founding a monastery at the place called Vauluisant. He thus went to a location which is called Monstuez, where Anselm de Traînel and Eudes de Villemaur were doing some business, and asked for their permission and authorization to acquire lands in their territory. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 45r Script A. B. Original (insofar as there was one) lost. C. (Non Medieval) Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, MS Latin 5468 (Gaignières, eighteenth-century copy). fo. 149. After A.67 a. Gallia Christiana, XII, Instrumenta, église de Sens, no. 28, col. 30. (includes 173) After A. b. Quantin I, p. 267 no. 148. After a. c. Albert Catel and Maurice Lecomte, Chartes et documents de l'abbaye cistercienne de Preuilly, Montereau, 1927, no. 5, pp. 8-9. After a.68 Ind: Lalore, Traînel, no. 13. Translation: Evergates, Feudal Society in Medieval France: Documents from the County of Champagne, Philadelphia, 1993, no. 102, pp. 135-36. After c. {45ra Script A}Exordium fundamenti Sancte Marie Vallis Lucentis Anno ab Incarnatione Domini Salvatorisa millesimo centesimo vicesimo septimo, eodem Domino nostro Iesu Christo cuncta disponente, cum Dominusb A[rtaldus], monasterii Pruliacensisc primus abbas, divina inspiratione, fratrum quoque quibus preerat crebra postulatione commonitus, monasterium se ordinaturum in loco qui Vallis Lucens nuncupaturd decrevisset, contigit ut huius rei gratia, ad locum qui Monstueze dicitur, deveniret, ubi nobiles viros Ansellum de Triagnel et Odonem de Villa Mauri quiddam negotii inter sesef habentes. Postulavit ut quicquidg in terris eorum iuri pertinentibus ipse vel monachi, quos in prefato loco Deo serviturosh constitueret, aqquirerei annuente Domino valerent, ipsi quoque pro salute animarum suarum eis concederent. Quod 67I have not analyzed this document very closely. I have only included it because it is cited by Catel and Lecomte. Incidentally, it is surprising that, in their edition of the charter, the evidence suggests that they did not examine this document very closely (which admittedly is not of the highest reliability) either, as it consists of partial transcriptions of the Vauluisant Cartulary itself. As near as I can tell, their rendition is based entirely on the Gallia Christiana. 68Catel and Lecomte claim that the cartulary of Vauluisant is arranged chronologically and since Père Laire, one of the cataloguers of the cartulary, noted on the first page that the first two folios were missing, they postulate that that is where this and the following charter, as a single document, existed. 256 predicti proceres, retributionem solius Dei exinde prestolantes, iure perpetuo concesserunt. Cuius rei testes sunt: Hugo Rufus, Bovo Strabo, Wilricus, Pontius de Campo Aibaldi, Drogoj Strabo, Arnulfus de Insulis, Ayricus, Milo Sanctus, Hugo de Riges, Havynus de Trancol,k Philippus sedl et alii, quamm plures quos enumerare longum est. a. Salvatoris om. bc. b. Dominus]Domnus bc. A is Dns. abbv. c. Pruliacensis]Prulliacensis bc. d. nuncupatur]vocatur bc. e. Monstuez]Monstuz bc. f. sese]se bc. g. quicquid]quidquid bc. h. Deo servituros om.bc. i. aqquirere]acquirere bc. j. Strabo, Wilricus ... Drogo om. bc.k. Trancol]Tranguol bc. l. Philippus sed om. bc. Transcription of sed certain, its function uncertain. m. quam om. bc. 173 [1127 - 1139]69 No location. Illustris Vir, Milo de Nogent conceded to the brothers of Vauluisant, servants to God, that they shall be able to acquire whatever lands pertain to his rights. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 45r Script A. B. Original (insofar as there was one) lost. C. (Non Medieval) Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, MS Latin 5468 (Gaignières, eighteenth-century copy). After A.70 a. Gallia Christiana, XII, Instrumenta, église de Sens, no. 28, col. 30. (includes 173) After A. b. Quantin I, p. 267 no. 148. After a. c. Albert Catel and Maurice Lecomte, Chartes et documents de l'abbaye cistercienne de Preuilly, Montereau, 1927, no. 5, pp. 8-9. After A.71 Ind: Lalore, Traînel, no. 13. Translation: Evergates, Feudal Society in Medieval France: Documents from the County of Champagne, Philadelphia, 1993, no. 102, pp. 135-36. After c. Related Charters: 149, 377, 394-5, 409. Milonis de Nogento. de acquisitione in feodo ipsius Noverit universaa fidelium multitudo quod Vir Illustris Milo de Nogent, pro animae suae parentumque suorum remedio, concessit fratribus in Valle Lucente Domino servituris quicquidb in terris eius iuri pertinentibus adquirere,c Domino largiente, possent, postulante hoc, Domnod Artaldo, Pruliacensium abbate primo, eiusdemque Vallis Lucentis fundatore. Hinc testes sunt: Ansellus de Triagnel et Warinus frater eius, Fulco de Iothro, Milo Sanctus. a. universa]universitas c. d. Domno]Domino bc. b. quicquid]quidquid bc. c. adquirere]acquirere bc. 174 [1127 - 1139]72 No location. 691127, date of #172, 1139, death of Abbot Artaud, GC. It should be noted that all published editions of this charter treat it as the same document as #173, and therefore give it the date as 1127. Whatever the case, this transaction probably took place closer to 1127 than to 1139. Moreover, the clause Domino servituris instead of Domino servientibus, as elsewhere, almost certainly places it before the actual operation of the monastery. 70I have not analyzed this document very closely, see note to #172, supra. 71see note to c in previous charter. 257 Philippe, son of Thierry Boit-la-Seine, gave, with his wife, Tehelina, willing and conceding, to the monks of Vauluisant all that he had on both banks of the river Lalain between Lailly and Courgenay to Vauluisant. This was done by the mediation of Domnus Artaud, abbot, and with Anselm de Traînel, from whose fief all this moves, along with his wife Hélissend, and his sons, Anselm, Garnier and Garin. conceding the donation. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 45r Script A. B. Original lost. a. Quantin I, p. 457, no. 303. After A. Ind: Lalore, Traînel, no. 21. Philippi Bibentis Secanam. de adquirendo Omnibus sancte matris aecclesiae filiis notum fieri volumus quod Philippus, filius Theoderici Bibentis Sequanam, volente et laudante uxore sua, Tehelina, donavit monachis in Valle Lucente Deo et ipsius beate genitrici, {45rb}Marie famulantibus quicquid habebat in pratis, terris ac nemoribus in riveria Iegie, ab utraque parte aquae prope vel longe, a villa, scilicet, que dicitur Laleium usque ad illam que Curtgenetum nuncupatur, hoc proloquente ac mediante Domno Artaldo, abbate, et concedentibus unanimiter Ansello de Triagnel, de cuius feodo totum erat, uxore sua, Helisende, ac filiis eorumdem Ansello, Garnero et Guarino. Huius rei testes sunt: Ipse Ansellus de Triagnel et filii eius, predicti Ansellus, Guarnerus et Guarinus. 175 [1127 - 1151]73 No location. Hildier conceded to the monks of Notre-Dame de Vauluisant to licitly hold and possess in perpetuity whatever pertains to him of that which was given to them (the monks) or was acquired by them by purchase. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 45r Script A. B. Original lost. Hildieri concessio feodi Sciant presentes et posteri quod Hildierus concessit monachis Sancte Marie de Valle Lucente quicquid in terris ad ipsum pertinentibus, vel eis donaretur vel ipsi precio acquirerent, licite habendum in perpetuo possidendum. Inde testes sunt: Ansellus de Triagnio, Stephanus de Torigne, Arnulfis de Insulis, Guiardus. Filii vero ipsius Hilderi, scilicet, Symon, Meinardus, Petrus et Ansellus, hoc similiter predictis monachis concesserunt, attestantibus istis: Stephano de Torigne, Morisius de Vilvuns 176 [1127 - 1139]74 Vauluisant, in the cloister of the monks. Houduin Manent (subcastellan lord) conceded to the monks of Notre-Dame de Vauluisant whatever is held in fief from him in the parishes of Lailly and Courgenay that 721139, death of Abbot Artaud, GC. Again, the nature of the document gives rise to the suspicion that it is closer to 1127 than 1139. 731151, date of Anselm (I) de Traînel's death, Evergates. Judging by the appearances of Etienne de Thorigny and Arnulf de l'Isle, I would hazard that this charter is probably before 1140. 741139, death of Abbot Artaud, GC. Again, the nature of the document gives rise to the suspicion that it is closer to 1127 than 1139. 258 the monks can acquire. Acted at Vauluisant in the cloister of the monks by [giving?] a certain book into the hands of Artaud abbot of Preuilly. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 45r Script A B. Original lost. Related Charter: 148. Hilduini Manant de adqui[rendo] in fina[gio] Laleii e[t Cor]geneti Notum sit presentibus et futuris quod Hilduinus Manant concessit monachis Sancte Marie de Valle Lucente licite habendum et possidendum quecumque de feodo suo in parrochia Laillei et Curgeneii sibi acquirere poterint. Hec concessio facta est apud Vallem Lucentem in claustro monachorum per quendam librum in manu Domni Artaldi, Pruliacensis abbatis. Inde testes sunt: Ansellus de Triagnio, Hugo de Rumilleio, Hugo de Bleve, Fulco de Lailleio, Stephanus Marescoth, Gibaldus venator. 177 [1127 - 1151]75 No location. Confirmation at Foissy. With the compensation and benefit of charity, Hugues de Vareilles [son of Beuve de Vareilles] gave all his possessions between Lailly and Courgenay to Vauluisant, except the woods of Lancy, in which he nonetheless conceded usage for what the monks might find necessary. His wife, Mabilia and his sons, Hugues, Adelermus and Pierre, conceded this donation. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 45r-v Script A. B. Original lost. a. Quantin I, pp. 456-57, no. 302. Ind: Lalore, Traînel, no. 25. Related Charters: 178-9, 195, 223, 320, MC19. Hugonis deVareliis. De adquisitis Sciant presentes pariter ac futuri quod [Hugo] de Vareliis sub recompensatione et beneficio karitatis attribuit monachis de Valle Lucida quicquid possessionis tenebat in agris, pratis et silvis a villa Lailliaco usque ad villam que dicitur Curtis Geneii, excepto {45va}quod silvam que dicitur Lanceia retinuit in manu sua, sic tamen ut monachi usum eiusdem silve in omnibus sibi necessariis licite ac libere omni tempore obtineant. Quod concessit uxor eius mabilia et filii eorum hugo adelermus et petrus. Huius rei testes sunt: Engelbertus, presbiter; Warnerius de Eschieges; Balduinus, maior; Hildierus, gener eius; Constantius Reuse. Postea etiam predictus Hugo de Vareliis confirmavit donum suum apud Fussiacum, audientibus: Ansello de Triagnel; Stephano Marescoth; Arnulfo, Maiore; Milone de Eschieges; Arnulfo de Fussiaco; Roberto Haganone; et Constantio, filio eius; Vaslino venatore. 178 [1127 - 1163]76 No Location. Confirmed at Traînel. 751151, date of Anselm (I) de Traînel's death, Evergates. Lalore claims 1146 as the date, but proffers no evidence. 761163, mentioned in Alexander III's confirmation, NC1.Judging by the tenor and location of this document, as well as by the presence of Anselm Gâtebléd/vastans segetum, I would posit this document in the first decades of the monastery's existence, before 1140 and perhaps even earlier. 259 With the compensation and benefit of charity, Pierre, [son of Beuve de Vareilles and most likely the brother of Hugues] gave all his possessions between Lailly and Courgenay to the monks of Vauluisant, except the woods of Lancy, in which he nonetheless conceded usage for what the monks might find necessary. His wife, Hermesend, conceded this donation. Afterwards, Pierre confirmed his gift at Traînel. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 45v Script A. B. Original lost. Related Charters: 177-9, 195, 223, 320, MC19. Petri de Vareliis. donum terre Sciant presentes pariter ac futuri quod Petrus de Vareliis, sub recompensatione et beneficio karitatis, donavit monachis de Valle Lucida quicquid agrorum, pratorum silvarumque tenebat a villa Lailliaco usque ad villam que dicitur Curtis Geneii, excepto quod silvam quae dicitur Lanceia in manu sua retinuit, ita tamen ut usum eiusdem silve predicti fratres in omnibus sibi necessariis licite et libere obtineant omni tempore. Hoc donum concessit uxor eius, Hermensendis. Huis rei testes sunt: Engelbertus, presbiter; Warnerus de Escheges; Balduinus, maior; Hilderius, gener eius; Constantius Ruese. Hoc etiam postea ipse Petrus confirmavit apud Triagnel: Odone Rufo, Ansello Guasteble. 179 [1127 - 1163]77 No location. With the compensation and benefit of charity, Beuve de Vareilles gave all his possessions between Lailly and Courgenay to Vauluisant, except the woods of Lancy, in which he nonetheless conceded usage for what the monks might find necessary. His wife, Ermengard, and sons, Hugues and Pierre, confirmed this donation. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 45v Script A. B. Original lost. Related Charters: 177-9, 195, 223, 320, MC19. Bovonis de Vareliis donum terre Sciant presentes pariter ac futuri quod Bovo de Vareliis, sub recompesatione et beneficio karitatis, donavit monachis de Valle Lucida quicquid agrorum, pratorum silvarumque tenebat a villa Lailliaco usque ad villam que dicitur Curtis Geneii, excepto quod silvam que dicitur Lancea in manu sua retinuit, ita tamen ut usum eiusdem silve {45vb}predicti fratres in omnibus sibi necessariis licite et libere obtineant omni tempore. Hoc donum concessit uxor eius, Hermengardis, et filii eorum Hugo et Petrus. Huius rei testes sunt: ex parte Bovonis, Seguinus Farsitus; Helias de Genesta. Ex parte monachorum, Hisnardus, vicecomes; Rainaldus; frater Dambertus, Tescelini filius; Helias de Bannellis; Symon, maior; Raynaldus, pellifex; Stephanus Vallinus; Gumbertus de Marolis. 771163, mentioned in Alexander III's confirmation, NC1. 260 180 [1127 - 1151]78 Sens, in the house of Etienne de Thorigny. Recognized at Vauluisant, in front of the doors to the oratory. In presence of Domnus Anselm and his son, Anselm, and also Thibaut de Villiers[Bonneux], Foulques de Lailly recognized that he gave to the monks of Vauluisant, for the salvation of his soul and the remission of his sins, certain parts of his lands, namely, from the grange of Toucheboeuf to the abbey on both banks of the Lalain, the land that was between Lailly and Toucheboeuf, above the road, whatever lands and woods he held in common, including that which he shared with Hélias de Bagneux in the valley of Putigny, and the woods called Luato behind the abbey, the land that Dreux de Courgenay was accustomed to farm, whatever he had in the woods called Sorlein, and in Tremblay (above Putigny) and in the woods of Livanne. He conceded these for an annual cens of 20 d. He also conceded whatever the monks had from Etienne Panneau which moved of his feudal holdings in the parish of Courgenay. Finally, he gave two little pieces of land -- one above the meadow held by the men of Molinons, and the other above the meadow held by Guiard de Lailly. He and his wife confirmed and affirmed this transaction. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fos. 45v - 46r Script A. B. Original lost. Translation: Appendix C. Related Charters: 139, 152, 156, 184, 194, 294, NC6, AC2. Fulconis de Laileio. Donum terre Notum sit omnibus quod Fulco de Laleio recognovit apud Vallem Lucentem, ante fores oratorii, presente Domno Anselmo et filio eius, Anselmo, et etiam Teobaldo de Vileurs, quod pro anime sue salute et peccatorum suorum remissione, dederat monachis de Valle Lucente quasdam partes de terris suis: illud, scilicet, quod habebat a grangia usque ad abbatiam, et in una ripa aque et in altera, et quamdam partem terre quae erat inter grangiam et Lailleium desuper viam, quicquid etiam habebat in terris comunibus et silvis et illud quod habebat commune in valle Putinnei cum Helia de Balneolis et in silva illa que dicitur Luato retro abbatiam, et quamdam partem terre quam habebat subter vallem Putinnei quam solebat arare Drogo de Curginneio; quicquid etiam habebat in bosco qui dicitur Sorlenium et in Trembleio, qui est desuper vallem Putinnei, et in bosco qui dicitur Luvenia, concesserat monachis pro annuoa censu viginci nummorum. Quicquid etiam habebant monachi de Stephano Panello in parrochia Curginei, quod erat de feodo suo, concessit eis. Duas etiam particulas terre dedit monachis, quarum una est super pratum quod tenent homines de Mulinluns et altera super pratum quod tenet Guiardus de Lailleio. Hanc cartam, assensu ipsius Fulconis, factam coram eo et multis aliis Senonis in domo Stephani de Torrinniaco, lectam in die qua reliquie per {46ra}manus abbatis clarevallensis ostense sunt.79 Laudavit et confirmavit ipse et uxor sua, presentibus: Girardo, presbitero de Villa Mauro; Itero, canonico; Drogone Strabone; Girardo, fratre eius; Stephano de Ioinniacio; Garnero de Fusseio; Stephano de Torinniaco; et filiis eius, Odardo et Seguino. 781151, date of Anselm (I) de Traînel's death, Evergates. Given on the day that Saint Bernard displayed the relics in Sens, which a later reader interpreted to be 1140, see note, below. The mention of an oratory suggests that this act occured before the consecration of the church, which at its earliest took place in 1143. 79The date 1140 is written above this clause in a later hand. 261 181 [1127 - 1163]80 Villemaur. Anselm, son of Eudes de Fontvannes, about to go to Jerusalem, gave to Vauluisant for the salvation of his soul and those of his parents whatever he had in fields, woods, meadows and waters in the territory of Flacy. Hersendis, wife of Dreux Strabo, to whose inheritance the property pertains, confirmed. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 46r Script A. B. Original lost. De Ansello filio Odonis de Fonte Vene elemosina Notum sit omnibus fidelibus Christianis quod Ansellus, filius Odonis de Fontevene, Ierosolimam iturus, pro salute animae suae et parentum suorum dedit monachis de Valle Lucenti quicquid habebat in territorio Flasceii, et in plano, et in bosco, et in pratis, et in aquis. Factum est hoc donum apud Vuillemarum, presentibus et testantibus Milone, canonico, filio Tecelini; Drogone Strabone; Petro, filio Mauricii; et Stephano, fratre eius; Iosberto, qui vocatur Troia; et Iosberto venatore; Gautero Treysino; et Reinaldo, fratre eius; et Bertrando, sororio eorum. Hoc laudavit Hersendis, uxor Drogonis, ad quam pertinebat hereditas illa. 182 [1127 - 1151]81 Traînel. Notrand de Marcilly[-le-Hayer] conceded to the monks of Vauluisant whatever he held in plains and woods in fief from Domnus Havuin de Trancault in the territory of Courgenay. In addition, he conceded usage rights in all his woods for their pigs. Havuin de Tracault already conceded any gift from his fief-holders. Maria, his (Notrand's) wife and their sons confirmed. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 46r Script A. B. Original lost. Related Charter: 183. Notranni de Marcelliaco. De feodo dato Presentibus et posteris sancte aecclesie filiis hoc scriptum notum facimus quod Notrannus de Marceliaco concessit monachis de Valle Lucenti quidquid habebat de feodo Domni Havuyni de Tranquel in territorio Curginei, et in plano et in bosco, et insuper in omnibus aliis nemoribus suis usuarium porcis eorum. Hoc factum est apud Triannium, testante Domno Anselmo; Arnulfo de Insulis; Hoduino de Berneriis; et Odone, fratre suo; Felice Capra; Henrico, nepote eius; Rigaldo, filio Havuyni. Hoc idem iampridem concesserat ipse Havuinus, de cuius feodo erat. Huius rei testes sunt: predictus Anselmus, Arnulfus de Insulis, Radulfus Buisuns, Theobaldus de Vileuis. Hoc laudavit Maria, uxor eius, et filii eius, audientibus Arnulfo de Insulis, Felice Capra, Philippo {46rb}Bibente Secanam. 801163, the last date of Script A Charters. However, the witnesses suggest that this document occurred in the 1140s. Therefore, the Ierosolimam iturus, while certainly not indicative of any crusading movement, seems to be related to the Second Crusade by virtue of these witnesses and the intense Champenois involvement in that particular expedition. 811151, date of Anselm (I) de Traînel's death, Evergates. 262 183 [1127 - 1151]82 No location. Conceded by his wife and sons at Villemaur. Havuin de Trancault gave to the monks of Vauluisant whatever he held between Courgenay and Lailly, except that which Manasses, his man, held, so that whatever they should be able to acquire from him in whatever way, he confirmed. Further, he conceded all claim to the protective tribute (salvamentum) on the land that the monks acquired or should be able to acquire. Nevertheless he retained usage rights for his man, Manasses, in the woods which he gave to the monks. His wife and sons, Rigaud and Garnier, conceded this at Villemaur. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 46r Script A. B. Original lost. Related Charters: 183, 193. Havuini de Tranquello donum terre Sciant presentes pariter et futuri quod Havuinus de Tranquello donavit monachis de Valle Lucente quicquid habebat inter Curgeneium et Lailleium, preter illud quod Manasses, suus homo, tenebat, ita tamen quod, si possent aliquid ab eo quo quomodo acquirere, ipse laudabat. Omnia etiam salvamenta que debebant ei quedam terre quas monachi acquisierant vel acquirere possent, similiter concessit. Usuarium tamen in nemoribus que monachis dedit, homini suo, Manassi, retinuit. Hoc etiam concessit uxor eius apud Villam Mauri et filii eius, Rigaldus et Warnerus. Hoc testantur: Fulco de Lailleio, Anselmus de Fusseio, Werricus de Buceio, Drogo Strabo, Richerus Vitulus. 184 [1127 - 1137]83 February 4. Troyes, at the house of Anseric de Chacenay. Anseric [II] de Chacenay and his wife, Hubelina, and their son, Jacques, conceded to the monks of Vauluisant whatever they can acquire held in fief from them by Domnus Foulques de Lailly. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 46r Script A. B. Original lost. Related Charters: 139, 152, 156, 180, 194, 294, NC6, AC2. Anserici de Catheniaco. De adquirendo feodo Sciant presentes pariter et futuri quod Ansericus de Catheneiaco et uxor eius, Hubelina, et filius eorum, Iacobus, concesserunt monachis de Valle Lucente quicquid possent acquirere de feodo eorum, illo, scilicet, quod Domnus Fulco de Lailleio habebat. His interfuerunt: Winandus de Curia Laverzei; Wido, miles de Villa Mauri; Paganus, famulus de Catheneiaco; Bertrandus, medicus. Factum est apud Trecas in domo predicti Anserici, II nonas Februarii. 821151, date of Anselm (I) de Traînel's death, Evergates. This charter is before #182, and most likely towards the beginning of the establishment of the monastery. 831137, date of Anseric de Chacenay's death, Evergates. 263 185 [1127 - 1163]84 No location. Domnus Eudes de Villemaur gave whatever he had in Courgenay. His wife, Domna Helie, conceded this. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 46r Script A. B. Original lost. Related Charters: 172, 297-8, MC1. Odonis de Villamauri. de terra Notum sit omnibus quod Domnus Odo de Villa Mauri dedit monachis de Valle Lucente omnem terra quam habebat apud Curgeium. Hoc concessit Domna Helia, uxor eius, hoc testantur: Wibertus, filius Hugonis venatoris; Engelbaldus, bastardus; Girardus, frater Drogonis Strabonis; Vitalis de Campo Lupi. 186 [1127 - 1147]85 Traînel, in the house of Domnus Anselm [I]. Garnier d'Ormes conceded to the monks of Vauluisant all land that he had in the territories of Courgenay and Pouy, except that which is held by his men who pay cens or custom to him. Girard (Wiardus), his brother, confirmed in the presence of Domnus Anselm [I de Traînel]. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 46r-v Script A. B. Original lost. Warnerii de Ulmis. De dono terre Notum sit omnibus quod Warnerus de Ulmis concessit monachis de Valle Lucente omnem terram quam habebat {46va}in territorio Curgenei et Poysi, preter illam quam tenebant homines sui, unde reddebant ei censum vel custumas. Hoc factum est apud Triagnium in domo Domni Anselmi, teste: ipso et Milone de Nogento, Herberto Crasso, Arnulfo de Insulis, Petro de Turnula, Radulfo Buissun. Idem donum Warneri laudavit Wiardus, frater eius, coram Domno Anselmo, Petro de Turnula, Felice Capra, Henrico filio Bartholomei, Warnero Marescoth. 187 [1139 - 1151]86 No location. Pierre, son of Houdier de Sens, in the time that he was to go to Jerusalem, gave for the remission of his sins to the monks of Vauluisant everything that he owned, in lands and meadows, in the territory of Courgenay, with his father and Domnus Anselm de Traînel, from whom it was held in fief, conceding. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 46v Script A. 841163, latest year of Script A Charters. Given, however, that Eudes de Villemaur was the donor and Dreux and Girard Strabo show up in the witnesses, I would hazard that this charter was produced fairly early in the institutional life of Vauluisant, perhaps even in the first decade. 851147, date of Milo de Nogent's departure on the Second Crusade, where he died. 861139, beginning of Salo's Viscountship, "Coutumes et péages de Sens;" 1151, death of Anselm de Traînel, Evergates. Again, given the destination and Champenois involvement, the desire to associate this with the Second Crusade is powerful. Quantin claims that it took place before 1150. 264 B. Original lost. a. Quantin I, pp. 465-66, no. 314. After A. Related Charter: 142. Petri filii Holdieri Senonensis. de terris de Corgeneio Sciant omnes, tam presentes quam futuri, quod Petrus, filius Holderi Senonensis, in tempore quo Ierusalem erat iturus, monachis in Valle Lucenti de[o]a servientibus quicquid in territorio ville que dicitur Curgeneium, in terris ac pratis, habebat, patre suo atque Domno Anselmo, de cuius feodo erat, concedentibus, pro suorum remissione peccatorum perpetuo possidendum donavit. Inde testes sunt: Anselmus de Triagnio; Salo, vicecomes Senonensis; Stephanus de Thorenni; Henricus Buslen; Paganus Rabeals; Anselmus Vastans Segetem; Stephanus Gorgias; Goscelinus, venator de Villa Nova; Petrus Carnifex; Hugo de Lailleio. 188 [1127 - 1151]87 No location. Guillaume Caillobs gave to the monks of Vauluisant all the tithe on lands that the monks of Vauluisant worked in the tithing area (decimaria) of Pouy. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 46v Script A. B. Original lost. Willelmi Callobs. De decima Poiseii Sciant presentes pariter et futuri quod Willelmus Caillobs donavit monachis de Valle Lucente omnem decimam de terris quas colerent in decimaria Poysi. Huius rei testes sunt: Anselmus de Triagnio, Hugo de Reges, Arnulfus de Insulis, Radulfus Buissum, Felix Capra. 189 [1127 - 1160]88 No location. Norpaud, abbot of Vauluisant, conceded to some men of Lailly, namely, Herbert, Isembard and Richard, and their sons, the land called Champs-Gumery to have and hold under the following terms: That they will pay a terragium each year to the monks of Vauluisant, as well as customs of 6 d. on the feast of Sainte Columbe (December 31) and 1 emina (hémine) of oats, one chicken and one loaf of bread on Christmas. If they do not pay these things, the monks may take the land back. The same conditions (reading unum for vinum in the document) are given for for Robert Salvagius' renting a plot of land (una ocha de terra) from the monks. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 46v Script A. Black Chirographum in margin with brown ink slash through it. B. Originals lost. a. Quantin II, pp. 105-106, no. 97. After A. Abbatis Vallis Lucentis et hominum de Lailleo de [ter]ragio [et] usu Notum sit omnibus fidelibus quod N[orpaldus], abbas Vallis Lucentis, concessit hominibus de Lailleio, Herberto, scilicet, et Isembardo, et Ricardo, et filiis eorum, terram que dicitur Campus Guimeri habendam et tenendam, tali pacto: quod de illa terra singulis 871151, 881160, date of Anselm (I) de Traînel's death, Evergates. latest possible death of Norpaud, Abbot. 265 annis {46vb}redderent monachis de Valle Lucenti terragium. Insuper etiam singulis annis in festo Sancte Columbe, sex nummos pro consuetudine, et in Nativitate Domini, eminam avene, et unam gallinam, et unum panem. In hoc pacto talis lex est constituta: quod si in terminis statutis predicta debita non redderent, terram illam monachi in manu sua acciperent. Robertus quoque Salvagius tali consuetudine tenet unam ocham de terra monachorum, quod pro illa sex nummos reddit per singulos annos in festo Sancte Columbe, in Natale, vero, Domini, eminam avene et unuma panem et unam gallinam. a. unum]vinum A. 190 [1127 - 1163]89 No location. Berengar, brother of Guerric de Bussy[-en-Othe] (but maybe Bucey-en-Othe), conceded to the monks of Vauluisant whatever they could acquire that is held in fief from him. His wife conceded this. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 46v Script A. B. Original lost. Related Charters: 191, 196. Berengarii fratris Guerrici de Bucci feodum Notum facimus omnibus aecclesie Dei filiis quod Berengarius, frater Guerrici de Bucci, concessit monachis de Valle Lucenti quicquid de feodo suo possent acquirere. Hoc etiam concessit uxor eius. Huius rei testes sunt: predictus Guirricus; Richerius Vitulus; Fulco de Lailleio; Hugo de Brevia; Garnerius de Fossa; Drogo Strabo; et Berengarius, frater eius; Walterus Treiss[[s]]inus; Petrus de Fonte Vene.. 191 [1127 - 1163]90 No location. Guerric de Bussy[-en-Othe] (or Bucey) gave to the monks of Vauluisant whatever he had in plains and woods deodo (de Eudes?) which he held from Domna Emeline de Fontvannes. His wife, Hélissend, conceded this, as did all his sons. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 46v Script A. B. Original lost. Related Charter: 190. Guerrici de Bucci de bosco Deodo Notum sit ecclesie Dei filiis quod Guerricus de Bucci donavit monachis de Valle Lucenti quicquid habebat in plano et bosco Deodo quem tenebat de Domna Emelina de Fonte Vene. Hoc concessit uxor eius, Helissennis, et filii eius omnes. Huius rei testes sunt: Havuinus de Trancaillo; Anselmus de Fusseio; Fulco de Lailleio; Berengarius, frater predicti Guerrici; Drogo Strabo; et Berengarius, frater eius; Gerebaldus de Rammeruco; Walterus Treissinus. 891163, l. This charter and those that follow seem most likely to be well before 1163, possibly in the first decade of the abbey's existence. 901163, mentioned in Alexander III's confirmation, NC1. 266 192 [1127 - 1151]91 Traînel, in the house of Domnus Anselm. Etienne Hespaneiel gave to the monks of Vauluisant whatever he owned between Lailly (Alleium) and Pouy. His wife, Emeline, conceded this. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 46v Script A. B. Original lost. Stephani hespaniellis. Donum terre Notum sit quod Stephanus Hespaneiel dedit monachis de Valle Lucente quicquid habebat inter Alleium et Poisi, et hoc in domo Domni Anselmi apud Triagnium. Hoc concessit uxor eius, Emelina. Hoc totum testantur: Walterius Beleth; Bovo, filius Arnulfi; Warnerius, frater Stephani Marescoth. 193 [1127 - 1151]92 Traînel, in the house of Domnus Anselm. Conceded by a son at the abbey of Vauluisant. Havuin de Trancault gave to the monks of Vauluisant whatever he had from the ford Horreis to the abbey on both sides of the water, and gave this in the house of Domnus Anselm at Traînel, where Rigaud, Havuin's son, conceded. His other son, Dodo, conceded at the abbey of Vauluisant. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fos. 46v - 47r Script A B. Original lost. Related Charter: 183. Havuini de Tranquillo. Donum terre Notum sit quod Havuinus de Tranquillo dedit monachis de Valle Lucenti quicquid {47ra}habebat a vado Horreis usque ad abatiam ex utraque parte aquae, et hoc in domo Domni Anselmi apud Triagnium, hoc concedente ibidem Rigaudo, filio eiusdem Avini. Quod et alius filius eius, Dodo, apud predictam abbatiam concesserat. Testes predicti doni sunt: Radulfus Buissun, Warnerius de Fusseio, Hilduinus de Berneriis, Otrannus de Plasseio, Thobaldus capellanus, Galterus de Pentecoste. Testis autem concessionis predicti Dodonis est Willelmus, presbiter de Reniaco. 194 [1127 - 1163]93 No location. Confirmation at Joigny. Foulques de Lailly gave to the monks of Vauluisant the land which is near the fountain (prope fontem) on the Lailly side, the meadow next to it, another meadow called SaintPaul, and that which is next to the willow trees, which is above the meadow of Obert de Courgenay. His wife, Marie, son, Anselm, and daughters confirmed this. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 47r Script A. B. Original lost. Related Charters: 139, 152, 156, 180, 184, 294, NC6, AC2. 911151, date of Anselm (I) de Traînel's death, Evergates. date of Anselm (I) de Traînel's death, Evergates. 931163, last date of Script A charters. 921151, 267 De Fulcone de Lailleio de terra prope fontem Notum sit omnibus tam presentibus quam futuris quod Fulco de Lailleio dedit monachis de Valle Lucente terram quae est prope fontem citra Lailleium et pratum sibi adiacens et aliud pratum quod dicitur Sancti Pauli et illud quod est iuxta salices, secus pratum Oberti de curgineio. Hoc laudavit uxor eius, Maria, et filius eius, Ansellus, et filiae. Huius rei testes fuerunt: Arnulfus, presbiter; Hugo de Lailleio; Ernaldus, maritus filie Frooldi; Petrus, filius Stephani de Lailleio. Hoc etiam laudaverunt Ioviniacum, videlicet quod ad eorum feodum pertinebat, Ignardus, vicecomes; Odo Liboz; Amalricus, carpentarius. 195 [1127 - 1163]94 No location. Beuve de Vareilles gave to the monks of Vauluisant all that he had in the territory of Cérilly, except for the payments of iron and charcoal, so that nevertheless in these things the monks might receive whatever is necessary for them. His wife, Ermengard, and son (sic), Hugues, and Pierre confirm this. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 47r Script A. B. Original lost. a. Quantin I, p. 463, no. 310. After A. Ind: C. Verna, "La sidérurgie cistercienne en Champagne Méridionale et en Bourgogne du Nord (XIIe XVe siècle)," pp. 207-12 in Flaran 3, l'économie cistercienne, 1981, Auch, 1983, p. 209.95 Related Charter: 177-9, 223, 320, MC19. Bovonis de Varellis. De Cirelio Notum sit omnibus quod Bovo de Varellis dedit monachis de Valle Lucente omne illud quod habebat in territorio Cirillei, preter redditus ferri et carbonis; sic tamen ut in hiis monachi quicquid eis necessarium esset acciperet. Hoc laudavit uxor eius, Hermengardis, et filius eius, Hugo et Petrus. Huius rei testes sunt: Gosfridus Barbel; Henricus, frater eius; Ioscelinus de Bosco; et Ursus, nepos eius; Iohannes, carpentarius. 196 [1127 - 1163]96 No location. Pierre de Lumni gave to the monks of Vauluisant everything, woods and fields, that he held in fief from Berengar de Bussy[-en-Othe], wherever it might be, in the new little village (Novam Villulam), and in the Lalain creek up to Vauluisant. His wife, Emeline, to whom the fief pertained, conceded, as did his son, Anselm, who had 2 s. for a tunic.97 A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 47r Script A. B. Original lost. a. Quantin I, pp. 464-65, no. 312. After A. Related Charter: 190 Et Petri de Lumni. De feodo Berengarii 941163, mentioned in Alexander III's confirmation, NC1. Quantin provides before 1150 as a date. charter and #300 are used to substantiate a claim that lesser seigneurs or peasants gave iron rights to Cistercians. It appears that these charters can be used in such a manner only with difficulty. 961163, mentioned in Alexander III's confirmation, NC1. Quantin provides before 1150 as a date. 97This last statement is perhaps a reference to a mnemonic device for the benefit of Anselm, see chapter 1. 95This 268 Notum sit omnibus quod Petrus de Lumni dedit monachis de Valle Lucente quicquid habebat de feodo Berengarii, fratris Guerrici de Buci, ubicu[m]que esset, et apud Novam Villulam et in Reveria Iegie, et in bosco et in plano. Hoc concessit uxor eius, Emelina, ad quam idem feodus pertinebat, et filius eius, Ansellus, qui etiam duos solidos pro una tunica habuit. Huius rei testes sunt: Hubertus, {47rb}canonicus; Ioscelinus de Burdenai; Viricus de Fonte Vana; Havuinus de Tranquel; Drogo Strabo; Girardus, frater eius; Richerus Vitulus; Petrus de Rigni; Galterus Traissin. 197 [1127 - 1163]98 No location. Etienne le Blanc de la Ferté gave to the monks of Vauluisant whatever land he had in the territory of Lailly except the altar (altarium, probably meaning the altaria, or right to gifts made upon the altar) . His son, Milo, confirmed this. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 47r Script A. B. Original lost. Related Charter: 144. De Stephano Albo. Dantis terram de Laleio preter atrium Notum sit omnibus, tam presentibus quam futuris, quod Stephanus Albus de Firmitate donavit monachis de Valle Lucente quicquid terre habebat in territorio Laillei, preter atrium. Hoc laudavit filius eius Milo. Huius rei testes fuerunt: Salo, filius Petri; Guido, filius Herebaldi; Mauritius de Vileurs; Constantius Ribaldus; Hugo de Laileo; et Guiardus, sororius eius. 198 [1127 - 1163]99 Villemaur, in the house of Gautier Treissin. Confirmed by female family members at Fontevannes. Rahaut de Lenis (Laisnes?) gave to the monks of Vauluisant whatever plains and woods he had in the territory of Lailly. His son, Symon, nephew, Pierre, the son of Maurice, confirmed this with him. His wife, Hodierna, and daughter, Hubelina, confirmed this at Fontevannes. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 47r Script A. B. Original lost. Related Charter: 199, 216, 295. Raaldi de Lenis. de territorio Lalei in plano bosco Sciant presentes et posteri quod Raaldus de Lenis dedit monachis de Valle Lucenti quicquid habebat in territorio Laillei, et in plano et in bosco, libere habendum et perpetuo possidendum. Hoc donum factum est apud Villam Maurum, in domo Walteri Treissin. Hoc laudavit filius eius, Symon, et nepos eius, Petrus, filius Morisii. Huius rei testes sunt: ex parte Raaldi, Ioffredus, clericus; Galterus de Pentecosten; Garnerius de Fous; Reinaldus Treissins; Alelmus de Grevia. Ex parte monachorum, Hubertus, canonicus; Drogo Strabo; Girardus, frater eius; Galterus Treissins. Hoc etiam laudavit uxor predicti Raaldi, nomine Hodierna, et filia eius, Hubilina, apud Fontem Vane. Huius rei testes sunt: ex parte Raaldi, Evrardus, frater Hodierne; Petrus Fornarius, villicus Girardi 981163, 991163, mentioned in Alexander III's confirmation, NC1. mentioned in Alexander III's confirmation, NC1. 269 Berengerii; Alelmus de Gravia. Ex parte monachorum, Girardus Berengerius; Stephanus Aculeus; Symon, armiger Girardi Berengarii. 199 [1135 - 1163]100 Villemaur. Maurice de Lenis, brother of Rahaut (#198, above), going to Jerusalem, gave to the monks and brothers of Vauluisant whatever he had in the territory of Lailly, in plains and woods. His wife, Seseloth, and his son, Pierre, confirmed and conceded this. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 47r-v Script A. B. Original lost. Related Charters: 198, 216, 295. Mauricii de Lenis de terra Notum sit omnibus sancte ecclesie filiis quod Mauritius de Lanis, Iorosolimam iturus, dedit monachis et fratribus in Valle Lucente Deo famulantibus quicquid habebat in territorio Laillei, in plano et in bosco, iure {47va}perpetuo possidendum. Hoc concessit et laudavit uxor sua, nomine Seseloth, et filius eius, Petrus. Hoc factum est apud Villam Mauri in domo Girardi Berengarius. Huius rei testes sunt: ex parte monachorum, Fromundus, prior de diloio; Iterus, canonicus; et eiusdem ville domina, nomine Helia; Dudo Sancti Memmii; Girardus Berengarius, et Iosbertus, frater eius; Milo Buissuns; Seguinus, nepos predicti Girardi; milo, clericus. Ex parte mauritii, Petrus, filius eius; Stephanus, frater eius; Richerus Vitulus; Gibaldus, venator; Alelmus de Gravia. 200 [1127 - 1163]101 No location. Confirmation at Joigny, in the house of Gilo, priest. Baudoin de Sens gave to the monks of Vauluisant whatever he had in lands, meadows and woods from Foissy and beyond on the side towards Vauluisant. His brother, Milo, conceded this gift. Daimbert, his brother-in-law (sororius), his wife, their son and daughter confirmed this at Joigny. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 47v Script A. B. Original lost. a. Quantin I, p. 466, no. 315. After A. Balduini Senonensis donum in terris pratis [sil]vis a [Fu]sseio [v]ersus Vallem Lucentem Notum sit omnibus quod Balduinus Senonensis donavit monachis de Valle Lucenti quicquid habebat tam in terris quam in pratis et in silvis a Fusseio et ultra versus Vallem Lucentem. Quod donum concessit Milo, frater eius. Huius rei testes sunt: Stephanus de Torrenniaco, Milo Buissuns, Galterius de Sancto Ilario, Ioscelinus de Casneto Arnulfi, Hysembardus de Triagnio, Stephanus pellifex. Hoc etiam laudavit Dainbertus, sororius eius, et uxor sua et filius et filia eorum apud Ioinniacum in domo Gilonis, presbiteri, presentibus Reinardo, comite; Reinaldo, Iuduini filio; Seino Farsito; Gaufrido Barbello; Henrico, fratre eius; Fulcone Gallo; Herberto Male Iudito. 1001135, first abbot of Dilo installed, GC v. 12, col 250; 1163, mentioned in Alexander III's confirmation, NC1. 1011163, mentioned in Alexander III's confirmation, NC1. Quantin provides before 1150 as a date. 270 201 [1127 - 1163]102 No location. Girard Leogardfils, a conversus of Notre-Dame de Vauluisant, conceded to the abbey at the time of his conversion, with the assent of his mother, the part of the land of his father and mother that belonged to him, both that land which owed cens to the abbey of SaintGermain of Paris(des-Près) and that which was held in allod. After an interval of time, Thibaut, the monk who watches over the affairs of Saint-Germain at Bagneux, conceded that censual land, which Brother Girard ought to hold from Saint-Germain, to be held freely and perpetually by the monks of Vauluisant, as if by any other heir, for a cens of one d. a year. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 47v Script A. B. Original lost. Translation: Appendix C. Girardi Legardis-Filii conversi huius loci qui dedit terram ad in ... de ... cuius ... debetur ... censual... [mona]chis de [Baln]eolis. Notum sit omnibus sancte filiis aecclesiae quod Girardus Leogardus-Filius, conversus Sancte Marie Vallis Lucentis, in tempore illo quo ad conversionem venit, partem terre patris et matris que ad eum contingeba[t], tam eam que censum Beato Iermano Parisiacensi debebat, quam eam quam de alodio tenebat, ecclesie Vallis Lucentis, in qua conversum se fecit, consensu matris sue, libere habendam et perpetuo possidendam concessit. Post intervallum vero temporis, Thobaldus, {47vb}monachus, qui tunc temporis res Beati Iermani Balneolis servabat, terram illam censualem quam frater Girardus de Beato Iermano tenere debeat, monachis Vallis Lucentis habendam et libere possidendam, ut aliis heredibus per singulos annos pro uno nummo concessit. In nummi pro censu annuo receptione a predicto Theobaldo, monacho, facta et concessa interfuerunt: Milo, presbiter; Bern Valius, ipsius monachi villicus; Hescelinus, molendinarius; Odo, faber; Arnulfus, filius Galteri Revelli. 202 1163 (o. st.). Sens. At #157. At #211. 1021163, 203 [1142 - 1168]103 No location. last date of Script A charters. Hugues' archiepiscopacy. 1031142-68, 271 204 [1127 - 1147]104 Traînel at the monastery [Priory] of the Paraclete. Heloïse, abbess of the Paraclete, and Norpaud, abbot of Vauluisant, having settled some complaints (querelis) arranged (composuerunt) a certain agreement (federationem) over acquisition boundaries. Vauluisant shall be unable to acquire anything beyond Pouy, particularly beyond the road from Pouy to Bagneux; the Paraclete shall be unable to acquire anything near Bernières. Whatever they had beyond these boundaries, with an exception for Vauluisant in the woods to the East of the monastery, they gave to the other monastery. The text (and my translation) provides a more explicit list of boundaries. Effectively, beyond these boundaries, either institution may only acquire property by something given for alms (nisi pro elemosina aliquid eis datum fuerit); and if they should acquire property that way, the other institution may purchase it, if they so desire, at a price determined by honest men. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 48r-v Script A. CHIROGRAPHUM in margin. B. Original 1, AD Yonne, H 705. 21.8 x 29.4 cm. CIROGRAPHUM along right margin. C. Original 2 lost. D. Paraclete Cartulary (Fourteenth century), BM Troyes, 2284 (23.2 x 15.3 x 8.1 cm), fo.132v.105 (presumably) After C. a. Lalore, Collection des Principaux Cartulaires du diocèse de Troyes, Paris, vol. II: Cartulaire de l'Abbaye du Paraclet, 1878, pp. 66-8. After D.106 Ind:Lalore, Traînel, no. 20 (Lalore cites an 1146 accord between Vauluisant and Heloise from fo. 128 of the Paraclete Cartulary. I found no relevant document there). Translation: Appendix C. Related Charters: 38, 39, 105, 372, MC41. {48ra Script A}Federatio inter ecclesiam Vallis Lucentis et ecclesiam Paraclitensis In nomine sancte et individue Trinitatis. Notum sit omnibus fidelibus, tam presentibus quam futuris, quod Norpaldus, abbas Vallis Lucentis, et Heluildis, abbatissa Paraclitensis, quibusdam querelis quas inter se iste due aecclesie diu habuerant depositis, federationem quandam propter pacis caritatisque custodiam inter se composuerunt, talem, videlicet, quod predictus abbas Vallis Lucentis dedit et concessit aecclesie Paraclitensi omnes partes nemorum quas aecclesia Vallis Lucentis habebat et possidebat in territorio Poiseiensi, a via, scilicet, que tendit a Poiseio Balneolis, nemus, videlicet, illud quod vocatur Faconeis, eta nemus illud quod Elisabeth de Villa Mauri dedit aecclesiae Vallis Lucentis, et nemus illud quod Gauterus de Fonteneto dedit eidem aecclesiae Vallis Lucentis, ita tamen quod terram arabilem, ubicumque fuisset, sibib aecclesia Vallis Lucentis retinuit. 1041147, date of Milo de Nogent's departure on the Second Crusade. While Lalore seems to be incorrect insofar as there is no date attached to this document (he presents a date of 1144 as the last clause of the document), he does seem to have grasped the sense of this document. That is, all the monastery's dated acquisitions in Bernières hail from 1146 or later. Hence, if this document is viewed as an authorization to Vauluisant to acquire holdings in Bernières, then it could be seen as taking place contemporary to the earliest Bernières documents, or a little before. In short, the transaction seems to have occurred in the 1140s, before the Second Crusade. 105Unfortunately for both writer and reader, this source needs to be rechecked; while I am confident about my observations (such as it falls on fo. 132v and not 128v and that there is no date at the end of the charter), I am not absolutely certain. The relative inaccessibility of the Bibliothèque Municapale of Troyes vis-à-vis other French manuscript repositories was partially responsible for my somewhat cursory examination of this source. In any case, a second pass through D and its transcription, a, is warranted. 106I have not cross-checked this edition against D. 272 Ista predicta et nominatac aecclesia Vallis Lucentis dedit et concessit aecclesie Paraclitensi,d et abbatissa Paraclitensis econverso dedit et concessit ecclesie Vallis Lucentise quicquid habebat et possidebat in territorio Poiseiensi, ita tamen quod nemora sibi retinuit, a via Poisei que tendit Balneolis, et tali pacto: quod nichil ulterius in territorio illo, quoquomodo, ecclesia Paraclitensis adquireret; et si in territorio illo aliquid aecclesie Paraclitensi pro elemosina datum fuerit, et ecclesia Vallis Lucentis hocf habere voluerit, dimittet ei ecclesia Paraclitensis, cum consilio virorum sapientium et discretorum. Similiter, etiamg abbatissa Paraclitensis dedit ecclesie Vallis Lucentis quicquid habebat et possidebat in territorio Berneriarum, et tali pacto: quod nichil ulterius ecclesia Paraclitensis adquireret a vado quod esth subtus domum Radulfi de Fucherolis, et a via que tendit ad graveriam de Pontibus inter duo nemora de Capella, et a piro quod vocatur de Croisun per viam que vadit ad Fontem Macum usque ad riveriam {48rb}Seccanae,i nisij pro elemosina aliquid eis datum fuerit. Et si illud quod pro elemosina aecclesia Paraclitensi datum fuerit,k ecclesia Vallis Lucentis habere voluerit, dimitteturl ei, cum consilio virorum sapientium et discretorum. Similiter, ecclesia Vallis Lucentis nichil adquirere poterit a terminis istis, qui nominati sunt, usque ad Paraclitum, et a Tranquilleiom usque ad Sanctum Martinum de Bucenai,n et a Sancto Martino usque Gellennaso per pontem Alberici.p Similiter, etiamq nichil adquirere poterit ecclesia Vallis Lucentis a finibus Poisei per viam quae ducit Lanerieumr usque ad Marcelleiums et usque ad Planteiz, nisit forte aliquid pro elemosina ei datum fuerit. Et si ecclesia Paraclitensis hoc quod interu terminos istos aecclesiae Vallis Lucentis datum fuerit habere voluerit, dimittetur ei, cum consilio virorum sapientium et discretorum. Iterum, a riveria Tranquillei usque ad abbatiam Vallis Lucentis, aecclesia Paraclitensis nichil adquirere poterit, nisiv hoc modo quo dictum est. Nemus iterum illud quod abbas Vallis Lucentis retinuerat, a via Poisei que tendit Balneolis, preter nemus Hugonis Paltunerii et nemus Sancti Pauli dedit aecclesiae Paraclitensi, ita quod illud non scinderet, nisi quantum necessarium esset usui carrucarum.w Cetera sibi retinuit glandes, scilicet ita quod porci de Paraclito nisi consensux abbatis Vallis Lucentis ibi pascere non poterunt. Hec federatio facta fuit primum apud Triagnium, in monasterio sanctimonialum, ita quod mediator et testis fuit: Domnus Ansellusy de Triagnio; et filius eius, Garnerius; Theobaldus, capellanus; et Gundricus, presbiter; et Radulfus Buissuns; et Teobaldus de Veneseio; et Domina Helisendis, uxor Domni Anselli;z et soror eius, Domina Comitissa. Hec federatio postea adcredentata et totius capituli consensu confirmata fuit apud Paraclitum et in ipso capitulo, presente Domnoaa Milone de Nogento et Gauchero, nepote eius, et Erado, presbitero, et multis aliis. Et ut hoc ratum et inconcussum omni tempore habeatur, signatum est atque firmatum sigillo abbatis Vallis Lucentis et abbatisse Paraclitensis. Et sciendum estbb hoc: quod unaqueque ecclesia alteri dedit. Si forte {48va}aliquando querela ingruerit, omni tempore acquitabit.cc a. quod vocatur faconeis om. a. b. sibi om. a. c. et nominata om. a. d. Paraclitensi]Paraclitensis D. e. lucentis] lucenti a. f. hoc]hec a. g. etiam]et D. h. est om. D. i. Seccanae]Secane D. j. nisi]ubi Da. k. Et si illud...fuerit]si a. l. dimittetur]dimictetur D. m. Tranquilleio]Trambleio a n. Bucenai]Bucenay D. o. Gellennas]Gelennas D. p. alberici]abbatie a. q. etiam]et a. r. Lanerieum]Laneveum D. s. Marcelleium]Marcilleium BD. t. nisi]ubi Da. u. inter]intra a. v. nisi]ubi a. w. carrucarum]carruscarum D. x. nisi consensu]nisi de consensu add. a. y. Ansellus]Ansellius D. z. Anselli et]Anselli de Triagnio et add. a. aa. Domno]Domino D. bb. est]quod A. cc. acquitabit.]acquitabit. Actum anno ab Incarnatione Domini M. C. XL. IIII. add. a. 273 205 1148, December 30. [Sens], chapter of Saint-Pierre-le-Vif. The abbot of Saint-Pierre-le-Vif de Sens, Herbert, sold to the church of Vauluisant, for the payment of land more useful to his church, whatever his church possessed in the territories of Courgenay and Pouy, except that land at Pouy which pertained to SaintPierre's almoner. Evidently, the monks of Saint-Pierre refrained from confirming this sale for some time until they did so at the request of King Louis VII, Pope Eugenius III and Bernard of Clairvaux. But Herbert died suddenly and was unable to affix his seal and so his successor, abbot Girard confirmed and affirmed the transaction, and the chapter confirmed it again in his presence, under the condition that they should not buy the land of Fontes ? (Fontium) without the consent of the church of Saint-Pierre-le-Vif. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 48v Script A. B. Original, AD Yonne, H 710. 23.2 (plus 11.2 in flap) x 20.6 cm. Verso side. Seal of the abbot of SaintPierre-le-Vif.107 a. Quantin I, pp. 443-44, no. 289. After B. Ind: Roserot II: 1191. Photograph: Figure 29. Related Charter: NC4. Abbatis Sancti Petri Vivi Notum sit omnibus fidelibus Christianis quod abbas Sancti Petri Vivi, Herbertus nomine, vendidit ecclesie Vallis Lucentis, pro emenda quadam terra aecclesiae suae utiliore, quicquid ecclesia Sancti Petri Vivi habebat in territorio Curginei et Poisei, excepta terra que ad elemosinarium pertinebat apud Poiseium. Quod monachi aliquamdiua laudare recusantes, precibus Lodovici,b regis Francorum, et Domini Papae Eugenii, et Bernardi, abbatis Clarevallis, tandem laudaverunt. Sed quia morte preocupatus,c sigilli sui impressione hoc firmare non potuit. Abbas qui ei successit, Girardus nominae, et laudavit et confirmavit. Et in presentia eius, omne capitulum hoc iterum laudavit, sub tali conditione: quod terram Fontium non emerent, nisi consensu aecclesie Sancti Petri Vivi. Iolduinus, scilicet prior, laudavit; et Ioscelinus de Sormerei, nepos eius; Galterus de No; Petrus Arverinensis; Odo de Ioviniaco; Hugo de Iulian.; Ernaldus et Ernaldus,d avunculus, scilicet, et nepos; Seguinus; Theobaldus, filius Beatricis; Philippus; Gaufridus; Iohannes de Pruviniaco; Fulco, elemosinarius; Stephanus et Petrus, filii Stephani de Balchesi; Dodo de Boal; Alexander de Ioviniaco; Iohannes de Ioviniaco; Andreas de Pareio; Henricus de Pruiniaco;e Fulcherus de Ioviniaco; Reinbadus;f Radulfus; Willelmus de Pruviniaco; Reimundus; Galterus de Curte Aun; Teodericus de Servenni; Salo Esvente; Balduinus de Malleoth; Petrus de Sancto Remigio; Alelmus de Pruviniaco; Odo,g puer; Seguinus, puer. Huius rei testes fuerunt: Urricus; Odo, filius Teobaldi; Gunteri, maior; Galterus, decanus; Iosbertus, cubicularius; Garinus, cocus; Sado de Ioviniaco; Galterus Fulchure;h Henricus, filius Adam; Balduinus Nuiardus; Constantius Ribaldus; et Gaufridus, cognatus eius; et multi alii. Et ut hoc ratum et inconcussum omni tempore haberetur,i signatum est atque firmatum impressione sigilli predicti abbatis Girardi et Domini Hugonis, {48vb}Senonensis archiepiscopi. Factum est hoc, anno ab incarnatione Domini Millesimo Centesimo Quadragesimo VIII, in capitulo Sancti Petri Vivi, III kalendas Ianuario. a. aliquamdiu]aliquandiu B. d. et Ernaldus om. A. 107See b. Lodovici]Lodouvici B. e. Pruiniaco]Pruviniaco B. appendix K for a discussion of this document. c. preocupatus]preoccupatus B. f. Reinbadus]Reimbaldus B. 274 g. Odo]Modo A. i. haberetur]laberetur A. h. decanus; Iosbertus, cubicularius . . . Galterus om. A. 206 1136 (o. st.). Sens, in the curia of the Archbishop. Henri, archbishop of Sens, makes known that Hilduin de Marolles[-sous-Lignières] conceded to the monks of Notre-Dame de Vauluisant whatever he possessed in lands, under cultivation or fallow, or meadows and woods, from the abbey to Pouy. In addition he gives the fief that Baudoin of Sainte-Columbe de Placy held from him wherever it should lie, whether around the aforesaid abbey or in the new little village (Nova Villula). His wife, Richilde, and son, Baudoin, conceded this. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 48v Script A. B. Original lost. Related Charters: 143, 207. Ind: Roserot II:1191. Helduini de Matriolis. De dono terre Henricus, Dei gratia Senonensis archiepiscopus, Notum esse volumus, tam futuris quam presentibus, Helduinum de Matriolis, in presentia nostra, monachis Sancte Marie de Valle Lucenti concessisse quicquid ipse possidebat in terris, cultis et incultis, sive in pratis et nemoribus, ab abbatia usque ad Posiacum; insuper et feodum quod Bauduinus Sancte Columbe de Placia ubicumque iaceret, vel circa predictam abbatiam vel in Nova Villula, de eo tenebat. Hoc enim concesserunt uxor eius, Richildis, et Bauduinus, filius eius. Huius rei testes sunt: ex parte monachorum, Symon, Wastinensis Archidiaconus; Magister Goslenus; Iterius, miles; Eodardus; Garinus, noster pretor; et Rainaudus Dapifer. Ex parte vero ipsius Helduini, testes sunt: Stephanus de Toriniaco; Soltanus, miles; Fulco, filius Hugonis de Roseio. Actum est hoc publice in curia nostra Senonis, anno ab incarnatione Domini M C. XXX VI, inditio XIII, epacta XV, Ludovico, rege Francorum, regnante. 207 1135 (o. st.). Sens, in the Pontifical Palace (in Domo Pontificali). Henri, archbishop of Sens makes known that Hilduin de Marolles[-sous-Lignières], with his wife, R[ichilde] and son, B[audoin], conceding, conceded to the church of Vauluisant, for the salvation of their souls and those of their ancestors, whatever he held in lands, meadows or woods from the mill called Quosello to Pouy. Hilduin was given a certain sum for this concession (dato . . . quodam precio). A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 48v - 49r Script A. B. Original lost. Ind: Roserot II:1191. Related Charters: 143, 206. Helduini de matriolis venditio terre Henricus, Dei gratia Senonensis ecclesie archiepiscopus, omnibus notum fieri volumus, tam presentibus quam futuris, Helduinum de Matriolis quicquid habebat, in terris, vel in pratis, seu in nemoribus, a molendino qui dicitur de Quosello usque ad Poiseium, in presentia nostra in domo pontificali, concedentibus uxore sua, R[ichilde], et filio, B[alduino], aecclesiae de Valle Lucida, pro remedio animarum suarum et antecessorum 275 suorum, dato tamen quodam precio, iure perpetuo possidendum concessisse. Huius rei testes fuerunt: Girardus, abbas Sancti Remigii; et Magister Goslenus; Stephanus; Stephanus de Torinniaco; et filius eius, Odardus; et Daimbertus de Ioviniaco; et Balduinus {49ra}Capreolus; et Iohannis Barutellus. Anno ab incarnatione Domini, Millesimo Ducentesimo XXXmo V, Indictione XIII, Epacta IIII. 208 1129, April 1, the day of the benediction of the altar (atrium). Vauluisant. Son's concession and later confirmation by both at Villemaur. Feudal lord, Guntelmus' confirmation at Nanges. Domina Columbe, wife of Hugues d'Eglény, left in the hands of Domnus Henri, archbishop of Sens, all the tithes which pertained to her from properties in the entire parish of Courgenay which the monks of Vauluisant will work by whatever means. The archbishop then gave the tithes, with Columbe present and willing, to the monks to possess in perpetuity. Previously, Garnier, the son of Domina Columbe conceded this tithe to the monks at Villemaur. Afterwards, they all confirmed at affirmed all that has preceded again at Villemaur. Further, Guntelmus, of whose feudal holdings this tithe was, confirmed and conceded this. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 49r Script A. B. Original lost. a. Quantin II, p. 51, no. 46. After A. Ind: Lalore, Traînel, no. 14. Columbe uxoris Hugonis de Eglinneio de qua decima Notum sit presentibus pariter ac futuris quod Domina Columba, uxor Hugonis de Eglineio reliquit in manu Domni Henrici, Senonensis archiepiscopi, omnem decimam que ad se pertineret de omnibus que Monachi de Valle Lucida operati fuerint, manibus, carrucis vel precio, seu quolibet modo, in omni parrochia Curgeneii; et, ipsa presente ac volente, idem archiepiscopus donavit eam eisdem monachis perpetuo possidendam. His interfuerunt testes: Symon, archidiaconus; Paulinus, canonicus; Odo, capellanus, canonicus; Fulco de Valle Mauri, decanus. Actum anno ab incarnatione Dominica Millesimo Ducentesimo Vicesimo Nono, kalendas Aprilis, apud Vallem Lucidam, die, scilicet, qua benedictum est atrium eiusdem loci. Porro Garnerius, filius Domine Columbe, hanc predictam decimam eisdem monachis antea concesserat apud Villam Mauri, audientibus Ansello de Triagnio, Tecelino de Villa Mauri, Richero Aguilun. Et post benedictionem prefati atrii, iterum ipse, cum matre sua, apud Villam Mauri, omni que prediximus laudavit et confirmavit. Et hoc attestantur: Odo de Villa Mauri; Girardus, frater Drogonis Strabonis; Isenbardus, presbiter; Guitbertus, filius Hugonis, venatoris; et Gibaldus, frater eius; et Vitalis de Campo Lupi. Hec prescriptura concesserunt et laudaverunt Guntelmus, de cuius feodo ipsa decima erat apud Nangeium, coram testibus: Odone clerico de mairoles et Guidone fratre eius Stephano de mariolis et petro rufo et filius ipsius, Guntelmi petrus apud mairoles, audientibus: stephano de mairolis, Hugo de belveir, Guitberto de campiniaco Pagano asino et fratre eius normano. 209 1129, April 1, the day of the benediction of the altar (atrium). Vauluisant. Traînel. Nanges. 276 Landric, the son of Herbert Durdun, left all the tithes that pertained to him from lands that will be worked by the monks of Vauluisant in the parish of Courgenay in the hands of Domnus Henri, Archbishop of Sens. Henri then gave them, with Landric present and confirming, to the monks of Vauluisant to possess in perpetuity. Herbert, his father, and Ponce, his brother, previously conceded this tithe at Traînel. Finally, Pierre Rufus, of whose feudal holdings this tithe was, conceded, confirmed and affirmed all the aforegoing at Nanges (Nangeium). A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 49r Script A. B. Original lost. Landrici filii Herberti Durdun De decima terrarum quam monachi colunt Notum sit presentibus pariter et futuris quod Landricus, filius Herberti Durdun, {49rb}reliquit in manu Domni Henrici, Senonensis archiepiscopi, omnem decimam que ad se pertineret de omnibus que monachi de Valle Lucida operati fuerint, manibus, carrucis vel precio, seu quolibet modo, in tota parrochia Curgenii; et, ipso presente ac laudante, idem archiepscopus donavit eam predictis monachis perpetualiter possidendam. Horum testes sunt: Odo, canonicus; Fulco de Valle Mauri, decanus; Ansellus de Triagnio; Arnulfus de Insulis; Hugo de Bleve. Actum kalendas Aprilis, anno ab incarnatione Domini M C XXIX, apud Vallem Lucidam, die qua benedictum est atrium ipsius loci. Hanc autem decimam sepedictis monachis antea concesserant herbertus pater ipsius landrici et Pontius frater eius apud triagnium, testantibus: predicto Ansello, Hugone de Retges, Arnulfo de Insulis, Philippo Bibente Sequanam, Willelmo Chaillou. Omnia hec predicta concessit, laudavit et confirmavit Petrus Rufus, de cuius feodo ipsa decima erat, apud Nangeium, coram testibus: Odone, clerico de Mairolis; et Guidone, fratre eius; Stephano de Mariolis; Ebrardo Guainart; Guntelmo Ansberto; Constantio. 210 1167 (o. st.). No location. Hugues, archbishop of Sens, makes known that Hector de Nogent gave in alms to God and Notre-Dame de Vauluisant, and to the monks engaged in divine service there, whatever he land held among the lands of Vauluisant towards the road which goes from Pouy to Bagneaux and another piece of land with a meadow which is next to the path of the mill of Ebroinus. He also gives another little piece of land around two jugera (oxteam lands) in size which is above the road Petre Doelene (of the rock Doelene). Confirmed by Hector's wife and Dominus Girard de Nogent (by whose authority this is made), of whose feudal holdings this was, and Elisabeth, Girard's wife, and their two children. Because this gift is in the parish of the archbishop of Sens, and the actors and confirmers of the gift are under the jurisdiction of the Troyes church, it pleased the monks that the document be sealed with both Hugues' seal and the seal of Henri, bishop of Troyes. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 49r-v Script C. B. Original, AD Yonne, H 710. 27.1 x 15.1 cm. {Script C}Hectoris de Nongento De dono terre in finagio Poseii. Ego hugo dei gratia senonensis archiepiscopus notum fieri volumus tam presentibus quam futuris quod hector de nongento dedit in elemosinam deo et sanctae mariae de valle lucente monachisque in ibi divinis obsequiis mancipatis quicquid terre habebat inter terras eorundem monachorum citra viama illam que tendit de Poseio ad villam que 277 vocatur Bainos, et terram aliam cum prato que sita est iuxta semitam molendini Ebroini. Aliam etiam particulam terre dedit circa duo iugera que est desuper viam Petre Doelene. Huius rei testes fuerunt: Galcherus, clericus de Nongento; Iterius de Malni; Garnerius de Sancto Albi-{49va}-no; Dominus etiam Girardus de Nongento, per cuius manum hoc idem factum est, testis fuit. Hoc laudavit uxor eiusdem Hectoris et predictus Dominus Girardus de Nongento, de cuius feodo hoc erat, et Elisabeth,b uxor eius, et duo filii eorum, Milo et Iohannis. Attestantibus: Erardo Capello; Garino, capellano, nepote eius; Roberto de Fonteneto; Ricardo, nepote predicti Domini Girardi; Rainaudo de Sinefort; Rainaudo Pelicuns; et Iosleno, filio eius; Garino Mala Buca. Actum est hoc anno incarnati Verbi Mo Co LV VIIo. Et quia donum istud in nostra parrochia situm est, auctores vero eiusdem doni et laudatores Trecensis ecclesie iuris sunt, placuit predictis monachis ut, tam nostri sigilli impressione quam venerabilis fratris et coepiscopi nostri, Domini Henrici Trecensis, presens cartula firmaretur in testimonium perpetue veritatis. a. viam]villam ex corr. A.b. Elisabeth]Elizabeth B. 211 [1142 - 1168]108 No location. Hugues, archbishop of Sens, makes known that Domina Sibille de Thorigny and Henri, her son, gave, for the love of God and the remission of their sins, to the church of Vauluisant usage rights, for all days of its life (vite sue, singular, probably the church of Vauluisant's, but possibly Sibille's life), in all their woods and plains for sheep and rams in such a way that the shepherds might procure whatever they need, for fire, temporary huts (tuguria) and thickets (rameta) from their woods. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 49v Script C. B. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 47v Script B.4. Fragmentary copy. (#203). C. Original lost. a. Quantin I, p. 458, no. 304. After A. Sibille de Toroneio et Henrici filii eius. De pasturisa Ego Hugo, Dei gratia Senonensis archiepiscopus, volo et presentes et futuros rei geste in meo tempore certam habere noticiam. Quia scilicet Domina sibilla de Toroneio et Henricus, filius eius, dederunt, pro Dei amore et remissione peccatorum suorum, omnibus diebus vite sue ecclesie Vallis Lucentis usuarium in omnibus nemoribus suis et in planis ad109 usus ovium et arietum suorum, tali modo: quod custodes ovium accipiant in ipsis nemoribus que eis necessaria sunt, scilicet ad ignem, ad tugurium et rametam. Huius rei testes sunt: Girardus, capellanus de Toreneio, et Radulfus, villicus. Et ut hoc ratum et inconcussum habeatur, precibus eiusdem Sibille, littere traditum sigillum nostri impressione confirmatur. a. B: Sibille de toroneio usum pasturam. 212 1081142-68, dates for Hugues' Archiepiscopacy, Gams. However, the rendering here in Script C, and in #203 as Script B.4 suggests that this act most likely took place between 1163 and 1168. Quantin, however, gives the date for this charter as Before 1150. 109B terminates here with the end of folio 47. 278 1227, August. No location. Brother Haimard, treasurer of the Templars in Paris,110 makes known that he quit and entirely absolved the house of Foulques de Sens, citizen of Troyes, with with cellar and associated buildings of the entire house, which (house) is situated inside the city walls (in clauso, see #213, where it is specified in clauso Trecense) near the church of Sainte-Madeleine. This house Foulques had pledged to him as a surety (Haimard) for a debt owed. He also confirmed and willed the sale that Foulques, Margarite, his wife, and her (his?) children made of the same house to Dominus Jean, priest of Saint-Remi, and recognized that they will not be able to claim anything in said house.111 A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 49v Script E. B. Original lost. Related Charter: 213 {Script E}Quod domus Fulconis emancipata sit a debito Templariorum Frater Haymardus, thesaurarius domus Milice Templi Parisiensis, universis presentes litteras inspecturis in Domino salutem. Noverit universitas vestra quod nos quitamus et penitus absolvimus domum {49vb}Fulconis de Senonis, civis Trecensis, cum cellario et appenditiis totius domus, que sita est in clauso prope ecclesiam Beate Magdalene. Quam domum dictus Fulco nobis obligaverat pro debito quo nobis tenebatur. Et venditionem quam de dicta domo dictus Fulco, et Margarita, uxor eius, et liberi ipsius, fecerunt Domino Iohanni, sacerdoti Sancti Remigii, volumus et laudamus et coram nobis recognitum testificamur, nec de cetero in dicta domo aliquid poterimus reclamare. In cuius rei testimonium, presentes litteras sigilli nostri munimine roboravimus. Actum anno Domini Mo CCo XX VIIo, mense Augusto. 213 1227 August. No location. Guillaume [II] Putemonoie, baillivus of the count of Champagne makes known that Foulques de Sens, citizen of Troyes, recognized that he sold to Dominus Jean, priest of Saint-Remi-de-Troyes, his house inside the walls of Troyes near the church of SainteMadeleine with the cellar and associated buildings of the same house, according to the following agreement made between them: Dominus Jean should discharge the debt of 110 l. parisis that Foulques owed to the abbot and convent of Vauluisant, as well as the 10 l. annual and perpetual payments that Foulques had promised to assigne to Vauluisant for holding a funeral mass (pro faciendo . . . anniversario patris et matris sue) for his mother and father. In addition to discharging these debts, Jean owes Foulques 200 l. provinois. Foulques divested himself of the house and invested Jean, with Margarite, his wife, and his children confirming, willing and benignly consenting. Foulques and his wife swore that if, in the future, someone should appear who claims something from the sale by reason of hereditary right or something else, he will place everything that he has, movables and immovables, in the hand of Dominus Jean to carry 110For information on Brother Haimard and his relationship with the treasuries of the Templars and PhilipAugustus, see Delisle, Mémoire sur les opérations financières des Templiers. Mémoires de l'Académie des Inscriptions 33:2:1889. pp. 61-4. 111This text is difficult to summarize and I am more unsure about this summary than most of my summaries. I refer the reader to the Latin text itself. 279 the warranty on the house until those things which were sold remain with him in peace.112 A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 49v Script E (first part). B. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 50r Script F (Copy of second part of A from 1229 edition, now lost). C. Original lost. Ind: Chapin, les Villes de Foires, p. 131; Bourquelot, Etudes sur les foires de Champagne et de Brie, sur la nature, l'étendue et les règles du commerce qui s'y faisait aux XIIe, XIIIe et XIVe siècles (Paris, 1865), v. II, p. 225; Roserot III:1525. (All concern Guillaume II Putemonoie). Related Charter: 212. De domo Fulconis de Senonis sita in clauso Trecense quomodo fuerit acquisita Ego, Wllelmus Putamoneta, domini comitis Campanie ballivus, notum facio omnibus audituris presentes litteras et visuris quod Fulco de Senonis, civis Trecensis, in mea et multorum presentia constitutus, tam sponte quam publice, recognovit se vendidisse Venerabili Viro Domino Iohanni, presbitero Sancti Remigii Trecensis, domum suam, que est in clauso Trecense prope ecclesiam Beate Marie Magdalene, cum cellario et appendiciis eiusdem domus, tali siquidem pacto inter eos addito et recognito et firmato: quod prefatus Dominus Iohannes debet ipsum Fulconem acquitare erga abbatem et conventum Vallis Lucentis de decem et centum libris Parisiensibus quas eis debebat; preterea, de decem libris annui et perpetui redditus, quas predictus Fulco abbati et conventui promiserat se assignaturum pro faciendo apud eos imperpetuum anniversario patris et matris sue. Preterea, dictus Dominus Iohannes debet eidem Fulconi ducentas libras Pruvinenses ultra acquitationem predictam. Fulco vero se devestivit sollempniter de domo predicta et Dominum Iohannem sollempnius investivit, laudantibus, volentibus et benigne consentientibus Margarita, uxore sua, et liberis suis, hoc, videlicet, pacto: quod si in posterum aliquis appareret qui ratione {50ra Script F}hereditatis vel cuiuslibet alterius rei in hac venditione aliquid reclamaret, Fulco fiduciavit, et uxor eius, que ad portandum Domino Iohanni garantiam super hiis rectam et solitam, ponit in manu Domini Iohannis universa que habet, tam mobilia quam immobilia, usque dum ea que vendita sunt ei remanerent in pace. In cuius rei testimonium, ad petitionem utriusque partis, presentes litteras sigilli mei feci impressione roborari. Actum anno Gratie Mo CCo XXVIIo, mense Augusto. 214 No date.113 No location. 112It seems that this is not an average warranty clause. It would seem that Foulques surrenders to Jean all his other property at the time of the transaction to warranty Jean's claim to the house, which presumably has some outstanding lien on it, possibly the one mentioned in the contemporary charter #212. Of course, an invidious medieval chartristic "imperfect less vivid" conditional clause that introduces this is a standard si in posterum, employing the subjunctive, which suggests that no current claims exist. The easiest solution would be to read the present active ponit as taking the sense of an imperfect subjunctive poneret, and functioning in the capacity of a future-less vivid conditional clause, suggesting what Foulques would do in this situation. In short, I am at a loss to explain this one, at least in the terms of Classical Latin grammar. 113However, the rhetoric of the charter, viz: the single list of witnesses for two donations and three sets of laudationes, the absence of an official in whose name the charter is written, and the presence of extensive laudationes, is consistent with something produced in the later twelfth century. In addition, the priest of Molinons, Renaud, seems to show up in other documents. In #159 (1161-1185), a Raynaudus, capellanus 280 Pierre Gibaud gave in alms to the church of Vauluisant, for the redemption of his soul, and the souls of his parents, 6 d. of cens which he had from the land where the house of Renaud Ammiraud stands. Aidelina, his wife, and their sons, Girard and Eudes, and their sister, Emengard, confirmed the gift. Martin de Fourneau gave in the same fashion 2 d. of cens which he held on the same land. His wife, Alice, and their sons, Gileth, and Jobert, and Feligete, their sister, confirmed this gift. Girard and Jean Rebors, his brothers also confirmed this gift. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 50r Script F. Copy of B. B. Vauluisant Cartulary, 1229 (and possibly earlier) edition, now lost. C. Original lost. Related Charters: 171 (?), 250. Petrus Gibaudus dat vi nummos114 Notum sit omnibus presentibus pariter et futuris quod Petrus Gibaudus dedit in elemosinam ecclesie vallis lucentis, pro redemptione anime sue et parentum suorum, VI nummos quos habebat in terra ubi sedet domus Reinaldi Ammiraudi. Hoc donum laudavit Aidelina, uxor sua, et filii eorum Herbertus, Girardus et Odo, et soror eorum, Hermengardis. Item, Martinus de Furno, eodem modo, dedit duos denarios in eadem terra. Hoc donum laudavit uxor sua, Aalais, et filii eorum, Gileth et Iosbertus, et Feligete, soror eorum. Hoc etiam donum laudaverunt Girardus et Iohannes Rebors, fratres eius. Huius rei testes fuerunt: Rainaldus, presbiter de Molinons; et Pontius, monachus, dictus de Pruvino et multi alii. 215 1229, July 27. No location Master Michel, officialis of the Sens curia, notes that Jean and Oeline, said to be inhabitants (villani) of the royal franchise town of Villeneuve-le-Roi (today Villeneuvesur-Yonne), recognized that they were subservient (homines de capite) to to the church of Vauluisant, willing and concedeing that if they should die without offspring, all their goods will go to the church. But if they should have offspring, they will be subservient (homines de corpore) to Vauluisant and the will have their parents' inheritance. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 64v Script E (#266). Crossed Out.115 B. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 50r Script F. Copy of A. C. Original lost. Ind: Evergates, p. 17.116 {64va}aIohannes recognovit se esse hominem ecclesie Vallis Lucentis et Oelina villana similiterb de Molinons is cited as a witness, and in #165 (1168-1176) a Rainaudo de Molinuns appears. Beyond these suggestions, however, I would not want to speculate. 114The rubrics in this Script F section are filled in with a post-medieval hand, but their wording is indicated in the margin in a hand contemporary to the creation of the page. 115My justification for including this charter here rather than at #266 stems from the latter charter being crossed out. Evidently, the creator of the Script F edition determined that this charter was poorly situated and decided to "correct" the mislocation by copying it here. It will be noted, however, that in using #266 as my base text, I am hedging on my policy of a strict adherence to the text as it appears in the cartulary. 116citing A, Evergates falls into the "looking for earliest dates error" and attaches the Nono to the day instead of the year and dates this document to 1220. 281 [O]mnibus presentes litteras inspecturis, Magister Michael, curie senonensis officialis, in Domino salutem. Noverint universi quod Iohannes, dictus villanus de Villa Nova Regis, et Oelina, uxor eius, dicta {64vb}villana, coram nobis constituti, recognoverunt et concesseruntc se esse homines de capite ecclesie Vallis Lucentis, volentes et concedentes quod si eos sine proled de se ipsis suscepta mori contigerit, omnia bona sua, tam mobilia quam immobilia, sint ecclesie supradicte; sed si prolem habuerint, liberi eorum erunt homines de corpore ipsius ecclesie sicut et iideme Iohannes et Oelina et habebunt hereditatem parentum suorum. Et hec omnia que superius sunt expressa, dicti Iohannes et Oelina, uxor eius, fiduciaverunt se firmiter servaturos et res Vallis Lucentis ecclesie bona fide. Actum anno Gratie Mo CCo Vicesimo Nono, die veneris post festum Beate Marie Magdalene. a. B:{50rb} b. B: De hominibus ecclesiae Vallis Lucentis 117 c. et concesserunt om. B. d. prole om. B. e. iidem]hiidem B. 216 [1127 - 1163]118 No location. Confirmations at Villemaur and at Lenis (Ligny?). Maurice de Lenis (Ligny?), and his brother, Rahaut, conceded to the monks brothers, concede to the monks of Vauluisant whatever they have in plains and woods from the elms of Lailly to the abbey and from those same elms to the vineyard of Frooldus. Maurice, and his brother, and the wife of Maurice, Sedela, and his son Pierre, confirmed this at Villemaur. The wife of Rahaut with her children confirmed this in her house at Lenis to Ernaud, monk of Vauluisant. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 79v Script A (#295). Crossed Out.119 B. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 50r Script F. After A. C. Original lost. Related Charters: 198-99. {79va}Mauricii de Lenis et fratris eius Raaldi [dan]tis ab ulmis Lalii usque abbatiama Sciant presentes et posteri quod Mauricius de Lenis et frater eius, Raaldus, concesserunt monachis de Valle Lucente quicquid habebant ab ulmis Lallei usque ad abbatiam, et in plano et in bosco, et ab eisdem ulmis usque ad vineam frooldi. Hoc laudaverunt apud Villammauri {79vb}ipse Mauricius, et frater eius, et uxor eiusdem Mauricii, Sedela, et filius eius, Petrus. Hoc donum audierunt: Hubertus et Iterus, canonici; Orricus de Plasseio; Drogo Strabo, Girardus, frater eius; Garnerius de Fusseio; et frater eius, Anselmus; Gibaldus; et Iterus, venator, frater eius.b Hoc etiam laudavit uxor Raaldi in domo sua apud Lenasc cum pueris suis Ernaldo, monacho Vallis Lucentis, audiente Petro de Renniaco.d a. B: Donum Mauritii de Lenis ab ulmis Lallei usque ad abbatiam120 b. Hoc donum audierunt . . . venator, frater eius. om. B.121 c. in domo . . . Lenas om. B. d. Ernaldo, monacho . . . Renniaco. om. B. 117Concerning this rubric, see note attached 1181163, last date of Script A charters. 119My to rubric of charter #214. justification for including this charter here rather than at #295 stems from the latter charter being crossed out. Evidently, the creator of the Script F edition determined that this charter was poorly situated and decided to "correct" the mislocation by copying it here. 282 {50v blank} 217 Date Obscured. Lateran. Vidimus of an indulgence (Cum ante facies) issued by Pope Gregory IX allowing the founders of [Cistercian?] monasteries or other faithful to be buried at the monastery as long as they are not excommunicated, under interdict or (?) usurers. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 51r. Severe elemental damage. Crossed Out. B. Original lost. a. Manrique, Cisterciensium seu verius ecclesiasticorum annalium a condito cistercio, v. 4, pp. 34950.122 Ind: Potthast, p. 699, no. 8102 (but dates to January 11, 1228) Interpolations of bull from a. [Abbati Cisterciensi, et caeteris Abbatibus, et monachis Cisterciensis Ordinis. Cum ante facies vestre cum Sanctis animalibus gradientes, obliti, quae retro sunt, in ea, quae ante sunt vosa laudabiliter extrudatis, proficiendo vobis per vitae meritum et aliis per exemplum libenter impertimur vobis gratiam, et favorem, scientes nos exinde illi placere, qui vestrum acceptat placitum famulatum. Hinc est, quod devotionis] {51ra Script E}vestre precibus annuen[tes,] auctoritate vobis presentium indulgemus ut si fundatores monasteriorum vestrorum vel alii fideles apud monasteria vestra elegerint sepulturam, dummodo non sint excommunicati vel interdicti aut etiam publice usurarii, eorum devotioni vel [eorum] voluntati nullus obs[istat], sed liceat vobis [corpora ipsorum, non obsta]nte alicuius contradictione temeraria [ecclesiasticae tradere] sepulture, salva tamen iu[sti]cia illarum ecclesia[rum, a q]uibus mortuorum corp[ora a]ssumun[tur]. Nulli [ergo] om[nino homi]num [liceat hanc paginam] nostre [concessionis infringe]re vel [ei a usu temerario contraire. Si quis autem hoc attemptare] p[resumpsit, indignationem omnipotentis Dei et Beatorum Petri et Pauli, apostolorum eius, se] nove[rit] in[cur]su[m. Dat]um Lateranum, VII kalendas . . . .b . . . visuri . . . . a. vix? A b. VII kalendas . . .] III Idus Ianuarii a. 218 [1176 - 1193]123 No location. Guy, archbishop of Sens, makes known that a controversy which had been disputed between Jacques des Sièges and the house of Vauluisant was terminated in his presence in the following fashion: The brothers of Vauluisant may place two foresters (forestarii) in the woods of Sièges, in which they own half the rights, and Jacques may place one forester there. Jacques also swore (sacramento confirmavit) that he would bring no violence to that which belongs to the brothers. If, heaven forbid, he should bring such violence in, he will have fifteen days [to restore the injury to the monks?] or [the forest will be physically divided between the two?]. Further, if someone should presume to bring violence or injury to the brothers of Vauluisant, Jacques may in no way give help or warranty to that person. Jacques and Houduin, his brother, confirmed this in the 120concerning this rubric, see note attached to the rubric for charter #214. 121This omission and the ones below are determined by the lack of space in B. 122Special thanks to Arlene M. Schauer for making this text available to me. 1231176-93, Guy's archiepiscopacy, Gams. 283 presence of Guy, archbishop. Agatha, the wife of Jacques, Houduin, his son, and Emeline and Ranza, his daughters, confirmed this in the presence of Vital, deacon. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 51r-v Script E. Extreme elemental damage. B. Original lost. Related Charters: 220, 225, 240, 278. {rubric illegible} {51rb}[I]n nomine sancte et individue Trinitatis, ego Guido, Senonensis archiepiscopus, universis sancte matris ecclesie filiis notum fieri volumus quod controversia que vertebatur inter Iacobum de Eschegiis et domum Vallis Lucentis in hunc modum, in nostra presentia, termi[nata] est: fratres Vallis Lucentis in nemus Eschegiarum, cuius media pars iuris eorum est, tam in plano quam in bosco, duos forestarios statuerit, predictus vero Iacobus unum. Idem quoque Iacobus sacramento confirmavit quod in id quod predictorum fratrum est, nullam violentiam inferret. Quod, si forte intulerit, quod absit, infra quindecim dies quic. . . annui f. . .stuit . . .-{51va}-tur donec predictum nemus dividatur. Diffinitum denique est quod si quis in predictum nemus aliquam forte violentiam vel iniuriam predictis fratribus Vallis Lucentis inferre presumpserit, idem Iacobus nulli poterit ferre auxilium vel garantiam. Hoc laudaverunt, in presentia nostra, predictus Icobus et Oldoinus, frater eius, audientibus: Hugone, archidiacono; Renardo; Magistro Radulpho; Vitali, decano; Willelmo de Malo Nido; Berengario de Villamauri. Hoc ipsum laudaverunt Agatha, uxor Iacobi, et Oldoinus, filius eius, et Emelina et Ranza, filie eius, in presentia Vitalis, Decani. Huius rei testes sunt: Gauterius de . . .e, Frater Gue. . . . omni tempore habita. . . . 219 1176 (o. st.) No location. X (The Archbishop of Sens?) notes that Jacques des Sièges, having been excommunicated for the great and many injuries that he caused to the brothers of Vauluisant concerning the woods at Sièges, when he sold and cleared the entire part (vendebat enim totum et vastabat), when he owned only a quarter part of the woods,124 now comes before X wishing to be absolved. An agreement (compositione) is reached between Jacques and the abbot and brothers of Vauluisant. It would appear the some restriction is placed on the monks and Jacques (but particularly the latter?) concerning the exercise of rights in the forest (possible from collecting firewood) for five years. After which time, the brothers and Jacques may, if they wish, manage the forest in its entirety. Or, if they should wish to divide it, the brothers of Vauluisant will receive their half, and Jacques will receive his quarter. And if Jacques should try to impede this partition, he will again be thrown under excommunication. Further, Jacques and his brothers swore to hold this agreement in good faith and gave sureties to this effect. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fos. 51v-52r Script E. Extreme elemental damage. B. Original lost. Related Charters: 218, 225, 240, 278. Depositione habita [inter] ecclesia Vallislucentis et Iacobum militem . . . nemore Eschegiarum] . . . litteris [inspecturis], [in Domi]-{51vb}-no salutem. Nov[erit] universitas vestra quod Iacobus de Eschegeiis, cum esset excomunicatus pro magnis quas fratribus de Valle 124This summary is certainly not the only interpretation of the document. 284 Lucente super nemore quodam apud eschegias inferebat sepius iniuriis, vendebat enim totum et vastabat, qui quartam partem tantum in eo habebat, tandem venientes ante nos et volens absolvi, noveritis abbate et fratribus mit. . . compositione. Erit itaque nemus . . . usque ad quinque annos in foresta, ita quod in ter[ris] monachi in eo nichil capiendi [et?] Iacobus nech[il] . . . sit . . . eos vel ad . . . faciendas su. . .m . . . [con]tingerit do. . . istius Iacobi combustione . . . de nemore. Preterea, econtra monstraverunt in op . . . iiii. . . .cilli. . .um percipi[endum] . . .a hominum . . . die combusta mer. . . bunnei sibi superven. . . inter . . . crast . . . de nem. . .ava. . . mon-{52ra}-achis, nec Iacobo infra predictum terminum licebit cum vero quinque anni completi fuerint. Si de pari assensu monacorum et Iacobi, provenerit nemus illud, sub predicto tenore in foresta manebit. Aut si partiri voluerint, ipsi medietatem suam, Iacobus quartum suum, percipiet. Et si Iacobus forte particionem impediret, excommunicationi cui prius suppositus erat subiaceret. Pactionem istam iuraverunt Iacobi et fratres sue bona fide tenendam. Dedit inde plegios Berengarium de Villa Mauri. Affuerunt autem huius rei testes: Odo, decanus Senonensis; Haicius, cellerarius; Magister Girardus; Bartolomeus Dapifer; Sevinus de Toriniaco; et alii plures. Actum annoa incarnationis Domini Mo Co LXXVIo. a. anno]anni A. 220 1198 (o. st.). No location. Garnier, bishop of Troyes, notes that he and Itier, (actually Guitier) abbot of Saint-Loupde-Troyes, (deceased) were appointed as judges by the authority of Dominus Melior, cardinal priest of Saint John and Saint Paul and papal legate, in a dispute between Vauluisant and the men of Rigny concerning the woods of Marnecreuse and Tronchoy. When on the day of making the agreement (compositione facienda), Garnier's fellow judge, Itier, was not present, the two parties agreed to follow the determination made by Garnier alone. He determined that the monks will possess peacefully and without contradiction the woods which are along the grange of Cérilly, beginning at the plains of Coulors and from their through the marling areas (marnerias) to the valley Loerez. In the future, moreover, the men of Rigny will not be able to seize or demand anything there. The monks may employ (sumere) at will the remaining part of the same woods for what is necessary to them, just is it were their own property, except that they will not be permitted to uproot in that part for bringing land into cultivation. The men of Rigny will also have their usage rights in that part. If they should dig up iron there or burn charcoal, every six weeks the men of Rigny will have to pay Vauluisant 14 d. If they uproot anything or bring any part of it into cultivation, they will have to pay the monks the tithe and an annual terragium. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 52r-v Script E. B. Original, AD Aube, 10 H 1. 18.3 x 24.7 cm. Related Charters: 72, 119, 122, 226, 236-37, 269. . . . omnium hominibus de Regniaco . . . [Tron]choi de Marne Crose. [Garnerus], Dei gratia Trecensis episcopus, omnibus ad quos littere iste pervenerint, in Domino salutem. Noverint universitas vestre quod cum [inter monachos Val]llis [Lucentis] et homines [de Raigniaco] super posses[sione] nemoris de Tronchoi, sive de Mar-{52rb]-ne Corse, questio verteretur, in qua nos et bone memorie Iterus, abbas Sancti Lupi Trecensis, auctoritate Domini M[eliori], tituli Sanctorum Iohannis et Pauli presbiteri cardinalis, tituli apostolice sedis legati, eramus iudices constituti, cum a nobis utrique 285 parti dies assignata fuisset de compositione facienda, nec idem coniudexa noster diei quam prediximus interesset, de assensu parcium,b que per nos solum pacem reformari voluerunt in hunc modum inter ipsos compositio intercessit: quod monachi partem dicti nemoris que est de latere granchie eorum, Cereli nomine, incipiens a planis de Coloors, per factum et inde per marnerias usque in vallem Loerezc libere et quiete absque contradictione qualibet in perpetuam possidebunt, [nec in] ea dicti homines ali[quid poterunt capere vel in pos]terum reclamare. [In residuo vero parte eiusdem nemoris, dicti monachi] tanquam [in proprio pro sua sument eis necessare voluntante, preter hoc: quod eis in dicta parte ista terram ad excolendum rumpere non licebit; in qua etiam dicti homines de Raigniaco suum] {52va}usuarium habebunt. Si tamen ibid ferrum effoderint aut carbones succenderint, singulis sex septimanis sepedictis monachis quatuordecim denarios exsolvere tenebuntur. Si autem dicti homines aliquid rumpere aut excolere voluerint, exinde monachis decimam persolvent et terragium annuatim. Hoc itaque, sicut pro bono pacis fuit ordinatum, Iocelinus, vicecomes; et uxor illius;e et Petrus, miles Thoquns;f et Godinus; et Galiena, mater eius; ad quos Regniacig spectat dominium, omnimodis approbarunt. In cuius rei testimonium, presentem cartam scribi et sigillo nostro fecimus confirmari. Actum anno Domini Millesimo Centesimo Nonagesimo Quinto.h a. coniudex]comiudex B. b. parcium]partium B. d. ibi]ibidem B. e. illius]ipsius B. f. Petrus, miles Thoquns]Petrus Tosquinus, miles trp. B. h. Quinto]V III ias' A. c. Loerez om. A. g. Regniaci]Reigniaci B. 221 1193 (o. st.). No location. Guy, archbishop of Sens, makes known that Raoul, procurator of the Knighthood of the Temple in France (Francia), and the brothers of the house of the Temple of Coulours conceded to the brothers of Vauluisant to have that which they had earlier been accustomed to have, in pastures as in other rights of easement. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 52v Script E. Extreme elemental damage. B. Original, AD Yonne, H 709. 10.2 x 13.3 cm. Missing large part. Seal of Guy, archbishop of Sens. C. Source of additional interpolations: AD Yonne, H 709. 10.4 x 22.6 (MC4). Similar charter written in name of Garnier, Bishop of Troyes. Related Charters: 270-73, 305, 333, MC4, NC26. Fratres Templi conceditur eisentias solitas Guido, Dei gratia Senonensis archiepiscopus, omnibus ad quos presentes littere pervenerint in Domino Salutem. Noverit uni[versitas vestra]a [quod frater Ra]dulphusb [procurator fratrum] Milicie Templi [in Francia et] fratres dom[us Templi de Coleoirs], in presentia [nostra constituti] dilectissimisc [filiis nostris fratribus Vallislucentis] {52vb}habendum concesserunt id quod in terra sua prius habere consueverant tam in pascuis quam in aliis eisentiis.d In cuius rei memoriam, presentem cartam notari fecimus et sigilli nostri testimonioe roborari. Actum anno incarnati Verbi Mo Co XCo Tercio. a. Noverit universitas vestra]Notum fieri volumus B. dilectissimis]dilectis B. d. eisentiis]aaisanciis B. 222 b. Radulphus]Radulfus B e. testimonio]auctoritate B. c. 286 [1188 - 1194]125 No location. The bishop of Troyes makes known that Vital, the former (deceased) priest of Rigny-leFerron, desiring to provide for the salvation of his soul, recognized to him (bishop) that Norpaud, former abbot of Vauluisant, [received from him certain lands? or gave him certain lands?] which pertained to the church of Vauluisant in [his? or the church's?] tithe area. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 52v Script E. Extreme elemental damage. B. Original lost. Related Charters: 79, 228-29, 313-14. Recognovit Vitalis presbiter de reni quod ei data fuerat decima ad vitam [],126 Dei gratia Trecensis episcopus, omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis in Domino salutem. Noverint universi quod Vitalis, quondam presbiter Regniaci, anime sue saluti providere cupiens, nobis recognovit quod Norpaldus, bone memorie quond[am] abbas Vallis [Lucentis] . . . eidem ter . . . [d]ecimationis de Cereliaco ad ecclesiam Vallis Lucentis pertinebat in . . . et pacifice possidendam . . . quia vero . . . ab eius . . . ce . . . in testimonium . . . unius . . . . 223 1190 (o. st.). No location. Guy, archbishop of Sens, makes known that a dispute (querela) was held between the monks of Vauluisant and Pontigny and Pierre de Vareilles over certain possessions which are in the confines (confinio) of Séant (Bérulles today), Cérilly and Vauluisant which the same monks possessed by gift of that Pierre and his ancestors, which Pierre was trying to deny. But now, coming under the grace of God, mindful of truth and justice, recognizing the rights of the churches, he surrendered in peace the aforesaid possessions with all their attachments and entirely approved the charter which he had contradicted. For which, the brothers of Vauluisant waived the warranty that they had demanded for the woods of Lancy. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fos. 52v - 53r Script E. After B. Extreme elemental damage. B. Original 1, AD Yonne, H 706. 13.2 x 17.7 cm. Seal of Guy, archbishop of Sens. C. Original 2, AD Yonne, H 1461. 9.2 x 22.5 cm. D. Pontigny Cartulary, 12th-13th centuries, Paris, BN, Latin MS 9887, fo. 5r. After C. E. Pontigny Cartulary, 14th century, Paris, BN, Latin MS 5465, fo. 45. After C or D. a. Garrigues, p. 104, no. 28. After CDE. Related Charters:177-9, 195, 320, MC19. Petrus de Valeriis recognovit . . . aliquando neg. . .rat g. . .rat [Guido], Dei gratia Senonensis archiepiscopus, omnibus ad quos littere iste pervenerint, in Domino {53ra}salutem. Notum fieri volumus, tam presentibus quam futuris,a quodb querela vertebaturc inter monachos Vallis Lucentis et Pontiniacid et Petrum, filium Petrume de Valeriisf super quibusdam possessionibusg que sunt in confinio de Seanth et de Cereliacoi et dej Valle Lucenti, quas idem monachi dono ipsius Petri et antecessorum suorum possidebant, cui predictus Petrus contradicere nitebatur. Sed nunc, gracia Deik subveniente, memor veritatis et iusticiel in presentia nostra, iura ecclesiarum 125After #280, before #79. be one of three: Manasses de Pougy (1181-1190), Bartholomé Haïce de Plancy (1191-1193), or Garnier de Traînel, (1193-1205). 126Could 287 recognoscens, predictasm possessiones cum omnibus appendiciis suisn in pace reliqui[t], et cartam cui contradic[eba]t, pen[itus veram] approbavit. [Pro quo, fratres Val]lis lucentis pre[dictum Petrum de] garantiao quam a[b eo exi]gebant de nemore de Lanc[i], quitaverunt. Ut autem hoc ratum [maneat e]t firmum, presen[tem carta]m notari fecimus et sigilli nostri munimine robo[ra]rip Actum [est] hoc anno in[car]nati verbi, M. C.q Nonagesimo. a. fiere volumus, tam . . . futuris]fieri, tam . . . futuris volumus trp. A. b. quod]de E. c. querela vertebatur]querela que vertebatur DEa. d. Pontiniaci]Pontigniaci E. e. filium Petrum om. A. f. Valeriis]Vareliis BCDE. g. possessionibus om. A. h. Seant]Seiant BCD. i. Cereliaco]Ciriliaco BCD]Ceriliaco E. j. de om. A. k. Dei]de E. l. iusticie]iustitie B. m. predictas]predictes a. n. appendiciis suis]suis appendiciis BCDE. o. garantia]guarantia D. p. munimine roborari]impressione muniri CDE. q. M C]Millesimo Centesimo E. 224 1195 (o. st.). No location. Garnier, bishop of Troyes and Guitier, abbot of Saint-Loup-de-Troyes, note that a disagreement (discordia) which was held between the brothers of Vauluisant and Gontrannus, priest, over three modii of tithe from Rigny-le-Ferron, which Gontrannus had possessed for a long time and which the brothers asserted was their right to collect was settled in the following fashion: Gontrannus resigned his claim to all of the aforesaid tithe and quit it to the brothers of Vauluisant in perpetuity. In exchange, the brothers gave to Gontrannus 9 l. under the condition that he will carry the just warranty for the tithe to him. If Gontrannus should not be able to carry the warranty, he will return the 9 l. To firmly observe this convention, namely of carrying the warranty or returning the money, Gontrannus constituted Milo de Saint-Aubin as a responsor to the brothers of Vauluisant. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 53r-v Script E. B. Original, AD Aube, 10 H 1. 11.9 x 14.0. cm. Related Charters: 79, 222, 224, 228-9, 313-4. . . . . Quitavit Gontrannus decimam de Regniaco Garnerius, Dei gratia Trecensisa episcopus ecclesia humilis,b et Gui[terus], abbas [Sancti Lupi Trecensis,] {53rb}omnibus ad quos littere iste pervenerintc in Domino salutem. Noverit universitas vestra quod discordia que vertebatur inter fratres Vallis Lucentis et Gontranum,d presbiterum, super tribus modiis decime de Regniaco,e quos idem Gontrannusf diu possederat et predicti fratres iuris suig asserebant esse,h tali modo pacifacata est: prefatus Gontrannusi predictamj decimam ex totak resignavit et in bona pace fratribus eam in perpetuum quittavit. Prenominati vero fratres, pro bono pacis, sepedicto Gontrannol novem libras dederunt tali condicione:m quod iustam garantiam portabit eis de decima.n Quod si facere non posset, prescriptas novem libras eis sine contradictione restitueret.o De hacp autem conventionem firmiter observanda, videlicet de garantia portan[da], et de restituenda pecunia, Milonem de Sancto Albaniq adversumr fratres constituit responsorem. Nos autem, ab utraque parte super hoc requisiti, in huius rei m[emoriam], presentem litterams scribi et [sigillorum nostrorum] muniminet {53va}fecimus confirmari. Actum anno incarnati Verbi Mo Co Nonagesimo Quinto. 288 a. Trecensis om. B. b. ecclesia humilis om. B. c. ad quos littere iste pervenerint]presentes litteras inspecturis B. d. Gontranum]Guotrannum B. e. Regniaco]Reigniaco B. f. Gontrannus]Guotrannus B. g. iuris sui]sui iuris trp. B. h. asserebant esse]esse asserebant trp. B. i. Gontrannus]Guotrannus B. j. predictam]prefatam B. k. tota]toto B. l. Gontranno]Guotranno B. m. condicione]conditione B. n. portabit eis de decima]eis de decima portabit trp. B. o. restitueret]restituere A. p. De hac]Et hanc A. q. Albani]Albino B. r. adversum]conversum A. s. litteram]paginam B. t. munimine]munimentis B. 289 225 [ca. 1188]127 No location. Guy, archbishop of Sens, notes that although the monks of Vauluisant are said to have a half of all things in the woods of Les Sièges, Jacques, miles of Les Sièges, probited them from getting wood for heating (smelting), the iron or (firing) the tiles (lateres could also be bricks) which they were accustomed to sell. And when the case (causa) came into Guy's presence, it ended up that Jacques amended (emendavit - sense of correcting the wrong and paying damages) to Ulric, abbot, the prohibition which he made and conceded to him and his brothers the usage rights for iron and tiles, as well as everything else, and that they had these things customarily as if they owned them. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 53v Script E. B. Original, AD Yonne, H 753. 8.9 x 17.7 cm. a. Quantin II, pp. 394-95, no. 387. After B. Related Charters: 218, 219, 240, 278. De [[de]] ferragio faciende in nemore Eschegiarum [G]uido, Dei gratia Senonensis archiepiscopus, omnibus ad quos littere iste pervenerint in omino salutem. Notum fieri volumus quod cum monachi de Vallelucenti medietatema dicantur habere per omniab in nemore de Eschegiis, Iacobus, miles de Eschegiis, prohibuit eis ne ligna in nemore illo caperent ad decoquendumc ferrum vel lateres qui venderentur. Et cum causa inde verteretur coram nobis, res ad id devenit quod prefatus Iacobus prohibitionem quam fecerat emendavit Ulrico,d abbati, et concessit ei et fratribus suis, tam ad ferrum et laterese quam ad alia, plenarium per omnia usuarium sicut habere consueverant.f In cuius rei memoriam, presentem cartam fecimus annotari et sigilli nostri impressione muniri. a. medietatem dicantur]medietatem per omnia dicantur ins. a. b. per omnia om. Aa. decoquendum]coquendum A. d. Ulrico]Urrico B. e. et lateres om. A. f. consueverant]consuerant A. c. 226 1186 (o. st.). No location. Guy, archbishop of Sens, notes that he was committed by X to determine the case (causam) which was disputed between the monks of Vauluisant and the men of Séant (today Bérulles) over usage rights which the men claimed in the woods adjoining the granges of Cérilly and Les Loges, for which they have brought much trouble and damage to the monks. Finally, it happened in the litigation (in negotio) that the monks proved that the men of Séant had no usage rights in the woods, which they recognized, confessing that they had injustly bothered the monks over this, as in those woods they had no usage rights, except for having the usage of charcoal (carbonagium) of 2 capita ad terram, so that for every ax (securis), they pay 2 d. a month as charcoal fee (de carbonagio). And the brothers of Vauluisant will not abandon the giving, selling or clearing of the woods, or their conversion to pastures on account of this usage of charcoal. And only those men of Séant who were born in (de) Cérilly (named in the charter) have this usage right. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fos. 53v - 54r Script E. 127This 1188. document seems to be closely related to #240, which is dated 1188. Quantin provides a date of 290 B. Original lost. Related Charters: 72, 119, 122, 221, 237-38, 270. Cognoverunt homines de Seant quod non habent usum in Cereli [G]uido, Dei gratia Senonensis archiepiscopus, omnibus ad quos littere iste pervenerint in Domino salutem. Notum fieri volumus . . . recordit . . . {53vb}causam nobis commisisset debito fine decidendam que vertebatur inter monachos Vallis Lucentis et homines de Seant, super usuario quod idem homines clamabant in nemoribus predictorum que adiacent finibus grangie de Cereli et de Logiis, pro quo etiam molestias et dampna plurima prefatis monachis intulerant. Tandem a deo processum est in negotio illo quod monachi probationes suas coram nobis deposuerunt, per quas constitit quod predicti homines nullum habent in prescriptis nemoribus usuarium et ipsi [[id]]idem recognoverunt, confitentes culpam suam quod super hoc monachos iniuste sepius vexaverunt, quam in nemoribus sepedictis nullum usuarium habent, preter carbonagium de lignis mortuis duo capita ad terram habentibus, ita quod pro unaquaque securi, redderent monachis Vallis Lucentis singulis mensis duos denarios de carbonagio. Nec propter hoc usum carbonagii di[mittent] fratres Vallis lucentis predic-{54ra}-ta nemora dare vendere rumpere et prateare. Et non quilibet de Seanz habent usuarium predictum, sed tantummodo illi qui de Cerilli sunt nati: Ansaudus, scilicet, prepositus; et renaldus, filius eius; Theobaudus Serviens; Renaudus de Plaisseio; Christianus Dux; et Robillardus, frater eius; Gosbertus de Cheseio; Herbertus Sarpeta; Christianus Pertuiset. In huius itaque rei memoriam, presentem cartam annotari fecimus et sigilli nostri impressione muniri. Data per manum Magistri Petri, cancellarii nostri anno incarnati Verbi Mo Co LXXX VIo. 227 [1216 n. st.] 1215, March 15. No location. Papal delegates, the Archbishop of Sens, Pierre, and the Bishops of Paris, Pierre, and of Meaux, Guillaume, provide a vidimus of a judicial decision rendered on March 11, 1216 (n. st) by the Abbot-Prior of Saint-Pierre-de-Monte and the prior of Saint-Salvotor de Meaux in a dispute between the abbot of Vauluisant and Jean, viscount of Joigny, where Jean made an appeal to the pope and the monks denied the validity of this appeal as it was made in secrecy and Jean did not disclose that he was under excommunication at the time of the appeal. Nevertheless, an interlocutory sentence was given, absolving Jean. The monks appealed this interlocutory sentence to the pope, and were given until the quindene of Easter (24 April, 1216) for a response. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 54r-v Script E. B. Original lost. Translation: Appendix C. appellatio interposita ad dominum papam contra vice comitem Iovigniaci [P]etrus, Dei gratia Senonensis archiepiscopus, Petrus, Parisiensis, et G[uillelmus], Meldensis, episcopi, omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis in Domino salutem. Noverint universi nos litteras abbatis-prioris Sancti Petri de Monte et prioris Sancti Salvatoris Meledensis, iudicum a sede apostolica delegatorum, inspexisse sub hac forma: 291 . ., abbas-prior Sancti Petri de Monte, prior Sancti Salvatoris Meledunensis, omnibus presentes litteras inspect-{54rb}-uris salutem. Cum128 causa verteretur coram nobis, auctoritate domini pape, inter abbatem et conventum Vallis Lucentis, ex una parte, et Nobilem Virum Iohannem, vicecomitem Iovigniaci, ex altera, et idem Iohannis peteret absolvi a sententia, qua dicebat se fuisse innodatum per officialem Senonensem. Post appellationem ad dominum papam legitime interpositam, monachi supradicti contra litteras exceperunt, dicentes quod non valebant, ut pote veritate tacita impetrate, cum enim dictus vicecomes tempore impetrationis litterarum actorum iudicum a sede apostolica delegatorum esset, ex alia causa excommunicatus, ut dicebant, et super hoc non significasset domino pape veritatem, dicebant eas penitus non valere et super hoc petierunt interloquationem. Nos autem, de consilio bonorum, interloquendo diximus quod non obstante hac exceptione, secundum tenorem mandati apostolici ipsum absolvere debebamus. Manachi vero ab hac interloquutoria ad curiam Romanam appellarunt . . . octabas ab Ascensionis Domini appelationis . . . sue ter-{54va}-minum prefigentes. Dictus vero Iohannis appellationem huiusmodi ad quindenam Resurrectionis Dominice abbreviavit. Nos autem, ob reverentiam sedis apostolice appellationi huiusmodi duximus deferendum. Actum anno Domini Mo Ducentesimo Quintodecimo, mense Marcio, die veneris ante dominicam qua cantatur Oculi Mei. Quod autem in predictis litteris verbo ad verbum vidimus contineri ad petitionem dictorum monachorum sub sigillis nostris testificamur. Actum anno Gratie Mo CCo XV, marcio die martis post dominicam qua cantatur oculi mei. 228 1209 December. Original lost. Pierre, archbishop of Sens, makes known that some litigation took place between the abbot and monks of Vauluisant and Nicholas, a person of the church of Rigny[-leFerron], over one third of the Rigny tithes, which Nicholas sought from the abbot and monks in the name of his church. Finally, they agreed amicably in this fashion: Nicholas and his successors will receive annually from the monks' grain in the tithe barn of Rigny a half-modius of wheat, a half-modius of barley and a half-modius of oats. In exchange, Nicholas surrendered whatever right he had in the third of this tithe, except for one modius of grain, namely four sextarii of wheat, two of rye and six of barley, which Nicholas had been accustomed to receive from the tithe (before this dispute?). Nicholas and his successors will receive nothing more from the aforesaid tithe, excepting the rights of both parties to noval tithes. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fos. 54v - 55r Script E. After B.129 B. Original, AD Aube, 10 H 1. 16.7 x 16.9 cm. C. Earlier version?130 of Original, AD Aube, 10 H 1. 15.2 x 26.0 cm. 128In theory, this cum indicates that everything up until deferendum is part of the same sentence. Unfortunately, while I can insert commas with excessive, if not terrifying, zeal, I cannot punctuate this structure regularly and accurately without extensive fragmentation. 129This is based on the lower number of deviations between B and A as against C and A. The presence of a summary in Script E on the back of B also aided in the decision. 130This is based on the omission of the clause salvo etiam iure ... futurorum. This may indeed be an indication that this charter is a copy of B, but since there appears to be no obvious textual reason why this clause would be missed in a copy, and the editor of the cartulary preferred the original with this clause included, I will tentatively employ an argument similar to that used in #55 and suggest that this may have been an earlier copy than B. 292 Related Charters: 79, 222, 224, 229, 276, 282, 313-14. Compositio de decima de Reigni cum Nicholao persona eiusdem ville [P]etrus dei gracia senonensis archiepiscopus omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis salutem in Domino. Noverint universi quod cum coram nobis inter venerabilem virum, abbatem, et monachos Vallis Lucentis, ex una parte, et Nicholaum, personam ecclesie de Regniaco, ex alia,a fuisset aliquandiu litigatum super tercia parte decime de Regniaco, quam predictus Ni-{54vb}-cholaus ab eisdem abbate et monachis nomine ecclesie sue petebat, tandem composuerunt amicabiliter in hunc modum: quod dictus Nicholaus et successores eius in granchia decimatoria de Regniaco de blado monachorum, dimidium modium frumenti, et dimidium modium ordei, et dimidium avene, percipient annuatim et propter hoc, predictus Nicholaus eisdem abbati et monachis si quid iuris habebat in tercia parte memorate decime, quitavit perpetuo pacifice possidendum, salvo tamen uno modio bladi, videlicet quatuor sextariisb frumenti, duobus siliginis et sex ordei. Quod idem Nicholaus in tota decima percipere consueverat et, tam ipse quam ceteric successores eius, sunt in perpetuumd in dicta decima nichilominus percepturi, salvo etiam iure utrinquee partis novalium futurorum.f Nos autem compositionemg istam volumus et concedimus et presentis scripti testimonio confirmamus. {55ra}Datum anno Gratie Mo CCo Nono, mense Decembri. a. alia]altera C. b. sextariis]septariis C. d. in perpetuum]imperpetuum C. e. utrinque]utriusque B. g. compositionem]composicionem BC. c. ceteri om. B. f. salvo etiam . . . futurorum om. C. 229 1202 (o. st.). No location. Pierre, archbishop of Sens, makes known that when Nicholas, priest of the church of Rigny-[le-Ferron], sought from Master Eudes a certain part of the old tithe situated in the parish of Rigny and the same master said that he possessed it by hereditary right, finally an amicable agreement was reached: The church of Rigny will have in perpetuity half of that tithe, and the said master the other half. Afterward, Eudes gave his half to the church of Vauluisant in perpetual alms. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 55r Script E. B. Original lost. Related Charters: 79, 222, 224, 228, 276, 282, 313-14. De parte decimarum de Rini petita contra Magistrum Odonem Petrus, Dei gratia Senonensis archiepiscopus, omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis in Domino salutem. Noverint universi quod cum Nicholaus, presbiter de Regniaco, nomine ecclesie sue, peteret a Magistro Odone quandam partem veteris decime site in parrochia de Regniaco, quam [i]dem magister dicebat se iure [hered]itario possidere, tandem [a]micabilis compositio intercessit in hunc modum: quod dicta ecclesia de Rigniaco in perpetuum haberet unam medietatem ipsius decime et dictus magister aliam medietatem. Post modum, ipse magister, coram nobis constitutus, partem suam eiusdem decime supradictam in perpetuam elemosinam donavit ecclesie Vallis Lucentis. Nos autem donationem istam gratam et ratam habentes, presentem cartam appositione sigilli nostri fecimus roborari. Actum anno Gratie Mo CCo Duo. 293 230 1223 (o. st.), January. No location. Gautier, archbishop of Sens, makes known that the brothers of the church of Vauluisant have the usage rights of pasturing on grass (usuagium pasture herbe) in his forest which is called Les Rajeuses for the animals of only one grange, which is called Les Loges, but they may not pasture pigs there. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 55r Script E. B. Original lost. Related Charters: 124, 322. De pacto de usu Logiarum pastura foreste que dicitur Rabiosa [G]alterus, Dei gratia Senonensis archiepiscopus, omnibus presentes {55rb}litteras inspecturis in Domino salutem. Noverint universi quod fratres ecclesie Vallis Lucentis habent usuagium pasture herbe in foresta nostra que dicitur Rabiosa, tantummodo ad animalia unius grangie, que dicitur Grangiaa de Logiis, sed non poterunt in ea pascere porcos. In cuius rei memoriam, presentes litteras annotari fecimus et sigilli nostri munimine roborari. Actum apud Vallem Lucentem, anno Gratie Mo CCo Vicesimo Tercio, mense Ianuario. 231 1227 (o. st.), March. No location. Robert, bishop of Troyes, makes known that Luce de Rigny spontaneously recognized that she conferred in perpetual alms to the church of Vauluisant a certain tithe that she held at Dierry-Saint-Pierre. This conferral was confirmed by Jean, cleric, her son, and Garnier Chaudron, miles, from whom the tithe was held in fief. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 55r-v Script E B. Original, AD Yonne, H 722. 7.2 x 13.4 cm. Related Charters: 251, 252, 260, 267, 279, NC31, NC39. De decima de Direio Beati Petri quam Luca de Rigni dedit ecclesie Vallis Lucentis [R]obertus, miseratione divina Trecensis ecclesie minister humilis, omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis in Domino salutem. Noverint universi quod, in nostra presentia constituta, Luca de Regniaco spontanea recognovit se in perpetuam elemosinam contulisse ecclesie Vallis Lucentis quandam decimam quam habebat apud Dirreium Sancti Petri. Quam collationem, Iohannes, clericus, filius eius, et Garnerus Chaderuns, miles, de cuius feodo decima predicta movebat, sicut idem miles dicebat, in nostra {55va}presentia laudaverunt. In cuius rei testimonium et munimen, presentes litteras sigillo nostro fecimus roborari, salvo in omnibus iure nostro.b Actum anno Domini Mo CCo Vicesimo Septimo, mense Marcio.c a. grangia]grangie ex corr. A. c. Marcio]Martio B. b. salvo in omnibus iure nostro. om. A. 232 1195 (o. st.). No location. Garnier, bishop of Troyes, makes known that a dispute (discordia) was held between the brothers of the church of Vauluisant and Houduin de Saint-Benoist[-sur-Vanne], miles, and Gautier, his son, over certain complaints (querelis). Finally a compromise was made by Garnier de Bucey[-en-Othe], Herbert de Méry[-sur-Seine, sed seu -sur-Arce] and Itier de Flacy, milites, who were neighbors. They determined that all borders of the 294 woods that are around the fields of the monks through the division of that hill which is called li Tuers just as it extends from Armentières towards the village called Planty, will remain with the brothers of Vauluisant freely and without protest. Moreover, because they had disagreements concerning pasturage, the milites judged that because there was an old village in the place where the grange of Armentières now sits, which was said that the grace (gratiam) of the neighborhood (proximity) permitted the neighboring villages of Saint-Benoist[-sur-Vanne] and Courmononcle to extend into the pasturage of the village, and for the village to accept pasturage from them.131 they offer their statement that this arrangement, just as it had been maintained from the past, they could receive in the pasturage of the others (lit. to receive alternately in pasturage) not by right or custom, but rather freely and by liberality. But if either party should not desire this, one party will refraint from the other. Also, concerning the alder thicket (alnetum Fr. aulnoy), it was said that Houduin and his son should retain their investiture of it. Moreover, the monks are not in any way able to claim the alder thickets no matter where they wish to legally test their rights (ubicumque vellent de iure suo experiri). A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fos. 55v - 56r Script E. B. Original lost. Compromissio de querela Huduini et Galteri de Sancto Benedicto [Garnerius], Dei gratia Trecensis episcopus, omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis salutem in vero salutari. Noverit universitas vestra quod cum discordia diu habita fuisset inter fratres ecclesie Vallis Lucentis et Hulduinum de Sancto Benedicto, militem, et [[et]] Galterum, filium eius, super quibusdam querelis, tandem ex utraque parte compromissum fuit in Garnerum de Buciaco, et Herbertum de Meriaco, et Iter[um] de Flaciaco, milites, qui vicini erant, huic negotio terminando. Qui siquidem inquisita diligentius rei veritate, pensatis utriusque partis meritis, in hoc uniformiter convenerunt: quod omnes extremitates nemoris que continebantur circa agriculturas predictorum fratrum per divisionem illius monticuli qui vulgaliter dicitur li Tuers, sicut protenditur a parte Hermenteriarum versus villam que {55vb}dicitur Planteiz, predictis fratribus libere et absque reclamatione in perpetuum remanerent. Preterea, quia querelas habebant de pasturis, arbitrati sunt predicti milites quia cum antiquitus fuisset villa in loco ubi grangia Hermenteriarum nunc sedet, que vicinis villis de Sancto Benedicto et de Cormononcle in pasturis dicebatur suis vicinitatis gratiama impendisse et ab eisdem accepisse, dictum suum exinde proferentes quia sicut a[b an]tiquo facere consueverant se [[se]] possent recipere in pasturis alternatimb in posterum, non de iure vel consuetudine, sed de liberalitate et gratia. Quod si nollent, utraque pars a parte alterius abstinebit. De alneto quoque, dictum fuit quod Hilduinus et filius eius investitura remanerent. Fratres autem nichilominus possent alnetum reclamare ubicumque vellent de iure suo experiri. Quod quia predicti milites, Galterus et Hulduinus, Iterus, nobis testificati sunt nos auditis testimonium perhibentes, hoc ipsum ad peticionem fratrum scribi et sigilli nostri fecimus [[mun]]munimine confir-{56ra}-mari. Actum anno Domini Mo Co Nonagesimo V. a. seu grangiam (ex abbv: gram). b. alternatim]alternatum ex corr. A. 131This clause is extremely difficult to translate or grasp. My interpretation, namely that in the past the village that was replaced by Armentières shared pasturage rights with its neighbors of Courmononcle and Saint-Benoist-sur-Vanne, is certainly not the only one possible. 295 233 1186, December 19. Marigny[-le-Châtel] Garnier, dominus of Traînel makes known that Geoffroy, the son of Rigaud de Trancault and Emeline, his wife, from whom the inheritance comes, gave to the church of Vauluisant what they possess by right of inheritence of Domina Nona de Villemaur, her son, Pierre, and her daughter, Felicité (who was the mother of Emeline), namely a quarter part of the woods (and plains) of Bouloy, Gerbeaux, Bosse and Brosse, and 3 parts of land in Valle Vinart next to Bouloy. They also confirmed whatever the church of Vauluisant possessed from either of their inheritance. All this Felix, their son, who was the only speaking heir (heredem loquentem) that they had, confirmed. Garnier also notes that Houduin, cleric, son of Aleum, maior of Marigny[-le-Châtel], sold a certain house in the square (in foro) of Marigny[-le-Châtel]. His brothers Etienne, the maior, and Jean, and Petronilla, Etienne's wife, confirmed this. Etienne, Maior, sold a certain plot which was attached to that house. This sale was confirmed by the same group of brothers and wife. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 56r Script E. B. Original, AD Aube, 10 H 2. 13.8 x 26.5 cm. Ind: Roserot I:211, III:1504. Related Charter: 235, NC39. Gaufridus de Tranquillo quitat hereditatem None de Villemor [I]n nomine sancte et individue Trinitatis. Ego Garnerus,a dominus Triagnelli,b notum facio presentibus et futuris quod Gaufridus, filius Rigaut de Tranquel, et Emelina, uxor eius, a qua procedebat hereditas, in presentia mea laudaverunt Deo et ecclesie Vallislucentis et fratribus inc ibi servientibus quicquid ipsi possidebant de hereditate iure Domine None de Villemor et Petri, filii eius, et Felicitatis, filie eius, que mater predicte Emeline fuit, scilicet quartam partem nemorum et planorum, quorum aliud dicitur Booloit,d aliud Iarbeel,e aliud Bocies,f aliud Brocia. Dederunt insuper predicta ecclesia quicquid habebant in tribus partibus terre que est in Valle Vinart iuxta Boolei. Laudaverunt etiam quicquid predicta ecclesia de utriusque hereditate possidebat. Hoc totum laudavit Felix, filius eorum, quem solum heredem loquentem habebant. Huius rei testes sunt: Garnerius de Tranquoil, {56rb}frater predicti Gaufridi; Girardus de Paisi, patruus predicte Emeline. Notifico etiam quod Hulduinus, clericus, filius Aleumi,g maioris Marigniaci, vendidit quandam domum que est in foro Marigniaci fratribus predicte ecclesie. Hoc laudaverunt fratres eius, Stephanus maior, et Iohannis, et Petronilla, uxor predicti Stephani. Et ipse Stephanus vendidit quandam plateam que predicti domui adherebat. Hoc laudaverunt fratres eius, Hulduinus et Iohannes, et uxor eius, Petronilla. Huius rei testes sunt: Tebertus, capellanus Domini Garnerii; Girardus de Paisi; Gilo, miles Marigniaci. Et ut ratum et inconcussum permaneat, sigilli mei impressioneh munivi. Actum est hoc Marigniaci, anno incarnati Verbi Mo Co Octogesimo Sexto, quartodecimo kalendas Ianuarii. a. Garnerus]Garnerius B. d. Booloit]Booleiz B. g. Aleumi]Haleumi B. b. Triagnelli]Triangnelli B. e. Iarbeel]Iarbael B. h. impressione]in pressione B. c. in om. A. f. Bocies]Boceies B. 296 234 1198 (o. st.). No location. Anselm, dominus of Traînel, makes known that Godin de Courcelles conceded to the church of Vauluisant whatever he had in Bosse and Bouloy (woods around Rigny-leFerron), in plains and in woods, and the justice which pertained to him except the use of the woods which he retained for himself and his men. He swore that he would make this agreement to be confirmed by everybody it should and that he would carry the warranty. For which things he constituted Anselm to be responsible (responsalem . . . constituit) for up to 40 l. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 56r-v Script E. B. Original lost. Related Charters: 244, 248, 255, 270, 271, NC32. (The last two refer to this as a purchase) Godinus de Corcellis concessit Bocies et Booloi Vallilucenti [E]go Ansellus, dominus de Triagnel, notum facio, tam presentibus quam futuris, quod Godinus, miles de Corcellis, in presentia mea concessit ecclesie Vallis Lucentis quicquid habebat in {56va}Bociis et in Booloi, tam in bosco quam in plano, et iusticiam que ad eum pertinebat, preter usum nemoris quem sibi et hominibus suis retinuit. Et quod inde predicte ecclesie per omnia garantiam ferret et a quibuscumque et ubicumque deberet laudari faceret, in manu mea fiduciavit. Super hoc etiam me responsalem usque ad XL libras constituit. Quod ut ratum permaneat et inconcussum, litteras presentes scribi et sigillo meoa roborari feci. Actum anno Domini Mo Co XCo VIIo. a. meo]mei ex corr. A. 235 1188, July 2. No location. Garnier, dominus of Traînel, makes known that a controversy was disputed between Garnier, Thierry, and132 their brother, and the abbey of Vauluisant over three parts of land at Rigny in Valle Vinart, which their mother, Felicité, wife of Geoffroy, (on whom the inheritance of this land fell) and Pierre Chaudron, her brother, gave in alms to the abbey of Vauluisant. Garnier and his brother, denied that they confirmed this and brought much trouble (multas molestias) to the church. Garnier de Traînel, hearing this, coerced them to confess that they themselves confirmed this gift, and to confirm it again, and to promise themselves and Gilo, the father-in-law of Garnier, to carry the full warranty of this gift. In addition, they confirmed whatever the church possessed as of the day before (hodie) from the inheritance of their father and mother. If they should fail in any part of these terms, Garnier de Traînel and Garnier, his son, firmly promised to aid the abbey. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fos. 56v - 57r Script E. B. Original, AD Aube, 10 H 2. 30.4 x 8.5 cm. Related Charter: 233, 277, NC39. De tribus partibus terre in Valle Vinart approbatis In nomine sancte et individue Trinitatis. Ego Garnerius,a dominus Triagnelli, notum facio omnibus ad quos littere iste pervenerint quod controversia quedam vertebatur inter 132judging by the rhetoric of the charter, however, this and and the corresponding et in the document should not be there. 297 Garnerum, et Tierricum, et fratrem eius, et abbatiam Vallis Lucentis super tribus partibus terre que sunt apud Regniacum,b in Valle Vinart, in quibus mater eorum, Felicitas, uxor Gaufridi, a qua pendebat hereditas, et Petrus Chauderuns, frater ipsius Felicitatis, terciam partem pos-{56vb}-sidebant quam dederunt in elemosinamc abbatie Vallis Lucentis. Predictus vero Garnerus et frater eius hoc se laudasse negaverunt et multas ecclesie molestias intulerunt. Ego vero hoc audiens et ratione et censura ad hoc, coegi eos ut, et ipsi et se, donum hoc laudasse confiterentur etd iterum laudarent, et ipsi et Gilo, socer predicti Garneri, se contra omnes adversarios super hoc plenam garantiam cum fidei sacramento delaturos promitterent. Laudaverunt insuper quicquid de hereditate patris et matris eorum hodie predicta possidet ecclesia. Si autem in aliquo defecerint, ego et Garnerus, filius meus, nos adiutorium delaturos abbatie firmiter promittimus. Et ut ratum permaneat, sigilli mei impressione munivi. Actum est hoc anno incarnati Verbi Mo Co Octogesimo VIIIo, sexto nonas Iulii, his testibus: Pontius et Milo, monachi; Radulphus et Richerus, sacerdotes; Henricus de Donionee et Henricus Rufus,f {57ra}milites. a. Garnerius]Garnerus B. d. et]et et A. b. Regniacum]Reigniacum B. e. Donione]Dongone B. c. elemosinam]helemosinam B. f. Rufus]Ruffus B. 236 1186 (o. st.). Vénizy André de Vénizy relates that his men of Séant (Bérulles today) (listed below) asserted to have rights in the woods of the church of Vauluisant around the granges of Cérilly and les Loges, and to that end brought much violence and many damages to the church. Finally, the aforesaid men, led by penitence, recognized at Vénizy in the presence of André, his wife, Aledis,133 and his son, Gautier, that they had no usage rights in those woods except that of usage of charcoal (carbonagium) from dead wood of 2 capita ad terram, so that for every ax (securis), they pay 2 d. a month as charcoal fee (de carbonagio). And the brothers of Vauluisant will not abandon the giving, selling or clearing of the woods, or their conversion to pastures on account of this usage of charcoal. And only those men of Séant who were named in this charter have this usage right. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 57r Script E. B. Original lost. a. Quantin II, pp. 374-75, no. 364. After A. Related Charters: 72, 119, 122, 220, 226, 237, 269. Homines de Seant cognoverunt veritatem de usuario nemorum de Cereli [E]go Andreas, dominus de Veneisi, tam presentibus quam futuris notum fieri volo quod homines mei de Seant, scilicet Ansaudus, prepositus; et Reinaudus, filius eius; Christianus; et Robilardus, frater eius; Theobaudus Serviens; Reinaudus de Plesseio; Iosbertus de Chesoi; Herbertus Sarpeta, in omnibus nemoribus ecclesie Vallis Lucentis que adiacent in finibus grangie de Cereliaco et de Logiis, usuarium se habere asserebant et hac occasione predicte ecclesie multas violentias inferebant et plurima damna iniuste intulerunt. Tandem vero predicti homines, penitentia ducti, recognoverunt apud Veneisi in presentia mea et uxoris mee, Aledis, et filii mei, Gauteri, nullum usuarium in prefatis se habere nemoribus, preter carbonagium de mortuis lignis habentibus duo capita ad terram, ita tamen ut pro una securi, reddent fratribus Vallis Lucentis singulis mensibus duos denarios de carbonagio. {57rb}Nec propter hoc usum carbonagii dimittent fratres 133genitive of her name. 298 Vallis lucentis predicta nemora dare vendere rumpere et prateare. Sciendum denique est quod [[quod]] prenominati homines tantummodo habent usuarium in carbonagio, ceteri homines de Seant nullum omnino. Huius rei testes sunt: Alexander miles, Girardus Montons, Herbertus de Paent, Adam de Suevis, Chanart claviger. Factum est hoc anno incarnati Verbi, Mo Co Octogesimo Sexto. 237 1212 (o. st.). Séant. Gaucher de Joigny makes known that when his men of Séant (today Bérulles), namely Laurence Chaperon, Chrétien Pertuiset, Guibert Sutor, Rainaud Chaperon, Pierre Barbeguerre and others were seized cutting wood and timber in the woods of Cérilly which belonged to the church of Vauluisant, he commanded them to appear in his presence at Séant, with the brothers of Vauluisant also present. Having heard and fully understood arguments from both sides, he recognized that the men illegally cut in the woods and made them pay the forfeit immediately to the abbot who was present. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 57r-v Script E. B. Original lost. Related Charters: 72, 119, 122, 220, 226, 236, 269. De emenda facta pro eo quod iniuste fecuerant in nemoribus de Cereli [E]go, Gaucherii de Ioigniaco, notum fieri volo presentibus et futuris quod cum fratres Vallis Lucentis homines meos de Seanz, videlicet Laurentium Chaperon, Christianum Pertuiset, Guibertum Sutorem, Rainaudum Chaperon, Petrum Barbeguerre et quosdam alios de eadem villa cepissent in nemoribus de Cerelli que sunt ecclesie Vallis Lucentis, secantes ligna et marrenum, ego mandavi dictos homines apud Seant coram me, {57va}presentibus dictis fratribus Vallis Lucentis. Auditis igitur utrorumque rationibus et plenius intellectis, recognovi quod dicti homines in nemoribus supradictis iniuste secuerant et statim feci eos abbati qui presens erat emendare forefactum. In cuius rei memoriam, litteras istas scribi et sigilli mei feci appositione roborari. Actum anno Domini Mo CCo Duodecimo. 238 1188. Troyes. Henri [II], count palatine of Troyes, makes known that Berengar de Villemaur confirmed and conceded whatever his father, Dreux [Strabo?] gave to Vauluisant. Berengar's children, Dreux and Godefroy, also confirmed and conceded this donation. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 57v Script E. B. Original lost. a. Benton, #88bb. After A. Ind: D'Arbois de Jubainville, Histoire, v. III, p. 391, no. 371. Related 296, 307. Berengarius de Villa mauri approbat elemosinam pratris sui [E]go Henricus, Trecensium comes palatinus, notum facio presentibus et futuris quod quicquid Drogo, pater Berengarii de Villemauro, dedit deo et ecclesie Vallis Lucide in elemosinam, dictus Berengarius, filius suus, dicte ecclesie in perpetuum pacifice possidendum laudavit et concessit, nichil in ea ibidem deinceps reclamaturus. Hoc etiam liberi eius,a videlicet Drogo et Godefridus, laudaverunt et concesserunt. Quod ut notum 299 permaneat et ratum teneatur, litteris annotatum sigillo meo confirmavi. Actum {57vb}Trecis, anno incarnati Verbi M C Octogesimo Octavo. Datum per manum Haici, cancelarii, nota Petri. a. eius]sui a. 239 [1193 - 1201],134 December. Villeneuve[-l'Archevêque ?]. Joscelin, viscount of Joigny, writes to Garnier, bishop of Troyes, stating that he, just as other lords to whose dominion this pertains, confirms the peace and agreement made and ordered by Garnier between Vauluisant and the men of Rigny[-le-Ferron]. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 57v Script E. B. Original, AD Aube, 10 H 1. 7.6 x 9.3 cm. Related Charters: 241, 246-7. Vicecomes approbat compositionem factam per G[arnerium] Trecensem episcopum [R]everendo domino et patri suo, G[arnerius], Dei gratia Trecensis episcopo, Ioscelinus, vicecomes Iovigniacia salutem et devote dilectionis subiectionem.b Noverit excellentia vestra quod pacem et compositionem illam quam de hominibus Regniaci et de domo Vallis Lucentis fecistis et ordinastis, laudo, sicut alii domini quorum dominium ad hoc spectat, in quantum ad meam pertinet personam. Actum Ville Nove, mense Decembri. a. Iovigniaci]Ioviniaci B. b. et devote dilectionis subiectionem om. A. 240 1188 (o. st.). Sezanne. Henri [II], count palatine of Troyes, makes known that Jacques des Sièges released and quit his claim to whatever he was denying the brothers of Vauluisant in the woods of les Sièges so that the brothers will be permitted to make iron and tiles (laterem) there and sell them. Jacques constituted and supposited Henri as surety to the brothers for all these things. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fos. 57v - 58r Script E. B. Original, AD Yonne, H 674. 12.9 x 20.6 cm. Seal of Henri, count of Troyes. a. Benton, #88d. After B. Ind: D'Arbois de Jubainville, Histoire, v. 3, p. 393, no. 378; Bertrand Gille, "Cartulaire de la Sidérurgie Française," Revue d'histoire de la sidérurgie, v. 3, 1962. p. 250, no. 24;135 Verna, C., "La sidérurgie cistercienne en Champagne Méridionale et en Bourgogne du Nord (XIIe - XVe siècle)," pp. 207-12 in Flaran 3, l'économie cistercienne, 1981, Auch, 1983, p. 210 (indicates B). Related Charters: 218, 219, 225, 278. Iacobus de Eschegiis quitat controversias de nemoribus [E]go Henricus, Trecensium comes palatinus, notum facio presentibus et futuris quod quicquid Iacobus de Eschegiis fratribus Vallis Lucide in nemore de Eschegiis contradicebat eis liberum dimisit et quittum clamavit, ita quod predictis fratribus ibi ferrum et lat[e]rem facere et vendere licebit. Super hoc autem predictus Iacobus erga 1341193, beginning of Garnier's archiepiscopacy, Gams; 1202, Garnier's departure on Second Crusade in spring. 135I have not examined this source myself. 300 predictos fratres me plegiuma constituit etb supposu-{58ra}-it. Quod ut ratum permaneat, litteris annotatum sigillo meo confirmavi. Actum Sezannie,c anno Gratie,d Mo Co LXXX Octavo, datum per manum Guidonis, cancelarii. a. plegium]plegeio B. d. Gratie]Verbi incarnati B. b. constituit et om. Ba. c. Sezannie om. B. 241 1215 (o. st.), January. No location. Adam Heirons and Nicholas de Chenanville, milites and baillivi, make known that the men of Rigny[-le-Ferron] in their presence recognized that they have no usage rights nor legal rights in the woods of the monks of Vauluisant, namely in the woods of Tronchoy, Marnecreuse and Bosse. And because of the recognition of the aforesaid men, and the privileges of the monks which were shown to them, the baillivi prohibit the men not to presume to bother the monks of Vauluisant in any way over those woods. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 58r Script E. B. Original lost. Related Charters: 239, 246-7. Homines Regniaci cognoverunt quod non habebant usum in nemoribus [A]dam Heirons et Nicholaus de Chenanvilla, milites et ballivi, universis presentes litteras inspecturis salutem. Universitati vestre notum facimus quod homines de Regniaco, in presentia nostra constituti, recognoverunt se nullum usuarium, nec aliquid iuris habere in nemoribus monachorum de Vallelucente, videlicet in [[in]] nemore de Troncheio, nec in nemore de Mane Crose, sive in nemore de Bociis. Et propter recognicionem hominum predictorum et propter privilegia monachorum nobis ostensa, inhibuimus sepedictis hominibus, ne de cetero monachos de loco predicto super predictis nemoribus aliquo modo vexare presumerent. Quam ad peticionem ipsorum hominum, presentes lit[te]ras sigillorum nostrorum munimine in testimonio robora-{58rb}-vimus. Actum anno Domini, Mo CCo Quintodecimo, mense Ianuarii. 242 1213, July. No location. Adam Heirons, miles of the lord king of the Franks, and baillivus, make known that dispute (contentio) was had between the prepositus of Villemaur and the monks of Vauluisant over a certain holding (tenetura) which Gautier Damoiseau,136 gave to the monks. He determines that the monks have held that holding in peace. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 58r Script E. B. Original lost. Related Charter: 66, 248, 250, 282. De teneura Galteri lo Damoisel que in pace possessa fuit aliquando [A]dam Heirons, miles domini regis Francorum et ballivus, universis presentes litteras inspecturis salutem et amorem. Noverit dilectio vestra quod contentio erat inter prepositum de Villemauri, ex una parte, et monachos de Valle Lucente, ex altera, super 136Perhaps the Latin domicellus would be used here, but the text uses the vernacular term, suggesting that it is not a title, but rather a name. 301 quadam tenetura quam Galterus Damoisias eisdem monachis dederat. Ego vero de contentione inquisivi eosdem monachos predictam tenituram in pace tenuisse. Actum anno Gratia Mo CCo Terciodecimo, mense Iulii. 243 1226, June. No location. Erard de Brienne makes known that Thibaut de Cuichet, miles, called Huret, gave conceded and confirmed to the church of Vauluisant vineyards with a winepress at les Lames, which from his cens, on the condition that the brothers of the church pay to him (Thibaut) the cens at the customary time and place. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 58r-v Script E. B. Original lost. Theobaldus Huret approbat vineas et torcular[em] de Lamis ecclesie Vallis Lucentis [E]go, Erardus de Brena, notum facio omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis quod Theobaldus de Cuicheto, miles, dictus Huret, in [[in]] mea presentia constitutus, concessit et laudavit ecclesie Vallis Lucentis vineas cum torculari de Lamis, que sunt de censu suo libere et pacifice possiden-{58va}-das, conditione tali apposita: quod fratres dicte ecclesie reddent eidem Teobaldo censum de vineis et torculari loco et tempore. Quod ut ratum et firmum habeatur, ad peticionem partium, munimine sigilli mei feci roborari. Actum anno Domini Mo CCo Vicesimo Sexto, mense Iunio. 244 1206, July 23-29.137 No location. Jobert de Ponte, officialis of the Sens curia, makes known that Godin [de Courcelles?], miles of Rigny[-le-Ferron], confessed that he had quit to the monks of Vauluisant whatever he claimed (reclamabat, in the sense of having made a legal demand for something denied) in the woods of Bosse, which is called Tronchoy by another name. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 58v Script E. B. Original, AD Yonne, H 706. 10.0 x 13.2 cm. Related Charters: 35, 234, 248, 255, NC32. Godinus miles de Rigni quitat nemus de Boceiis [M]agister Iosbertus de Ponte, curie Senonensis officialis, omnibus ad quos littere iste pervenerint in Domino salutem. Universitati vestre notum facimus quod Godinus, miles de Regniaco, coram nobis constitutus, confessus est se monachis Vallis Lucentis in perpetuum quittasse quicquid in nemore de Boceis, quod Tronchetum alio nomine nuncupatur, reclamabat. In cuius rei memoriam, presentes litteras notari fecimus et sigillo Senonensis curie sigillari. Actum anno Gratie Mo CCo VIo, in octavis Beate Marie Magdalene. 245 137July 23-29, the octave of the feast of Saint Mary Magdalene (July 22). While this term does carry the meaning of the seven days following a feast, it can also mean the day one week after the feast. Hence, it is my opinion that this charter was most likely dated July 29. 302 1206 (o. st.), February 23. No location. Jobert de Ponte, officialis of the Sens curia makes known that Jean des Sièges, called Rex, and Alice, his wife, gave in alms to the brothers of Vauluisant their house with an attachment (porprisa) adjacent to the house at les Sièges under the condition that they will hold the house with the holding (tenetura) for as long as they will live. After their death, it will freely and peacefully devolve on the brothers. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 58v Script E. B. Original lost. Related Charter: NC27. Iohannes dictus Rex dedit domum suam sitam apud Eschegias cum porpriso Magister Iosbertus de Ponte, Senonensis curie officialis, omnibus pre-{58vb}-sentes litteras inspecturis, in Domino salutem. Noverint universi quod constituti in presentia nostra, Iohannes de Eschegiis, dictus Rex, et Aalesia, uxor eius, dederunt in elemosinam fratribus de Vallelucenti domum suam sitam apud eschegias, cum porprisa eidem domui adiacente, tali tamen condicione: quod dicti Iohannes et Aalesia, uxor eius, eandem domum cum [[cum]] tenetura quamdiu vivent tenebunt; post decessum vero eorum ad fratres prenominatos libere et quiete devolvetur. In cuius rei testimonium, presentem cartam sigillo curie Senonensis fecimus roborari. Actum in crastino Catedre Sancti Petri, anno incarnati Verbi Mo CCo VI. 246 1207, July. No location. Jobert de Ponte, officialis of the Sens curia, makes known that the parishioners of Rignyle-Ferron, men of the lord king, and the monks of Vauluisant, having litigated in his presence over usage rights of the woods called Marnecreuse (Tronchoy), with the consent of both parties they both promised to put their litigation to the judgment of Pierre, priest, and Hubert [le Grand?], prepositus, of Rigny, and swore to put into act whatever they determined by legitimate means. The judges brought forth their ruling, determining that the men possess no rights in the aforesaid woods, which the men of Rigny themselves knew by the confession of the parishioners, saying that they had in no usage rights in any part of the woods, and that they presumptuously and without reason presumed to attack and vex those monks concerning these matters. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 58v - 59r Script E. B. Original, AD Aube, 10 H 2. 10.3 x 19.2. Ind: Roserot, III:1265. Related Charters: 239, 241, 247, 251-2, 257. Parrochiani de Regni cognoverunt se nil habere in nemus Mordecroise [M]agister Iosbertus de Ponte, Senonensis curiea officialis, omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis in Domino salutem. Noverint universi quod, litigantibus coram nobis, parrochianis de Regniaco, hominibus domini regis, ex una parte, et monachis de Vallis Lucentis, {59ra}ex alia, super usuario nemoris quod vocatur Mordecroise, tandem de consensu partium, compromiserunt in Petrum, presbiterum, et Hubertum, prepositum, de Regniaco ratum habituri, fide prestita quicquid ab eisdem arbitris facta legitima inquisitione et veritate cognita plenius compositione vel iudicio, actum esset. Dicti vero arbitri, veritate diligenter inquisita et cognita, dictum suum protulerunt, dicentes dictos homines nichil iuris in memorato nemore possidere, quod etiam per confessionem dictorum parrochianorum didicerunt, recognoscentium se in nemore illo vel usuariob 303 nemoris nullam portionem vel iuridationem optinere et quod eosdem monachos super hoc presumptuose et sine ratione impeterec et vexare presumpserunt. Quod ratum esse volentes, presentem paginam fecimus adnotari et sigillo curie Senonensis roborari. Actum anno Gratie Mo CCo VIIo, mense Iulio. a. curie om. A. c. impetere]inpetere B. b. vel usuario]vel in usuario add. B. 247 1206 (o. st.). No location. Pierre Tosquin makes known that his two sons, Maherus and Pierre, and also Jean de Perrucheio have ratified the agreement made by the Venerable Garnier, bishop of Troyes, between the men of Rigny[-le-Ferron] and the brothers of Vauluisant over the division of the woods of Tronchoy and Marnecreuse and other things, as it is contained in the charter of that bishop. Laura, the wife of Maherus, Petronilla, the wife of Pierre, and Adeline, the wife of Jean confirmed this gift. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 59r Script E. B. Original, AD Aube, 10 H 1. 11.6 x 14.3 cm. Related Charter: 239. 241, 246. Petrus Tosquinus approbat compositionem inter homines de Regni et Vallem Lucentem {59rb}[E]go Petrus Tosquinus notum facio, tam futuris quam presentibus, quod duo filii mei, Maherus, videlicet, et Petrus, necnon et Iohannes de Perrucheio gratam habent in omnibus et ratam compositionema et pacem factamb per Virum Venerabilemc Garnerum, Trecensem episcopum, inter fratres Vallis Lucentis et homines de Regniaco super divisione nemoris de Tronchoi, et de Marne Cruese, et aliis rebus, sicut in autentico prefati Garneri, episcopi, continetur. Hanc etiam compositionem et pacem laudavit Lora, uxor Maheri, Petronilla, uxor Petri, Adelina, uxor Iohannis. Quod ut ratum permaneat et nulla possit malignitate perverti, presentes litteras scribi et sigilli mei impressione muniri faci. Actum anno Domini Mo CCo Sexto. a. compositionem]composicionem B. c. virum venerabilem.]venerabilem virum B. b. et pacem factam]factam et pacem trp. A. 248 1207 (o. st.). No location. Anselm, dominus of Traînel, makes known that Godin [de Courcelles], miles, sold to Gautier Damoiseau of Rigny[-le-Ferron] 20 s. in cens, a bichetum of oats and 4 d. which Gautier owed Godin in cens from lands and possessions that Gautier held from Godin. And Gautier bought these things from Godin on the condition that same Godin quit to him that cens and that of the church of Vauluisant to which church Gautier then gave it [the cens] in alms, with the assent and approval of Godin. The same Godin quit to the church of Vauluisant the feudal rights of the lands and possessions noted and whatever Gautier held from him, whether from his feudal rights or not, and conceded all this in perpetuity. Godin also swore that he would carry the warranty to Gautier and the church. Bancelina, his wife, and their children confirmed and conceded all these things. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 59r-v Script E. 304 B. Original lost. Related Charters: 33, 66, 234, 244, 245, 250, 255, 282, NC32-3. Godinus quitat feodum sive non feodum de elemosina Galteri Damiselli. [E]go, Ansellus, dominus Trianguli, notum facio universis kartam istam visuris quod Godinus, miles, vendidit Galtero Damisello de Regiaco viginti solidos et unum {59va}bichet avene et quatuor denarios, quos ipse Galterus debebat eidem Godino de censu de terris et possessionibus quas Galterus tenebat de feodo Godini, sicut Godinus dicebat. Et ipse Galterus supradictum censum, scilicet predictos viginti solidos, et bichetum avene, et quatuor denarios emit a Godino tali conditione: quod isdem Godinus quitavit ei censum illum et ecclesie Vallis Lucentis, cui Galterus dedit illum in elemosinam, de assensu et [[et]] voluntate ipsius Godini. Et quittavit isdem Godinus ecclesie Vallislucentis feodum terrarum et possessionem memoratarum et quicquid Galterus tenebat de eo, sive de feodo suo esset sive non esset, et concessit eidem ecclesie terras ipsas et possessiones quas Galterus dedit in elemosinam ipsi ecclesie, et censum et feodum, pacifice perpetuo possidendum. Fiduciavit etiam Godinus, me presente, quod ipse portabit inde garantisiam Galtero et ipsi ecclesie contra omnes illos quos debebat . . . . {59vb}Hec omnia laudaverunt et concesserunt Bancelina, uxor Godini, et liberi eorum. Actum et sigilli mei attestatione munitum anno Domini Mo CCo VIIo. 249 1219, July. No location. Jean de Bouilly (seu Boulay) and Beatrix, his wife, make known that they gave for the redemption of their souls, 5 s. annual payment to be received each year from their payments at Pâlis. If they are not able to acquire all 5 s. from this source, the remainder will be acquired from other payments of theirs. Beatrix (ego), from whom the aforenoted payments at Pâlis moved, confirmed and conceded this. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fos. 59v - 60r Script E. B. Original, AD Yonne, H 766. 10.2 x 12.6. Faded. Iohannes de Boolio dat quinque solidos annuatim percipendos apud Paleiz Nos Iohannes, milesa de Booliaco, et Beatrisx,b uxor eius, notum facimus universis presentes litteras inspecturis quod nos dedimus, pro redemptione animarum nostrarum, in perpetuam elemosinam ecclesie Beate Marie Vallislucentis quinque solidos annui redditus percipiendos singulis annis in redditibus nostris de Paleiz. Quod sic supradicti quinque solidi de supradictis redditibus nostris de Paleiz perfici non poterunt, de aliis redditibus nostris perficientur. Hoc laudavi et concessi ego, Beatrix, de qua supradicti redditus de Paleiz movent. Huius rei testes sunt: Felix, presbiter de Lailiaco;d Robertus et Iacobus, monachi; Garnerus; Herbertus de Vilerbonex ete Henricus de Noes, milites, in quorum presentia suprascripta donatio facta {60ra}fuit. Quod ut ratum habeatur et firmiter observetur, ego, Iohannes, presentem cartam scribi feci et sigilli mei munimine roborari. Actum anno Gratie, M CCo Nonodecimo, mense Iulio. a. miles om. A. d. Lailiaco]Laliaco B. b. Beatrisx]Beatrix B. e. et om. A. c. si om. A. 305 250 1206, December 12. Monday. No location. Master Jobert de Ponte, officialis of the Sens curia, notes that Gautier Damoiseau [de Rigny-le-Ferron], and Emengard, his wife, quit in perpetual alms all their possessions to the monastery of Vauluisant under the condition expressed and conceded that they enjoy the fruits of them as long as they will be in the world (quamdiu erunt in seculo). But after the deaths of both Gautier and Emengard, their possessions will fully devolve to Vauluisant. And if meanwhile they should surrender their goods, the monastery of Vauluisant will be held to provide them with all their necessities. Eudes le Grand and Humbert, his brother, nephews of Emengard, confirmed this gift in alms in the presence of Jobert. And Jobert states that he knew from their testimony that all the sons and daughters of Eudes confirmed. And Felicius, son of the deceased Girard, and nephew of Emengard, and all his sons and daughters freely conceded and confirmed the aforesaid alms. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 60r Script E. Crossed out. B. Original lost. Related Charters: 66, 171(?), 214, 242, 248, 252, 282, MC5. Galterus domicellus quitat possessiones suas ecclesie Vallis Lucentis [M]agister Iosbertus de Ponte, Senonensis curie officialis, omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis salutem in Domino. Constituti in presentia nostra, Gauterus Domicellus et Emengardis, uxor eius, omnes possessiones suas quittaverunt monasterio Vallis Lucentis et in perpetuam elemosinam donaverunt, tali conditione expressa et concessa: quod in vita sua fructus inde percipiant quamdiu erunt in seculo. Sed post eiusdem Gauteri decessum et dicte uxoris eius obitum, omnes eorum possessiones, tam in terris quam in pratis et mobilibus, ad dictum monasterium libere devolvetur. Et si interim sua dimiserint, dictum monasterium tenebitur eis necessariis omnibus provideri. {60rb}Hanc etiam elemosinam Odo Magnus et Umbertus, frater suus, dicte Ermengardis nepotes, coram nobis laudaverunt. Et sicut ex quorundam testimoniis didicimus, omnes filii et filie dicti Odonis laudaverunt. Et Felicius, filius defuncti Giraudi et nepos dicte Emengardis, et omnes eius filii et filie, prefatam elemosinam concesserunt libere et laudaverunt. Actum anno Gratie Mo CCo VI. Datum per manum notarii, secunda feria post festum Beati Nicholai. 251 1210, November. No location. Master Philippe, officialis of the Sens curia, makes known that Hubert le Grand de Rigny[-le-Ferron] recognized that he gave in perpetual alms to the church of Vauluisant one minellum of oats to be paid annually on the feast of the Holy Cross in September (feast of the Exaltation of the Cross, September 14) and 10 d. of cens to be received in the aforesaid town from the houses of Jean Sarracen, Jacques Carum Tempus, and Domina Luce and in the lands of Pierre Brotin and Geoffroy Groslet. Moreover, Hubert assigned 14 d. cens to be paid each year on the same feast from two houses with dependencies and two garden-plots (oschiis) which he held in allod in the same town. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 60r-v Script E. B. Original lost. Related Charters: 231, 246, 252, 257, 260, 267, 279. 306 Hubertus Magnus de Regni dat duos solidos census et minellum avene [M]agister Philippus, curie Senonensis officialis, omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis in Domino salutem. Noverint universi quod Hubertus Magnus de Regniaco, in nostra presentia constitutus,a recognovit se dedisse ecclesie Vallislucentis in perpetuam elemosinam unum minellum avene annuatim reddendum in festo Sancte Crucis in Septembri et decem denarios censuales quos singulis annis ipse percipierit {60va}in predicta villa, videlicet in domibus Iohannis Sarraceni, et Iaqueti Carum Tempus, et Domine Lucie, et in terris Petri Brutim, et Gaufridi Groslet, annuatim reddendos ad predictum festum Sancte Crucis in Septembri. Preterea, dictus Hubertus, pro duabus domibus cum appendiciis suis et duabus ochiis terre, quas ipse in memorata villa de allodio tenebat, et quam de dicta ecclesia nomine census tenere volebat, assignavit eidem ecclesie quatuordecim denarios censuales singulis annis reddendos ad dictum festum Sancte Crucis in Septembri. Quod autem audivimus et coram nobis recognitum est, ad preces dicti Huberti sine preiudicio alterius, sub sigillo curie Senonensis testificamur. Actum anno Gratie Mo CCo Decimo, mense Novembri. a. constitutus]constiutus ex corr. A. 252 1213, July. No location. Master Philippe, officialis of the Sens curia, notes that Eudes le Grand recognized that he conferred in perpetual alms to the church of Vauluisant 9 d. and 4 boisselli of oats of cens to be received annually at Rigny[-le-Ferron], namely: 3 d. and 1 boissellus from the manse in which the barn of Luce widow of Bartholomé is situated, 1 d. and 1 boissellus of oats from the manse of Hubert, prepositus, above the spring, 1 d. and 1 boissellus of oats from the manse of Jacques next to that of Hubert, 1 d. and 1 boissellus of oats from the manse of Sarracen adjoining the same manse of Jacques, 2 d. from the meadow of the widow of Jobert Belvete which is in front of the mill, 1 d. from the land of Pierre Brotin by the cross. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 60v Script E. B. Original lost. Related Charters: 231, 251, 260, 267, 279 (Luce, widow), 246, 251-3, 257 (Hubert), MC5 (Eudes). Hu[bertus]a Magnus dedit IX denarios et quatuor boisellos avene [M]agister Philippus curie senonensis officialis omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis in Domino salutem. Noverint universi quod constitutus in presentia nostra Odo, dictus mag-{60vb}-nus, recognovit se novem denarios et quatuor boisellos avene censuales quos apud Regniacum annuatim percipiebat, videlicet tres denarios et unum boissellum avene in masura in qua sedet granchia Lucie, relicte Bartolomei; in masura Huberti, prepositi, sita super fontem, unum denarium et unum buissellum avene; in masura Iaqueti sita iuxta eandem masuram Huberti, unum denarium et unum boissellum avene; in masura Sarrazini eidem masure Iaqueti contigua, unum denarium et unum boissellum avene; in prato relicte Ioberti Belvere sito ante molendinum, duos denarios et in terra Petri Brotin sita ad crucem, unum denarium, ecclesie Vallislucentis in elemosinam perpetuam contulisse. Quod autem coram nobis recognitum est, ad petitionem partium sine preiudicio alterius, sub sigillo curie Senonensis testificamur. Actum anno Gratie Mo CCo Terciodecimo, mense Iulio. a. sic legens rubrica. 307 253 1224, November. No location. Master Michel, officialis of the Sens curia, makes known the Jean, viscount of Rigny[-leFerron], and Jacquin, his son, in his (Michel's) presence, and Adeline, the wife of Jean, Viscount, and Eustachie, the wife of Jacquin, in the presence of the deacon of the Vanne Basin, confirmed and conceded the half-modius of grain in annual p'ayment which the decease Juliana, former daughter of said viscount, was said to have given in perpetual alms to the brothers of Vauluisant, to be received each year from the mill of Molinons. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 61r Script E. B. Original, AD Yonne, H 755. 6.0 x 18.1 cm. Related Charters: 282 (?), 285. {61ra}Iohannes vicecomes laudavit et concessit dimidium modium bladi [O]mnibus presentes litteras inspecturis, Magister Michael, curie senonensis officialis, in Domino salutem. Noverint universi quod Iohannes, vicecomes Regniaci,a et Iaquinus, filius suus, in nostra presentia, et Adelina, eiusdem Iohannis, vicecomitis, et Eustachia, ipsius Iaquini, uxores, in presentia decani Riparie,b quem ad hoc misimus audiendum constituti, laudaverunt et concesserunt dimidium modium bladi annui redditus quem defuncta Iuliana, quondam filia dicti vicecomitis, dicitur dedisse in perpetuam elemosinam fratribus Vallis Lucentis, annis singulis percipiendum in molendino de Molinundis.c Actum anno Gratie Mo CCo Vicesimo Quarto, mense Novembri. a. Regniaci]Reniaci B. b. Riparie]Ripparie B. c. Molinundis]Molinondis B. 254 1213, July. No location. Master Philippe, officialis of the Sens curia, makes known that Philippe de Flacy, miles, and Eremburgis, his wife, recognized that they conferred to Vauluisant the 2 sextarii of grain, namely 3 mina of wheat, and 1 of rye or barley, which they had annually received in terragium at Flacy from the monastery. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 61r Script E. B. Original lost. Philippus de Flaci dedit duos sextarios bladi: tres minas frumenti et I ordei [M]agister Ph[ilippus], curie Senonensis officialis, omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis, in Domino salutem. Noverint universi quod, constituti in presentia nostra, Phylippus de Flaciaco, miles, et {61rb}Eremburgis, uxor eius, recognoverunt se duos sextarios bladi, videlicet tres minas frumenti et unam minam ordei sive siliginis, quas in terragio ecclesie Vallis Lucentis de Flaciaco annuatim percipiebant, eidem ecclesie in elemosinam perpetuam contulisse. Actum anno Gratie Mo CCo terciodecimo, mense Iulio. 255 1219 (o. st.), January. No location. Master Hugues, officialis of Sens, makes known that Bancelina, widow of Godin de Courcelles, miles, recognized that she gave her harvest (messeriam) at Coulours (de Colatoriis) in perpetual alms and confirmed the donation of said Godin just as it was contained in the letter of deceased Anselm, former dominus of Traînel (#234 or 248). 308 A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 61r-v Script E. B. Original, AD Yonne, H 709. 8.3 x 15.3 cm. Related Charters: 35 (?), 234, 244, 248, NC32-3. Bancelina relicta Godini de Corcellis dedit messiriam de Coloors in elemosinam [O]mnibus presentes litteras inspecturis, Magister Hugo, officialis Senonensis, in Domino salutem. Noverint universi quod Bancelina, relicta Godini de Corcellis, militis, in presentia nostra constituta, recognovit se fratribus Vallis Lucentis messeriam suam de Colatoriis in perpetuam elemosinam donavisse, et laudavisse eisdem fratribus donationem quam dictus Godinus fecit eis, pro ut continebatur in litteris defuncti Anselli, quondam domini Trianguli. Que autem audivimus et recognitum fuit coram nobis, ad petitionem partium sine preiudicio alterius, sub sigillo Senonensis curie testificamur. Actum an-{61va}-no Mo CCo Octavodecimo, mense Ianuario. 256 1222, August. No location. X, the officialis of the curia of the archdeacon of Sens notes that Milo de Rigny, priest, gave and conceded, for the remedy of his soul, in perpetual alms to the brothers of Vauluisant lands in the parish of Rigny which he was said to have bought for 11 l. provinois in order to repair the church, from Jean, viscount of Rigny, Thierry, miles, Brocard, chaplain of Rigny, Geoffroy and Benoît, prepositi of Rigny, and three parishioners representing the community of parishoners, (all representing the church of Rigny), under the condition he be able to hold them for the rest of his life for a 20 s. annual payment. He also gave to the brothers of Vauluisant 6 l. provinois of annual payments from other lands at Rigny and in all holdings which he bought in the parish of Avrolles, so that if his heirs do not wish to pay, or are late in payment, the brothers may cultivate that land as their own. Moreover, the priest gave and conceded to the same brothers whatever he should acquire, movables or immovables, after his death. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fos. 61v - 62r Script E. B. Original, AD Aube, 10 H 1. 16.2 x 25.4. Ind: Roserot, III:1266. Translation: Appendix C. Related Charters: 259, 264, 268, 285. Elemosina Milonis presbiteri de Regni de terris a se acquisitis [O]mnibus presentes litteras inspecturis, . ., officialis curie Senonensis archidiaconi,a in Domino salutem. Noverint universi quod, in nostra presentia constitutus, Milo de Regniaco, presbiter, pro remedio anime sue, in perpetuam elemosinam dedit et concessit fratribus Vallis Lucentis terras in parrochia de Regni sitas quas se emisse dicebat a Nobili Viro Iohanne, vicecomite de Regni; Terrico, milite; Brocardo, capellano eiusdem ville; Gaufrido et Benedicto, prepositis; Martino Eve; Roberto de Nantreio et Mineto, parrochianis de Regni, de assensu parrochianorum de Regni, dicte ecclesie, pro undecim libris Pruvinensibus ad reparationem eiusdem ecclesie, terram, videlicet, sitam apud Gravon, aliam vero peciam terre sitam iuxta terras Terrici, militis, et aliam in Brocheriis, et aliam in Cormorino, et alteram in Loisio, et alteram subter vineam decani. Quam venditionem dice{61vb}-bat prefatus presbiter iamdictum vicecomitem et omnes alios iam nominatos laudasse et concessisse et etiam promisisse se super venditione illa dicto presbitero erga omnes garantiam debitam portaturos. Voluit tamen dictus presbiter ut prefatas terras dum viveret possideret, ita quod sepedictis fratribus viginti solidos annuatim persolvere teneretur. Dedit etiam presbiter 309 memoratus fratribus sepedictis sex libras Pruvinenses annui redditus in aliis terris quas habet apud Rigneium,b videlicet in terra que dicitur Campus Lamberti, et in terra quam emerat a Garnero, et in terra quam emerat a filio Iohannis, dicti Regis, et in terra que diciturc de Ardilleria, et in prato de vado, et in duabus petiis terre quas emit a filia defuncti Ansaudi, et in omni terra etd tenetura quam emit in parrochia de Evrolis,e singulis annis post mortem ipsius presbiteri percipiendas, ita tamen quod, si heredes presbiteri memorati dictas sex libras eisdem fratribus, pro ut superius expressum est, annuatim solve-{62ra}-ref noluerint, vel in aliquo anno in solutione dicte pecunie defecerint, dicti fratres omnes terras illas, tanquam suas, excolere valeant et eas in perpetuum quiete et pacifice possidere. Preterea, quecumque acquisierit sepedictus presbiter, tam mobilia quam immobilia, memoratis fratribus dedit et concessit post decessum ipsius libere occupanda et in perpetuum pacifice possidenda. Quod ut ratum et firmum permaneat, ad petitionem partiumg sine preiudicio alterius, presentem cartam conscribi fecimus et sigillo curieh archidiaconi Senonensis communiri. Actum anno Gratie Mo CCo Vicesimo Secundo, mense Augusto. a. Senonensis archidiaconi]archidiaconi Senonensis B. c. que dicitur om. B. d. terra et om. B. f. solvere]persolvere B. g. partium]parcium B. b. Rigneium]Regneium B. e. Evrolis]Evroliis B. h. curie]curi A. 257 1210 (o. st.). No location. Master Philippe, officialis of the Sens curia, makes known that Hubert de Rigny[-leFerron] gave in perpetual alms a certain piece of land and a certain meadow next to the leper house of Rigny to the monks of Vauluisant. After the gift of Hubert, the monks gave to him and to his heirs those holdings (teneturas) to possess for a cens of 12 d. paid on the feast of Holy Cross in September (Exaltation of the Cross, September 14). Geoffroy, the son of Hubert, who was present, confirmed and conceded this. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 62r Script E. B. Original lost. Related Charter: NC29. Hubertus de Regni dedit terram et pratum sita prope domum leprosorum [M]agister Philippus, curie Senonensis officialis, omnibus ad quos littere iste pervenerint in Domino salutem. Noverint universi quod Hubertus de Regniaco, in curia Senonense constitutus, recognovit se quandam terram et quoddam pratum sita iuxta domum leprosorum eiusdem ville monachis de Vallelucentiin perpe-{62rb}-tuam elemosinam donavisse. Dicti autem monachi post donum istud dederunt eidem Huberto et heredibus suis teneturas illas ad censum duodecim denariorum singulis annis, predictis monachis reddendorum ad festum Sancte Crucis in Septembri. Gaufridus, vero, filius predicti Huberti, qui presens erat, laudavit hoc et concessit. Quod autem a partibus audivimus, ad peticionem eorum sine preiudicio alterius, sub sigillo curie Senonensis testificamur. Actum anno Domini M. CC. Decimo. 258 1223 (o. st.), February 23. No location. The officialis of the Sens curia makes known that Pierre de Rigny-le-Ferron and Marie, his wife, gave in perpetual alms to the church of Vauluisant a certain piece of meadow at Rigny, 2 s. provinois cens in the parish of Rigny from manses held in chief from Marie 310 and 6 d. provinois cens from a certain house at Rigny, which (house) they held from the same abbot and convent. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 62r-v Script E. B. Original lost. Related Charter: 261. Petrus et Maria dederunt pratum et censum apud Rigni [O]mnibus presentes litteras inspecturis, officialis curie Senonensis, in Domino salutem. Noverint universi quod Petrus de Reniaco lo Ferrum et Maria, uxor sua, in nostra presentia constituti, quandam peciam prati apud Reniacum sitam et duos solidos Priuniensium censuales sitos in parrochia Reniaci super masuras de capite ipsius Marie et sex denarios Pruvinensium censuales super quandam domum apud ipsam villam sitam, quam {62va}domum tenent ab abbate et conventu Vallis Lucentis, dederunt in perpetuam elemosinam ecclesie Vallis Lucentis, fiduciantes quod, per se vel per alios, nullam in posterum super his questionem movebunt. Fiduciavit etiam mulier supradicta quod hoc faciebat spontanea non coacta. Quod autem audivimus et recognitum fuit coram nobis, ad petitionem partium sine preiudicio alterius, sub sigillo Senonensis curie testificamur. Actum anno Gratie Mo CCo Vicesimo Tercio, crastino Cathedre Sancti Petri. 259 1228, July 8. Saturday. No location. Master Michel, the officialis of the Sens curia, makes known that Thomas, nephew of the deceased Milo de Rigny, priest, quit all goods of the aforesaid Milo and whatever he had in them, willing, confirming and approving the bequest which Milo made to the church of Vauluisant and swearing that he would not raise a dispute over these things in the future. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 62v Script E. B. Original, AD Aube, 10 H 1. 7.5 x 12.4 cm. Related Charters: 256, 264, 285. Approbat Thomas elemosinam Milonis presbiteri de Regni avunculi sui [O]mnibus presentes litteras inspecturis, Magister Mychael,a curie Senonensis officialis, in Domino salutem. Noverint universi quod Thomas, nepos defuncti Milonis de Regniaco,b presbiteri, coram nobis constitutus, omnia bona predicti Milonis et quicquid ipse habebat in eis quittavitc in perpetuum, fide prestitad corporali de non reclamando, per se vel per alios, ecclesie Vallis Lucentis, volens, laudans et approbans lega-{62vb}tum quod dictus Milo fecerat ecclesie Vallis Lucentise supradicte. Actum anno Gratie Mo CCo Vicesimo Octavo, sabbato post octabas Apostolorum Petri et Pauli. a. Mychael]Michael B. d. prestita om. B. b. Regniaco]Reniaco B. e. Vallis Lucentis om. B. c. quittavit]quitavit B. 260 [1226 n. st.]138 1225, March 11. Wednesday. No location. Master Michel, officialis of the Sens curia makes known that Raoul de Chapelle-surOreuse, Emeline, his wife, and Jobert, their son, confirmed the alms that Luce de Rigny138The list of meadows, tithes, lands, houses, cens and customs matches exactly the nature of the goods Luce donated in #267 (October, 1225), hence this charter is logically subsequent, i.e. in 1226. 311 le-Ferron and Jean, cleric, her son, gave to Vauluisant in meadows, tithes, lands, houses, cens and customs, and swore to warranty these things. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fos. 62v - 63r Script E. B. Original, AD Aube, 10 H 1. 9.6 x 15.4-16.7 (top-bottom width) cm. Related Charters: 231, 251-2, 267, 279, NC31. Radulphus de Capella super Orosam approbat elemosinam Luce et Iohannis filii eius [O]mnibus presentes litteras inspecturis, Magister Michael curie Senonensis officialis, in Domino salutem. Noverint universi quod Radulphusa de Capella super Orosam, Emelina, uxor sua, et Iobertus, filius eorum, in nostra presentia constituti, elemosinam quam Luca de Regniaco lo Ferron et Iohannes, clericus, filius eius, fecerant ecclesie Vallis Lucentis, ut pote de pratis, decimis, terris, domibus, censibus et costumis, laudaverunt et concesserunt, fide prestita corporali quod, per se vel per alios, nullam in posterum super hisb questionem movebunt. Fiduciaruntque se pro posse suo garantiam debitam memorate ecclesie portaturos. Quod autem ab eisdem Radulpho,c Emelina et Iosberto audivimus, ad petitionem eorum sine pre-{63ra}-iudicio aliorum,d sub sigillo Senonensis curie testificamur. Actum anno Gratie Mo CCoe Vicesimo Quinto, die Mercurii post Brandones. a. Radulphus]Radulfus B. b. his]hiis B. preiudicio aliorum]sine aliorum preiuditio trp. B. c. Radulpho]Radulfo B. e. CCº]Cº B. d. sine 261 1224, August 28. (?)139 Monday. No location. Master Michel, officialis of the Sens curia makes known that Pierre Sutor and Marie l'Ardenoise, his wife, gave 3 s. and a full mina of customs from two houses at Rigny leFerron, one of which is that of Milo Strabo,140 the other that of Garin Cocheta, and one bichetum of oats fin custonms from the house which was that of the deceased Sarracen, also at Rigny. The 3 s. should be paid annually to the church on the feast of the Exaltation of the Cross (September 14) and the oats on the day after Christmas (December 26). A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 63r Script E. B. Original lost. Related Charter: 258. Petrus Sutor et Maria Lardenoise dant III solidos census apud Regni [O]mnibus presentes litteras inspecturis, Magister Michael, curie senonensis officialis, in Domino salutem. Noverint universi quod Petrus Sutor et Maria Lardenoise, uxor eius, in nostra presentia constituti, dederunt in perpetuam elemosinam ecclesie Vallis Lucentis tres solidos et plenam minam avene de constuma super duas domos sitas apud 139August 28, 1224, The Monday before the feast of Saint Loup. Since this document was issued by the officialis of Sens, I assumed that the feast indicated was that of Saint Loup of Sens (September 1). Other possible Saint Loups: Saint Loup of Troyes (July 29), Saint Loup of Soissons (October 19), Saint Loup of Lyon (September 25), Saint Loup of Chalon-sur-Saône (January 27), et. al. (Giry, p. 299). 140Technically, this and other references to the Strabos, a cadet branch of the Villemaur castellan clan, should be in non-italics to indicate the employ of a word directly from the charter Latin. I am reluctant to translate this title ("the Squinter") into French and without a reason to justify my reluctance. 312 Regniacum lo Ferron, quarum una est, ut dicitur, Milonis Strabonis et altera Garini Cocheta et unum bichetum avene de costuma super domum que fuit defuncti Sarrazin sitam apud eandem villam, videlicet Regniacum. Dicti autem tres solidi debent eidem ecclesie annuatim persolvi in Exaltatione Sancte Crucis et avena predicta in crastino Nativitatis Domini. Prefati vero Petrus et Maria, fide prestita, promiserunt quod, per se vel per alios, nullam in {63rb}posterum questionem movebunt. Fiduciavit etiam Maria supradicta quod hoc faciebat voluntate spontanea, non coacta, renuntians omni iuri quod habebat in dictis rebus ratione dotis, seu qualibet alia ex causa. Quod autem audivimus et recognitum fuit coram nobis, ad petitionem partium sine preiudicio alterius, sub sigillo Senonensis curie testificamur. Actum anno Gratie Mo CCo Vicesimo Quarto, die Lune ante festum Beati Lupi. 262 1223 (o. st.), February 23. No location. The officialis of the Sens curia notes that Vital, son of the deceased Felix de Rigny-leFerron, recognized that his father (Felix) had bequeathed a garden plot (ochia) of land at the cross of Rigny and his meadow called Loisy to the church of Vauluisant, willing, approving and conceding the bequest. Whence he divested himself of said land and meadow in the hands of the officialis and invested Giles de Rigny, conversus of Vauluisant, in the name of his church. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 63r-v Script E. B. Original lost. Related Charter: 263. Recognovit Vitalis quod pater suus dedit terram et pratum apud Rigneium [O]mnibus presentes litteras inspecturis, officialis curie Senonensis, in Domino salutem. Noverint universi quod Vitalis, filius defuncti Felisii de Regniaco lo Ferron, in nostra presentia constitutus, recognovit eundem Felisium, quondam patrem suum, ecclesie Vallis Lucentis quandam ochiam terre sitam ad crucem Reniaci et pratum suum de Loysiaco legavisse, ipsum legatum volens approbans et concedens. Unde devestivit se in manu nostra de dictis terra et {63va}[[et]] prato. Et nos, ad petitionem ipsius de eisdem fratrem Gilonem de Regniaco, conversum Vallis Lucentis, investivimus nomine ecclesie supradicte. Actum anno Gratie Mo CCo Vicesimo Tercio, mense Februario, crastino Cathedre Sancti Petri. 263 1223 (o. st.),141 March. No location. The officialis of the Sens curia makes known that the brothers of Vauluisant conceded to Vital, son of the deceased Felix de Rigny[-le-Ferron], for as long as he should live, 3 portions of meadow, a house and a garden which belonged to the deceased Felix (release), the land of Bosse, the land of Suptus-Brosse, the land of Grosse-Colle, the land above the Vanne, the field of Boraiis and the plot (oscha) of Loisy, situated at Rigny, under an annual cens of 2 s. provinois to be paid each year. After the decease of Vital, all the above will revert to the church of Vauluisant without any contradiction. The above holdings will not be permitted to come under another jurisdiction or potestas, nor may Vital transfer them to another without the consent of the church of Vauluisant. 141whatever the case, this charter makes sense to take place after #262. 313 A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 63v Script E. B. Original lost. Related Charter: 262. Concedimus Vitali filio Felisii quasdam terras ad vitam suam [O]mnibus presentes litteras inspecturis, officialis curie Senonensis, in Domino salutem. Noverint universi quod fratres Vallis Lucentis, in nostra presentia constituti, concesserunt Vitali, filio defuncti Felisii de Reniaco, quamdiu ipse vixerit tres portiones prati, quandam domum, ochiam que fuit defuncti Felisii, terram de Bocies, terram de Suptus Brociam, terram de Grosso Colle, terram que est super Vennam, campum de Boraus et oscham de Loysiaco, sitas apud Regniacum lo Ferron, sub annuo censu duorum solidorum Pruvinensium ecclesie Vallis Lucentis, annis singulis solvendorum in Exaltatione Sancte Crucis, ita tamen quod post descessum ipsius, omnia supradicta ad eandem ecclesiam sine contradic-{63vb}-tione aliqua libere revertentur. Predicte vero teneture in alterius dominium, vel iurisdictionem, sive potestatem transire non valebunt, nec ad alium, nisi de consensu prenominate ecclesie, idem Vitalis eadem poterit transferre. Quod autem audivimus et recognitum fuit coram nobis, ad petitionem partium sine preiudicio alterius, sub sigillo Senonensis curie testificamur. Actum anno Gratie Mo CCo Vicesimo Tercio, mense Marcio. 264 1225 (o. st.), February 23. No location. Master Michel, officialis of the Sens curia notes that Gautier, son of the deceased Gerbert, gave and conceded to the church of Vauluisant in perpetual alms a quarter part of the mill of Rigny[-la-Nonneuse] (located at Somme-Fontaine/St. Lupien) called Becherelle which devolved on him by escheat (ratione escasure) from the deceased Milo, priest of Rigny[-le-Ferron?]. Tecelina, the wife of Gautier, willed, conceded and approved this donation and surrender, renouncing all right that she may have had by reason of dower or escheat. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fos. 63v - 64r Script E. B. Original lost. Related Charters: 77, 81, 265; for Milo the priest of Rigny-le-Ferron: 256, 259, 285. De molendino de Reni quod dicitur Bocherellus quis dederit eum [O]mnibus presentes litteras inspecturis, Magister Michael, officialis curie Senonensis, in Domino salutem. Noverint universi quod Galterus, filius defuncti Girberti, in nostra presentia constitutus, dedit et concessit in perpetuam elemosinam ecclesie Vallis :Lucentis quartam partem cuiusdam molendini de Rigniaco qui vocatur Becherelli, que ad ipsum ratione escasure a defuncto Milone de Rigniaco, presbitero, devenerat, sicut dicebat. Et etiam quittavit dicte ecclesie {64ra}in perpetuum quicquid defunctus dictus Milo, presbiter, frater eiusdem Galteri, contulerat in elemosinam ecclesie supradicte, fiducians quod contra dictam donationem et quittationem, per se vel per alios, de cetero ullatenus non veniret. Hanc autem donationem et quittationem Tecelina, uxor dicti Galteri, voluit, concessit et approbavit, renuntians omni iuri si quod habet ratione dotis, escasure seu ex alia de causa, et fiduciavit quod hoc faciebat spontanea voluntate, non coacta, et quod contra donationem huiusmodi et quittationem, per se vel per alios, nullam de cetero questionem moveret. Quod autem audivimus et recognitum fuit coram nobis, ad petitionem partium sine preiudicio alterius, sub sigillo curie Senonensis testificamur. Actum anno Gratie Mo CCo Vicesimo Quinto, crastino Cathedre Sancti Petri. 314 265 [1226 n. st.] 1225, February 8.142 Sunday. No location. Master Michel, officialis of the Sens curia, notes that Herbert de Rigny-la-Nonneuse and Marie, his wife, gave in perpetual alms to God and the church of Notre-Dame de Vauluisant, 3 s. heavy money of Provins in annual cens paid each year on the feast of Saint Remy (October 1) from the following holdings: A meadow called Lanca, 12 d.; 2 pieces of land in Bumoren, 6 d. from each piece; the land of the path of the meadows (super terram semite pratorum), 3 d.; from the land au Murgier, 6 d.; a journal of land at Peeriam Villam, the remaining 3 d. They also gave 6 d. censuales from two annte of land situated near (ad) the road Garconiere. Moreover, they gave their half interest in the mill called Becherelle next to Somme-Fontaine (Saint-Lupien) for a pittance for the convent. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 64r-v Script E. B. Original, AD Yonne, H 784. 20.7 x 18.6 Related Charters: 77, 81, 125, 127, 264. Herbertus de Regniaco Lanonus dedit III solidos census super teneturas inferius nominata [O]mnibus presentes litteras inspecturis, Magister Michael, Curie seno-{64rb}-nensis officialis, in Domino salutem. Noverint universi quod Herbertus de Reniaco Lanonus et Maria, uxor sua, in nostra presentia constituta, Deo et ecclesie Beate Marie Vallis Lucentis dederunt in perpetuam elemosinam tres solidos Pruvinensesa fortium annui census super teneturas inferius subnotatas in festo Sancti Remigii annis singulis percipiendos apud Regniacum Lanonus, videlicet: super pratum quod dicitur Lanca, duodecim denarios; super duas petias terre sitas in loco qui dicitur Bumoremb totidem, ita quod super utramque peciam, sex denarios; tres denarios super terram semite pratorum; super terram au Murgier, sex denarios; tres denarios residuos super unum iornale terre situm ad Peeriam Villam. Dederunt insuper sex denarios eidem ecclesie in elemosinamc super duas hantasd terre sitas ad viam Garconieree censuales annuatim solvendos in supradicto festo. Dederunt etiam conventui eiusdem ecclesie in elemosinam quicquid habebant {64va}in molendino de Becherel, videlicet medietatem, scilicet pro pittantiaf ipsius conventus. Dicta vero mulier recognovit quod hoc faciebat spontanea, non coacta renuntians, omni iuri quod habebat in dictis rebus ratione dotis, seu qualibet alia ex causa, tam ipsa quam dictus Herbertus, fide prestita promittentes quod, per se vel per alios, nullam in posterum super hisg questionem movebunt. Dictum autem molendinum de Becherel situm est iuxta Summum Fontem. Quod a supradictis Herberto et Maria audivimus, ad petitionem eorum sine aliorum preiudicio, sub sigillo Senonensis curie testificamur. Actum anno Gratie Mo CCo Vicesimo Quinto, die Dominica post Purificationem Beate Marie. a. Pruvinenses]Priunenses A. b. Bumorem ex corr. A. c. insuper sex denarios . . . in elemosinam]insuper . . . in elemosinam sex denarios trp. B. d. hantas]anntas B. e. Garconiere]Gartoniere B. f. pittantia]pitancia B. g. his]hiis B. 1421226, New Style, February 8, the Sunday after the feast of the Purification of the Virgin (February 2); in 1225, February 2 fell on a Sunday. It would be hence highly irregular, but not unknown, to indicate such a date in this fashion instead of presenting the date as on the octave of the feast of the Purification. Of course, assuming no irregularity on the part of the scribes involved is by no means a definitive manner of determining the year. 315 At #215. 266 1229, July 27. No location 267 1225, October. No location. Master Michel, officialis of the Sens curia notes that Luce de Rigny-le-Ferron gave in perpetual alms to the brothers of Vauluisant the entire tithe that she had at Dierry[Saint-Pierre], her house in front of the church of Rigny, one piece of land at Rigny behind the viscount's house, and another piece of land in the valley of Séant. Jean de Rigny, cleric, son of Luce, similarly gave in perpetual alms to the same brothers whatever right he had in the aforesaid things and 8 s. provinois annual cens, 20 bicheta of oats and two chickens customs, and two pieces of meadow, one called l'Île, the other Grand Pré. Milo, husband (maritus) of said Luce, who was present, confirmed, willed and conceded these alms. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fos. 64v - 65r Script E. B. Original, AD Aube, 10 H 1. 12.4 x 20.7 cm. Ind: Roserot I:498-99, III:1267. Related Charters: 231, 251, 252, 260, 279, NC31. {64vb}De decima de Dirreto quam Luca de Reni dedit nobis [O]mnibus, presentibus et futuris,a presentes litteras inspecturis, Magister Michael, curie Senonensis officialis, in Domino salutem. Noverint universi quod Luca de Reniaco lo Ferron, in nostra presentia constituta, dedit in perpetuam elemosinam fratribus Vallis Lucentis {65ra}totam decimam quam habebat apud Dirretum, domum suam sitam ante ecclesiam de Reniaco, et unam petiam terre que est apud Regniacum, retro domum vicecomitis, et aliam petiam terre sitam in valle de Seante. Iohannes etiam de Reniaco, clericus, filius eiusdem Luce, coram nobis similiter constitutus, donavit in perpetuam elemosinam eisdem fratribus quicquid iuris habebant in omnibus rebus predictis et octo solidos Pruvinienses annui census, viginti bichetos avene et duas gallinas, de costuma; duas pecias pratorum apud Regniacumb sitas, videlicet pratum quod vocatur Insula et Magnum Pratum, tam ipse Iohannes quam dicta Luca, mater sua, fide prestita promittentes se dictis fratribus garantiam debitam super hisc omnibus portaturos. Dictam autem elemosinam Milo, maritus dicte Luce, qui presens erat coram nobis, laudavit, voluit et concessit. Quod autem ab eisdem Luce, Iohanne, filio suo, et Milone, marito ipsius Luce, audivi-{65rb}-mus, ad petitionem eorum sine aliorum preiudicio,d sub sigillo Senonensis curie testificamur. Actum anno Gratie M CCo Vicesimo Quinto, mense Octobri. a. presentibus et futuris om. B. d. preiudicio]preiuditio B. b. Regniacum]Reniacum B. c. his]hiis B. 268 1225, August. No Location. Master Michel, officialis of the Sens curia of the archdeacon of Sens notes that Milo de Rigny, priest, gave and conceded, for the remedy of his soul, in perpetual alms to the brothers of Vauluisant lands in the parish of Rigny which he was said to have bought for 11 l. provinois in order to repair the church, from Jean, viscount of Rigny, Thierry, 316 miles, Brocard, chaplain of Rigny, Geofroy and Benoît, prévôts of Rigny, and three parishioners representing the community of parishoners, (all representing the church of Rigny -- presumably, they sell the land for the church and the money they raise repairs the church), under the condition he be able to hold them for the rest of his life for a 20 s. annual payment. He also gave to the brothers of Vauluisant 6 l. provinois of annual payments from other lands at Rigny and in all holdings which he bought in the parish of Avrolles, so that if his heirs do not wish to pay, or are late in payment, the brothers may cultivate that land as their own. Moreover, the priest gave and conceded to the same brothers whatever he should acquire, movables or immovables, after his death. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 65r-v Script E. B. Original lost. Related Charters: 256, 259, 264, 285. Elemosina Milonis presbiteri de Regniaco [O]mnibus presentes litteras inspecturis, Michael, magister, Officialis curie Senonensis, in Domino salutem. Noverint universi quod, in nostra presentia constitutus, Milo, presbiter de Regniaco, pro remedio anime sue, ina perpetuam elemosinam dedit et concessit fratribus Vallis Lucentis terras in parrochia de regniaco sitas, quas se emisse dicebat a Nobili Viro Iohanne, vicecomite de Regniaco; Tierrico, milite; Brocardo, capellano eiusdem ville; Gaufrido et Benedicto, prepositis; Martino, Roberto de Nantreio, et Mineto, parrochiani de Regniaco, de assensu parrochianorum dicte ecclesie pro undecim libris Pruvinensibus ad reparationem eiusdem ecclesie, terram, videlicet, sitam apud Gravon, aliam vero peciam terre sitam iuxta terras Tierrici, militis, et {65va}aliam in Brocheriis, et aliam in Cormorino, et alteram in Loysio, et alteram subter vineam decani. Quam venditionem dicebat prefatus presbiter iam dictum vicecomitem et omnes alios iam nominatos laudasse et concessisse et etiam promississe se super venditione illa dicto presbitero erga omnes garantiam debitam portaturos. Voluit tamen dictus presbiter ut prefatas terras, dum viveret, possideret, ita quod sepedictis fratribus viginti solidos annuatim persolvere teneretur. Dedit etiam memoratus dictis fratribus sex libras Pruvinenses annui redditus in aliis terris quas habet apud Regniacum, videlicet in terra que dicitur Campus Lamberti, et in terra quam emerat a Garnero, et in terra quam emerat a filio Iohannis dicti regis, et in terra de Ardileria, et in prato de vado, et in duabus petiis terre quas emit a filia defuncti Ensaudi, et in omni terra et tenetura quam emit in parrochia de Evrolis singulis {65vb}annis post mortem ipsius presbiteri percipiendas, ita tamen quod si heredes presbiteri memorati dictas sex libras eisdem fratribus, pro ut superius est expressum, annuatim persolvere noluerint, vel in aliquo anno in solutione dicte pecunie defecerint, dicti fratres omnes terras illas tanquam suas excolere valeant et eas in perpetuum quiete et pacifice possidere. Preterea, quecumque adquisierit sepedictus presbiter, tam mobilia quam immobilia, memoratis fratribus dedit et concessit post decessum ipsius libere occupanda, et in perpetuum libere et pacifice possidenda. Quod ut ratum et firmum permaneat, ad petitionem partium sine preiudicio alterius, presentem cartam conscribi fecimus et sigillo curie Senonensis communiri. Actum anno Gratie Mo CCo Vicesimo Quinto, mense Augusto. a. in om. A. 269 1225, April 30. No location. 317 Master Michel, officialis of the Sens curia, notes that a case (causa) was disputed between the abbot and convent of Vauluisant and Pierre, priest of Séant (Bérulles today), over the woods of Cérilly, in which Pierre had claimed that he and his church had rights. After Pierre brought much damage and injury to the abbot and convent, he recognized that he disturbed the abbot and convent over the aforesaid woods and that neither he nor his church has any right or usage in the said woods. For the damages which the priest did by carrying away wood and otherwise made concerning said usage, he fully subjected himself to the will and judgement of the abbot and convent of Vauluisant. Over which Renaud, deacon of the Vanne Basin, pledged himself for the aforesaid Pierre to the abbot and convent. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fos. 65v - 66r Script E. B. Original lost. Related Charter: 72, 119, 122, 220, 227, 236-7. Cognovit iniure presbiter de Seant quod nec ipse nec eius ecclesia haberet usuarium in nemore de Cereli [O]mnibus presentes litteras inspecturis, Ma-{66ra}-gister Michael curie Senonensis officialis, salutem in Domino. Noverint universi quod cum causa verteretur inter abbatem et conventum Vallis Lucentis, ex una parte, et Petrum, presbiterum de Seanz, ex altera, super nemoribus de Cereliaco, in quibus idem Petrus, presbiter, se et ecclesiam suam usuarium habere asserebat, tandem post multa dampna et iniurias ab eodem Petro, presbitero, illata supradictis abbati et conventui,a prenominatus presbiter, in nostra presentia constitutus, recognovit se abbatem et conventum supradictos super pretaxatis nemoribus iniuste vexasse, nec in dictis nemoribus se vel ecclesiam suam ius aliquod vel usuarium habere.b Pro dampnis autem que idem presbiter iamdictis abbati et conventui ligna ex eisdem nemoribus asportando et aliter super dicto usuario ipsos abbatem et conventum vexando fecerat, reddendis se voluntati et arbitrio eorum plenarie subiecit. Super quibus {66rb}Renaudus, decanus de Riparia, pro supradicto Petro erga prefatos abbatem et conventuum coram nobis se plegium obligavit. In cuius rei testimonium et memoriam, presentes litteras, ad petitionem partium sine preiudicia alterius, sigillo curie Senonensis fecimus roborari. Actum anno Domini M. CC. Vicesimo Quinto, mense Aprili, vigilia Apostolorum Beatorum Philippi et Iacobi. a. conventui]contui A. b. habere]habare A. 270 1204, December 2. Troyes. First vidimus: 1202 (o. st.), February 6. Paris, at SaintVictor. Pierre, abbot of Montier-la-Celle, and Milo, archdeacon of Troyes, make known that when a case (causa) was disputed in between the abbot and monks of Vauluisant and the Templars and their men of Coulours over the pastures of Coulours, the woods pertaining to the granges of Les Loges and Cérilly, roads in those woods and other things, to which case Pope Innocent III committed them, finally, both parties promised to adhere to the judgment rendered by them and Jobert de Virtuto, the deceased prepositus of Troyes, giving sureties of 100 marks of silver. Then, the judges include a vidimus of a 1202 sentence given by Absalon, abbot of Saint-Victor of Paris, and Master Pierre de d'Hôpital, canon of Saint-Marcel, who were commissioned by the same Pope Innocent to solve a dispute (querela) between the two parties, as the Templars claimed that the monks had bought a third part of the tithe of Rigny, and the woods of Séant and the land of 318 Godin, miles, against the agreement made by Saint Bernard, which is then supplied in the form of a nested vidimus (see notes for #319). Furthermore, there was a contention over the enclosures of meadows and the pastures and acorns of the woods pertaining to the granges of Les Loges and Cérilly, concerning which Guy, archbishop of Sens had made a composition, which is provided in the form of another nested vidimus (see notes for #333). After including these two vidimuses, Absalon and Pierre, on the day of judgment, gave their sentence, judging that the appeal of the Templars was without basis, stating that 1. the tithe of Rigny was acquired by the monks by judicial sentence, and 2. the woods of Séant was given to them in alms, so the monks are absolved from the accusations of the Templars concerning these things. 3. Concerning, however, the land and woods that were Godin, miles, as it came to the monks by title of sale, the monks are to sell whatever of it is against the agreement of Saint Bernard to the Templars or a third party within a year. 4. Concerning the pastures that the Templars sought, it is determined that they may have them for the stated time, excepting only the enclosed meadows. 5. The rights over acorns are to be observed as they were determined in the charter of archbishop Guy. 6. The monks are not permitted to allow the cattle of a third party to have pasturage or pannage from these acorns. 7. Nevertheless, the monks are permitted to waste, make arable, or assart their property except for the pastures which are agreed upon. This document in the form of vidimus concluded, Pierre and Milo decreed that the monks of Vauluisant will have pasturage rights in Coulours, with the exception that neither the monks nor the Templars may send pigs into the meadows of the other for pasturing (ad pascendum). Further, they have determined the extent of the roads to be made. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fos. 66r - 69v Script E. After B. B. Thirteenth-century Duplicate, AD Yonne, H 707. 49.2 x 34.8 cm. After C. C. Original 1, AD Yonne H 675. 50.4 x 40.1.cm. Seal of Pierre, abbot of Montier-la-Celle. D. Original 2, Paris, AN S 4967. 50.5 x 40.9 cm.143 Ind: Roserot, I:169 Translation: Appendix C. Related Charters: 221, 271-3, 305, 319, 333, MC4, NC26, NC32. Compositio inter ecclesiam Vallis Lucentis et Templarios [P]etrus, Beati Petri Cellensis, abbas humilis, et Milo, archidiaconus Trecensis, omnibus ad quos presentes littere pervenerint, salutem in omnium Salvatore. Noverit universitas vestra quod cum causa verteretur inter abbatem et monachos Vallis Lucentis, ex una parte, et Templariosa et homines eorum de Colors,b ex alia, super pasturis de Colorsc et nemoribus pertinentibus ad grangias de Logiis et ded Cereliaco et quibusdam viis in eisdem nemoribus statutis et aliis rebus, quam vi-{66va}-delicet causam ipsi monachi a Domino Papa Innocentio Tercio nobis impetravere committi, tandem in nos et Iosbertum de Virtuto, quondam Trecensem prepositum, de assensu utriusque partis, facta est compromissio presente, videlicet abbate Vallis Lucentis, pro ecclesia sua, et procuratore Templi, cum litteris de rato qui pro Templariis et eorum hominibus fuerat constitutus, datis etiam plegiis hinc inde sub penae centum marcharum argenti, quam pars solvere teneretur que a nostro arbitrio resiliret. Nos ergof et dictusg Iosbertus diligentius advertentes quia iamdudum per Beatum Bernardum, Clarevallis quondam abbatem, super quibusdam querelis et per Dominum Guidonem, bone memorie quondam Senonensem archiepiscopum, inter partes de similibus facta est compositio, necnon et per Venerabiles `143Both C and D are written in the same hand, suggesting a contemporaneous creation. The order in which I examined the originals and cartulary is AAACABACDABCA, with the italicized instances being only the confirmation of variants. 319 Viros Absalonem, quondam abbatem Sancti Victoris,h et Magi-{66vb}-strum Petrum de Hospitali, a sede apostolica delegatos super consimilibus diffinitiva sententia promulgata, ne tantorum virorum opera videremur clausis oculis preterire, ipsorum autentica munimenta, tam de compositione quam de sententia, coram nobis fecimus exhiberi et presentibus litteris verbo ad verbum adiungi: Ego Absalon, Sancti Victoris Parisiensisi abbas, et Magister Petrus de Hospitali, canonicus Sancti Marcelli, notum fieri volumus, tam presentibus quam futuris, quod, ex commissionej Domini Pape Innocentii, coram nobis querela vertebatur inter Templarios de Coloors, ex una parte, et monachos Vallislucentis, ex alia, quod predicti monachik terciam partem decime de Regnico,l et nemus de Seuantm quod fuit Roberti Vituli, et nemus et terram quen fuerunt Godini, militis, emerunt contra conventionem inter eos factam per Venerabilem Bernardum, abbatem Clarevallensis, cuius cartam habent in hac forma: In nomi-{67ra}-ne sancte et individue Trinitatis. Notum sit omnibus presentibus et futuris quod inter monachos Vallislucentis et milites Templi de Colatorio,o per manum Bernardi, Clarevallis abbatis, facta est hec compositio: quod milites Templi quicquid habebant in territorio de Cereliaco,p a divisione que est inter grangiam ipsorum militum et grangiam monachorum totum monachis concesserunt, id est medietatem atrii, medietatem decime, et terras alias, ita ut deinceps a divisione istaq predicta usque a Seviisr nichil nemoris neque terre adquirere possint milites Templi, nisi forte omnino gratis datum fuerit in elemosinam, ut nil terrene substantie ab eis accipiat is qui dederit. Similiter et monachi Vallis Lucentis concesserunt militibus Templi quicquid habebant a predicta divisione usque ad ripam Venne, ita ut in valle illa nil possint adquirere nemoris seu terre, nisi forte gratis omnino {67rb}ab aliquo fuerit datum, ut nil terrene substantie ab eis accipiat is qui dederit. Erat etiam inter eos contentios super clausuris pratorum et pasturis et glande nemorum pertinentiumt ad grangias de Logiis et deu Cereliaco,v de quibus per Venerabilem Guidonem, Senonensem archiepiscopum, compositio iampridem facta erat in hac forma: Guido, Dei gratia Senonensis archiepiscopus, omnibus ad quos littere presentes pervenerint in Domino salutem. Notum fieri volumus quod diu habita estw contentio inter fratres de Valle Lucente, ex una parte, et fratres Militiex Templi et homines de Coloors, ex alia, super pasturis nemorum de Cereliaco et Logiis, et glande, et quibusdam viis. Inde coram nobis talis facta est compositio: De viis unde erat contentio tantum due stabunt, una que tendit a Villa Mauri apud Ioviniacum, altera a Coloors apud Artiamy et semitaz que est inter du-{67va}-as terras a domo leprosorum de Coloors usque in boscum.aa Clausura pratorum que sunt ante portam grangiebb de Logiis remanebit fratribus de Valle Lucente libera a viis et pasturis. In propriis nemoribus eorundemcc fratrum et planis que pertinent ad grangias de Logiis et de Cerilidd dicti fratres Templi et homines de Coloors, sine contradictione pasturas habebunt ad omnia pecora sua communiter, ita quod non fodietur terra ab hominibus pro fulcheria ad opus porcorum. Sed quantum per se capereee poterunt porci sive alia pecora,ff ibi capient. In prata que sunt extra clausuram, non intrabunt pecora a medio Marciogg usque ad quindenam Sancti Iohannis Baptiste, nisi infra terminum illum, secta fuerint prata; et si secta fuerint, libere intrare poterunt. In tempore glandis, porci unius anni vel ultra pro pasnagio quatuor [donabunt] denarios, porci {67vb}infra annum duos denarios, lactentes vero porci nichilhh pro pasnagio donabunt. Et si forte contentio habeatur de porco cuius sit etatis, in probationeii eius cuius erit habebitur. Capre quoque non intrabunt boscumjj a festo Sanctikk Remigii usque ad Purificationem Beate Marie. Et si intraverint, ad modum porcorum pasnagium reddent. Boves et omnia pecora alia, preter porcos et capras, omni tempore libere et sine contradictione pasturas intrabunt. Fratres etiam de Valle Lucentill 320 predicta nemora extirpare, eradicare, arare, vendere, donare poterunt, salvis pasturis dictorum Templariorum. Pro his itaque rebus, homines de Coloors fratribus de Vallelucente singulis annis in domo de Cerilimm viginti solidos Pruvinensis monete in octavisnn Sancti Remigii donabunt. Et si ipso die non reddantur, deinceps reddi tenebuntur cum lege quinque solidorum, et fratres de Valle Lucente capere poterunt in dictis pasturis pe-{68ra}-cora hominum de Coloors pro denariis illis et lege. In cuius rei memoriam, presentem cartam notari fecimus et sigilli nostri impressione muniri. Receptis itaque attestationibus et auditis allegationibus, servato per omnia ordine iudiciario, tandem ad diem sententie dande prefixam (cum procurator Templariorum in vocem appellationis prorupisset, nos eidem appellationi tanquam minus rationabili non deferentes.), eo contumaciter absente, de consilio virorum iuris peritorum de predictis querelis sentententiam nichilominus dedimus in hunc modum: De terris, nemoribus etoo decimis quas Templarii dixerunt monachos Vallis Lucentispp emisse infra terminos designatos in instrumento Sancti Bernardi contra tenorem ipsius instrumenti, cognovimus ex dictis testium et instrumentis autenticis quod decimam de Regniacoqq habent monachi ex sententia, et non ex emptione, neque alio modo prohibito, et quod nemus {68rb}de Seuantrr datum estss eis in elemosinam et ideo predictos monachos ab impetitionett Templariorum super predicta decima et nemore absolvendos esse iudicavimus. De terra autem et nemore quod fuituu Godinivv militis, quia cognovimus quod titulo emptionis pervenit ad monachos, iudicavimus ut monachi quicquid de terre illaww vel nemore inventum fuerit intra terminos superius designatos in carta Sancti Bernardi, Templariis vendent,xx vel in alias personas infra annum transferant, nichilyy iuris in predicta terra velzz nemore sibi retinentes, ita ut tenor carte quam fecit inter eos pro bono pacis Sanctus Bernardusaaa inviolabiliter observetur. De pasturis vero quas petebant Templarii in nemoribus, et pratis et planisbbb pertinentibus ad grangias de Logiis et de Cereliaco,ccc iudicamusddd ut Templarii pasturas habeant pecoribus suis tempore statuto et competenti in predictis nemoribus eteee planis {68va}et pratis, excepta sola clausura pratorum que sunt ante portam grangie de Logiis. Que clausura secundum compositionem iampridem inter predictos Templarios et monachos factamfff per Venerabilem Guidonem, Senonensem archiepiscopum, remanebit monachis Vallis Lucentis liberam viis et pasturis. De glande etiam ad opus porcorum, et pasnagio porcorum et caprarum, sicut in chartaggg dominihhh Senonensis archiepiscopi determinatum est immutabiliteriii observandum esse censemus. Nec licebit monachis Vallis Lucentis glandem predictorum nemorum vendere, vel in predicta nemora alienos porcos, vel pecora, id est,jjj que non sint ipsorum monachorum recipere, ita quod porcis vel pecoribus Templariorum debita commoditas pasturarum vel pasnagii non auferatur vel minuetur. Et quia de intelligentia istorum verborum, salvis pasturis, coram nobis inter partes conten-{68vb}-tio habebatur, clausulam illam, in qua predicta verba posita sunt, inspecto diligentius ipsiuskkk carte tenore, de consilio virorum peritorum, ita determinavimus ut liceat monachis Vallis Lucentis predicta nemora in totum et in partem extirpare, eradicare, arare et colere, vendere et donare, salvis pasturis que in predictis nemoribus quamdiulll stabunt, vel in essartis, cultis vel incultis, invenientur, dum modo pecora Templariorum non intrent vel ledant sata monachorum, salvis per omnia cartis Senonensis archiepiscopi et Sancti Bernardi que superius inserte sunt. Hanc sententiam ita dedimus inter monachos et Templarios quod homines de Coloors vel iura eorum quantum ad nos pertinet in ea nostra non comprehendantur. Actum Parisius apud Sanctum Victorem, anno Domini Mo Ducentesimo Secundo, pridie nonas Februarii. Inspectis itaque memoratis autenticis nos et predictus Iobertus {69ra}decrevimus ut ea que per tantos viros acta sunt maneant inconcussa, id tamen de arbitrio nostro et benigno assensu partium, adiungentes quod monachi Vallis Lucentis omni tempore pasturas de Coloors habebunt, sine omni contradictione, tam in nemoribus quam in pratis 321 et planis, ad omnia animalia sua communiter, preter quam in foresta Templariorum que modo144 est iuxta Coloors, hoc tamen excepto: quod ipsi monachi nullo tempore poterunt porcos in prata Templariorum vel hominum mittere ad pascendum, sed nec ipsi Templarii vel eorum homines, vice versa, in prata monachorum porcos mittent aliquos in pasturam. Condictummmm etiam fuit inter partes etnnn a nobis, cum sepedicto Iosberto, decretum quod ipsi monachi sine contradictione Templariorum et hominum eorum nemora predicta essartare, arare, seminare, colere, vendere, donare et pro sua poterint disponere voluntante. {69rb}Preterea, ordinatum est a nobis et predicto Ioberto ut a villa de Coloors usque ad nemus per locum quem ego Petrus, abbas Cellensis, et Iobertus de Virtuto, et Magister Petrus de Tornodoro (a me, Milone, archidiacono, ad hocooo loco meo transmissus et receptus a partibus in propriis personis presentaliter) designavimus via extendatur triginta quinque tesias, habens de lato que via quantumcumque de nemore exarteturppp usque ad nemus iugiter in eadem latitudine protendetur. Et ab ingressu nemoris, animalia Templariorum et hominum de Coloorsqqq per nemus ad invenienda pascua liciterrr poterint evagari,sss ita tamen quod aliqua via consuetudinaria de novo per nemus non fiet. Hec itaque nos et sepedictus Iobertus, cum diligenti deliberatione et mora accito,ttt etiam nobiscum prudentum virorum consilio, per Dei graciam decernentes predicto modo composuimus inter {69va}partes expresso utriusqueuuu partis assensu, ut que a nobis ordinata sunt ab ipsis monachis, necnon a Templariis et eorum hominibus, in perpetuum immutabiliter observentur.vvv Nos ergo, in huius rei memoriam, cum dictus Iohannis sigillum autenticum non haberet, presens scriptum sigillorum nostrorum munimine fecimus roborari. Actum Trecis, anno Domini Millesimo Ducentesimo Quarto, quarto nonas Decembris. a. Templarios]Templorios A. b. Colors]Coloors CD | Templarios et . . . Colors]Templarios de Coloors et homines eorum trp. BCD. c. Colors]Coloors CD. d. de om. BCD. e. pena]pene ex corr. A. f. ergo]vero A. g. dictus]predictus CD. h. abbatem Sancti Victoris]Sancti Victoris abbatem BCD. i. Parisiensis om. CD. j. commissione]comissione A. k. predicti monachi]monachi predicti A. l. Regnico]Reingniaco BCD. m. Seuant]Seuenz CD. n. que]quod A. o. Colatorio]Coloors BD. p. Cereliaco]Ceriliaco B. q. ista om. BCD. r. Seviis]Seveis B]Seveies CD. s. inter eos contentio]contentio inter eos D. t. pertinentium]pertinensium ex corr. A. u. de om. BCD. v. Cereliaco]Ceriliaco B. w. diu habita est]diu est habita A. x. militie]milicie BC. y. Artiam]Arciam CD. z. semita]semitam ABC. aa. boscum]boschum D. bb. portam grangiam]grangiam A. cc. eorundem]eorumdem BC. dd. Cerili]Cerelli B]Cereliaco CD. ee. per se capere]capere per se A. ff. pecora]pecore A. gg. Marcio]Martio CD. hh. nichil]nil CD. ii. In probatione]improbatione B. jj. boscum]boschum CD. kk. Sancti]Sancti Sancti C. ll. Valle Lucenti]Vallelucente CD. mm. Cerili]Cerelli B]Cereliaco CD. nn. octavis]octabis CD. oo. et om. A. pp. dixerunt monachos Vallis Lucentis]monachos Vallis Lucentis dixerunt trp. C. qq. Regniaco]Reingniaco BCD. rr. Seuant]Chauans CD. ss. est om. D. tt. impetitione]impeticione CD. uu. quod fuit om. D. vv. Godini]Godoini CD]Godin A. ww. illa om. AB. xx. vendent]vendant A. yy. nichil]nil D. zz. terra vel]terra illa vel AB.145 aaa. Sanctus Bernardus om. A. bbb. pratis et planis]planis et pratis trp. CD. ccc. Cereliaco]Cerelli B. ddd. iudicamus]iudicavimus AB. eee. et om. CD. fff. iampridem inter predictos Templarios et monachos factam]iampridem factam inter predictos monachos et Templarios trp. CD. ggg. charta]carta BCD. hhh. domini om. CD. 144all edition notes have quemodo, que modo transference of illa from here to the similar clause above is due to the appearance of C, where the two lines, one with illa, the other without, find themselves in parallel at the left of the MS. 145The 322 iii. immutabiliter]inviolabiliter AB. jjj. id est om. AB. kkk. ipsius om. C. lll. quamdiu]quandiu BC. mmm. Condictum]Cum dictum A. nnn. et om. A. hoc om. C. ppp. exartetur]essartetur BCD. qqq. de Coloors]eorum BCD. pascua licite]pascua pervagabunt et licite add. A. sss. evagari]pervagari A. accito]ascito CD. uuu. utriusque]utrusque A. observentur]observentur BD]obobservetur A. ooo. ad rrr. ttt. vvv. 271 1215 (o. st.). No location. Brother Arnaud, abbot of Cîteaux, and Brother A[ndré], preceptor of the Knighthood of the Temple in France (Francia), make known that when a dispute (querela) was held between Dominus Gautier, abbot, and the brothers of Vauluisant, and Brother P., master, and the brothers and their men of Coulours over certain of their articles which appeared to be in doubt, and other things, finally both promised to adhere to their (Arnaud and André's) judgment under the penalty of 100 marks. Their judgment is that the brothers of Coulours may send their pigs of Coulours and Gelboel (Galbaux) for the acorns of the woods of Cérilly and Les Loges. If the brothers of Vauluisant should sell these woods, or arrogate them to their own use, the aforesaid Templars and their men of Coulours will supervise (custodient, in the sense of what a swineherd does) their pigs from the entry of the felling area (cospeciis french: coupe), according to the customs of Villemaur. They (Templars) will be only be able to send pigs being led to pannage from their other houses to the acorns. Concerning the road which, according to the charter (#270) should have 35 tesie, with the assent of both parties, they determined that it will only have 15 tesie and be transferred from the determined location to the location which is called in the charters "the path" (semita) and still extending to the woods. The Templars and men of Coulours may proceed upon the road which leads to Sormery and on other roads on which other people proceed without contradiction. Concerning the lands in the woods of Les Sièges which were cleared or acquired by the Templars, where the monks have no justice over the Templars, they stated that they will freely remain with the same Templars under an annual pension of 4 sextarii of praiseworthy grain to be paid to the brothers of Vauluisant before the feast of Saint Martin (November 11) from the terragium of the Templars at Coulours. They also stated that the enclosed orchard (viridarium) between the woods and grange of Cérilly, the meadow in front of the gates of the same grange called "the enclosure" (clausura) and the meadow which is in front of the gates of Les Loges towards Arces, with another close shall remain with the monks free from pasturage rights and roads. They absolved the monks from the 20 s. which the Templars sought from the grange of Cérilly and its appurtenances, as well as from the usage of brush for fences (roortarum) and vine stocks (paxillorum) which the Templars claimed they had in the woods of Marnecreuse, stating that both parts may plant vineyards in their lands and cultivate them, free from roads and pasturage rights according to the accepted custom. In addition, the abbot and brothers of Vauluisant conceded to the Templars whatever they had towards the water from Rigny (citra aquam de Regniaco or towards the water of Rigny), in the woods or finage of Bosse, from the sale of the deceased Godin for the price that they paid him, under the condition that the Templars have no justice, jurisdiction or customs in the things of the monks by reason of this concession. If the command of the abbot or forester should be that someone seize something being carried from or led to the woods of the monks, its pledge may be in the land, roads and woods of the aforesaid granges according to the customs of the country. Further, if this should happen in the lands, roads, or village of the Templars, their right (ius) may be repeated in their curia, if they wish or must. Moreover, the conversi will not 323 be able to lead water from Cérilly to the meadows for watering by their canal (ab alveo), except from Saturday evening until Monday morning from the beginning of March until the end of May. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fos. 69v - 70v Script E. B. Original, AD Yonne, H 675. 34.3 x 29.5 cm. Translation: Appendix C. Related Charters: 221, 270-73, 305, 319, 333, MC4, NC26, NC32. Compromissio de lite Templi de Coloors pro grangia de Ceriliaco [U]niversis Christi fidelibus ad quos littere presentes pervenerint, frater A[rnaldus], dictus abbas Cystercii, et frater A[ndreas?], preceptor fratrum Miliciea Templi in Francia, salutem in Domino. Notum facimus vestre universitati quod cum inter Dominum G[alterum], venerabilem abbatem, et fratres Vallis Lucentis, ex una parte, et fratrem P., magistrum etb fratres et homines eorum de Coloors, ex altera, questio verteretur super quibusdam articulis qui in e-{69vb}-orum cartis dubii videbantur et quibusdam aliis rebus tandem in nos, sub pena centum marcarum, de sua voluntate et nostro assensu, compromiserunt. Nos igitur arbitrium proferentes statuimus ut predicti fratres de Coloors porcos suos, tantum de Coloorsc et de Gelboel in glandem nemorum de Cerelie et de Logiis mittere possint pro pasnagio in cartis eorumd constituto. Quod si fratres Vallis Lucentis predicta nemorae vendiderint, vel ad usum proprium secaverint,f predicti Templarii et homines eorum de Coloors custodient pecora sua ab ingressu cospeiciorum secundum consuetudinem Villemauri. De aliis autem domibus suis, non poterunt in eandem glandem mittere, nisi ducentos porcos pro eodem pasnagio; homines autem de Coloors et etiam monachi, non nisi suos proprios, sine parte alterius, in eandem glandem mittere debent. De via que iuxta cartam eorum debet habere triginta quinque tesias, de assen-{70ra}-su parcium, ordinavimus ut quindecim tantum tesias habeat et transferatur a loco determinato ad locum illum qui in cartis eorum semita nuncupatur protendenda semper usque ad nemus. Per viam que ducit ad Sormeri, poterunt incedere Templarii et homines de Coloors et per alias vias per quas cetere gentes sine contradictione incedunt. De terris que a Templariis erant extirpate vel adquisite in nemore de Eschegiis, ubi monachi super Templarios nullam habent iusticiam, de assensu parcium, statuimus ut eisdem Templariis libere remaneant, sub annua pensione, quatuor sextariorum bladi laudabilis fratribus de Valle Lucente, reddenda infra festum Sancti Martini de terragio Templariorum apud Coloors, quorum unum erit frumenti, unum siliginis, unum ordei et unum avene. Statuimus etiam, de assensu partium, ut viridarium quod erat clausum inter nemus et grangiamg de Cereli et pratum quod {70rb}est ante portam eiusdem granchie ubi nuces sunt et clausura vocatur, et pratum quod est ante portam de Logiis versus Arciam cum alio clauso a pasturis et viis libera monachis remaneant. A viginti etiam solidos quos de granchia de Cerili vel pertinentiis eius Templarii censuales petebant et ab usuario roortarum et paxillorum quod in nemore de Marnecrose se habere dicebant, de assensu eorum, fratres Vallislucentis absolvimus, statuentes ut utraque pars, in terris suis vineas plantare valeat et excolere a viis et pasturis liberas et in pasturas, more solito, redigendas,h si quando fuerint in vastitatem redacte. Sciendum insuper quod abbas et fratres Vallis Lucentis concesserunt predictis Templariis cum omni iuridicione et iusticia sua, pro precio quo emerant quicquid habebant citra aquam de Regniaco, in nemore vel finagio de Boceiis, de vendicionei defuncti Godini.j Quam venditionem garan-{70va}-tient fratres Vallis Lucentis dictis Templariis quantum debebunt tali condicione:k ut nec Templarii hacl occasione illius possessionis aliquam habeant iusticiam vel iuridicionemm vel consuetudinem in rebus 324 monachorum, nec monachi in illa possessione aliquid iuris habeant autn iusticie. Reliqua pars possessionis, que est de venditione defuncti Godini,o remanet libere et pacifice fratribus Vallis Lucentis, excepto quod pecora Templariorum et hominum eorum de Coloors habebunt pasturam in parte ista sicut in predictis nemoribus. Si forestarius vel mandatum abbatis consecutus fuerit aliquem de nemoribus monachorum portantem vel ducentem, capere poterit vadium eius in terra, inp viis et nemoribus predictarum granchiarum secundum consuetudinem patrie. Si autem in terris, viis vel villa Templariorum fuerit consecutus eum, in curia eorum ius suum poterunt repetere {70vb}si voluerint vel ubi debuerint. Aquam de Cerilie ad prata ad aquanda conversi non poterunt, ab alveo suo abducere, nec retinere, nisi tantum a vespere Sabbatorum usque ad sequens matutinum diei Lune, ab introitu Marciiq usque ad finem Maii. Ut autem hec omnia perpetuam habeant firmitatem, salvis cartis monachorum et Templariorum, preter capitula que hic excepta inveniuntur, presens scriptum sigillis nostris confirmari fecimus. Actum anno Gratie Mo CCo Quintodecimo. a. Milicie]Militie B. b. et] om. B. c. porcos suous, tantum de Coloors om. A. e. nemora]nemorum A. g. grangiam]granchiam B. h. redigendas]redigendos A. j. Godini]Guodini B. k. condicione]conditione B. m. iuridicionem]iuriditionem B. n. aut]vel B. p. in om. A. q. Marcii]Martii B. d. eorum]eorum eorum A. f. secaverint]secarint A. i. vendicione]venditione B. l. hac om. B. o. Godini]Guodini B. 272 1193, August 5. The church of Coulours. Raoul de Monte-Letard, at the time procurator of the Templars in France (Francia) makes known that he, with the common assent of the chapter of Coulours, ratified the agreement made by Guy, archbishop of Sens, between the monks of Vauluisant and his brothers, the Templars of Coulours, over pasturage in the woods of Cérilly and Les Loges, and glandage and usage of roads. This agreement was read in the church of Coulours, with the populace listening and confirming. This document is the Templars's authorization of #333. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fos. 70v - 71v Script E. B. Original lost. a. Quantin II, pp. 450-51. (Note Quantin lists this folio as 78) Related Charters: 221, 270-73, 305, 333, MC4, NC26. Approbatio compositionis Templariorum et ecclesie Vallis Lucentis [E]go, Frater Radulphus de Monte Letardi, tunc temporis domorum Templi in Francia humilis procurator, notum facio presentibus et futuris quod cum inter monachos Vallis Lucentis, et fratres nostros de Coloors et homines eiusdem ville diu contentio versaretur super pasturis nemorum de Cerelliaco et de Logiis et glan-{71ra}-de et quibusdam viis in hanc compositionem pacis convenimus: de viis unde erat contentio, tantum due stabunt, una que tendit a Villa Mauri apud Ioviniacum, altera a Coloors apud Arciam et semita que est inter duas terras a domo leprosorum de Coloors usque ad boscum. Clausura pratorum que sunt ante portam grangie de Logiis remanebit fratribus de Valle Lucenti libera a viis et pasturis. In propriis nemoribus eorundem fratrum et planis que pertinent ad grangias de Logiis et de Cereliaco dicti fratres Templi et homines de Coloors, sine contradictione, pasturas habebunt ad omnia pecora sua communiter, ita quod non fodietur terra ab hominibus pro fulcheria ad opus porcorum, sed quantum per se capere poterunt 325 porci sive alia pecora, ibi capient. In prata que sunt extra clausuram, non intrabunt pecora a medio Marcio usque ad quindenam Sancti Iohannis Baptiste, nisi infra terminum illum secta fuerint prata. Et si secta fue-{71rb}-rint libere intrare poterunt. In tempore glandis, porci unius anni, vel ultra, pro pasnagio quatuor donabunt denarios, porci infra annum, duos denarios, lactentes vero porci, nichil pro pasnagio donabunt. Et si forte contentio habeatur de porco cuius sit etatis, in probatione eius cuius erit habebitur. Capre quoque non intrabunt boscum a festo Sancti Remigii usque ad Purificationem Beate Marie. Et si intraverint, ad modum porcorum pasnagium reddent. Boves et alia pecora omnia, preter porcos, et capras omni tempore, libere et sine contradictione, pasturas intrabunt. Fratres etiam de Vallelucenti predicta nemore extirpare, eradicare, arare, vendere poterunt et donare, salvis pasturis dictorum templariorum. Pro hiis itaque rebus, homines de Coloors fratribus de Vallelucenti singulis annis in domo de Cereliaco XX solidos Pruvinenses monete in octabis Sancti Remigii donabunt. Et si ipso die non reddantur, deinceps reddi tenebuntur {71va}cum lege quinque solidos et fratres de Valle Lucente capere poterunt in dictis pasturis pecora hominum de Coloors pro denariis illis et lege.a Hec compositio in ecclesia de Coloors, audiente populo, est recitata, et ab ipso laudata. Et ut hoc ratum et inconcussum habeatur, ego, Frater Radulphus de Monte Letardi, domorum Templi tunc temporis in Francia procurator, communis assensu capituli, cartam istam sigilli nostri impressione roboravi. Actum est hoc anno incarnati Verbi Mo Co Nonagesimo Tercio, nonas Augusti. a. et lege]et de lege ins. a. 273 1205 (o. st.). No location. André de Coulours, preceptor of the Knighthood of the Temple in France (Francia), makes known that an agreement (compositio) was made between the Templars and their men of Coulours and the abbot and convent of Vauluisant by Dominus Pierre, abbot of Moniter-la-Celle, Milo, archdeacon of Troyes, and Jobert de Virtuto, former perpositus of Troyes and written in a charter (in autentico scripta) (charter #270). Further, he has the agreement approved and ratified by both parties. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 71v Script E. B. Original lost. Related Charters: 221, 270-73, 305, 333, MC4, NC26. Approbatio compositionis Templi de Coloors et de Cereli [E]go, Frater Andreas de Coloors, preceptor Milicie Templi in Francia, notum facimus, tam futuris quam presentibus, quod a Domino Petro, abbate Cellense, et Milone, archidiacono Trecensis, et Iosberto de Virtuto, quondam preposito Trecensis, super querelis que inter nos et homines nostros de Coloors, ex una parte, et abbatem et fratres Vallis Lucentis, ex alia, versabantur facta est compo-{71vb}-sitio et in autentico scripta. Hanc autem compositionem a partibus approbatam et receptam gratam habemus, et eam in perpetuum ratam esse volentes, sigilli nostri patrocinio roboramus. Actum anno Domini Mo CCo Quinto. 274 1185 (o. st.). No location. 326 A controversy had existed between the house of Pontigny and the house of Vauluisant over certain woods which are called Essurgéz (in the Forêt d'Othe), which either party seems to claim (vendicare)146 to possess by themselves alone by purchase. Therefore, both parties terminated their dispute in a concord arranged through the mediation of Guy, abbot of Preuilly, in this fashion: each party assigned one of their monks and two conversi to separate the woods of Essurgéz from the adjoining woods and divide it in half (congruent parts -- partes congruas), marking the boundaries by trenches and stones, thus separating the possessions and rights of the two houses. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fos. 71v - 72r Script E. B. Original 1, AD Yonne H 707. 16.0 x 18.9 cm. CIROGRAPHUS across top. Seals: Left: Abbot of Pontigny, Middle: Abbot of Preuilly. Seal of the abbot of Vauluisant missing. C. Original 2 lost. D. Pontigny Cartulary, 12th-13th centuries, Paris, BN, Latin MS 9887, fo. 5r. After C. E. Pontigny Cartulary, 14th century, Paris, BN, Latin MS 5465. After C or D. a. Quantin II:364, no. 352. After B. b. Garrigues p. 105, no. 29. After BD. Related Charter: 306. Compositio nemorum des Eslurgeit de Otta [N]otum sit omnibus ad quos huius pagine scriptura pervenerit quod inter domum Pontiniaci et domum Vallislucentis aliquanto tempore controversia dissensionis extiterita super quodam nemore quod vocatur Eslurgeit,b eo quod pars utraque ipsum nemus, iure emptionis, sibi in proprietatem vendicarec videretur. Igitur post longa litigia utraque pars, meliore spiritu ad concordiam, ut decebat, provocata medianted Domnoe Guidone, abbate Pruliacensi,f illam contentionem finali pace hoc modo terminavit: placuit itaque eis et utrique parti convenit ut predictum nemus des Eslurgeizg a ceteris contiguis nemoribus per certas {72ra}ex se ipsis personash que et hic nominatei sunt, disterminaretur,j et consequenter in partes congruas divideretur et sic utrequek domui suis rebus adherens porciol assignaretur. Quod et factum est. Nam ex parte Pontiniaco,m Milo de Rigni,n monachus, et Humbertus de Burs et Theobaldus, porcarius, conversi; ex parte veroo Vallis Lucentis, Pontiusp de Rigni,q monachus, et Gauterus, rotarius, et Andreas de Cerilli,r conversi, constituti sunt, qui de predicto nemore partibus factis, et distributis fossis factis, et acervis lapidum evidentes aposueres metas inter utriusque domus possessiones et iura. Tandem ut illa in perpetuum rata haberetur compositio, eandem que concordi assensu facta est, limitationem utriusque domus, tam abbas quam conventus, approbavit scriptoque per cirografumt in eisdem verbis diviso et sigillato ad mutue pacis custodiam in testimonium fieri consensit, anno ab incarnatione Mu C LXXX Quinto, Domino Ulrico, tunc {72rb}abbate de Vallelucenti et priore eius, Radulpho,v et Domno Menardo,w tunc abbate Pontiniaci et priore eius, Willelmo, cum suis, ut dictum est, firmo assensu in id ipsum concordantibus. a. extiterit]exsciterit E. b. Eslurgeit]Eslurgez DE. c. vendicare]vindicare b. d. mediante]mediant E. e. Domno]Donno E. f. Pruliacensi]Prulliacensi BDE. g. Eslurgeiz]Eslurgiez E. h. personas]persona E. i. nominate]determinate A. j. sunt, disterminaretur]sunt, nominate disterminaretur add. A. k. utrque]utrique A. l. porcio]portio BD. m. Pontiaco]Pontiaci D]Pontigniaci E. n. Rigni]Regni BDE. o. vero om. A. p. Pontius]Poncius D. q. Rigni]Regni BDE. r. Cerilli]Cereli E. s. aposuere]apposuere BDE. 146vendicare technically means "to try to sell." However, in all the variants of this charter, as in NC40, it appears to take the meaning of the classical Latin vindicare, "to claim." This would explain Garrigues' rendition of it as vindicare, which is not supported in any of the variants. 327 t. cirografum]cirographum E. u. incarnatione M]incarnatione Domini M add. E. v. Radulpho]Radulfo BD | et prior eius Radulpho om. E. w. Menardo]Manardo E. 275 [1184 - 1193]147 Brother Jobert de Villemaur said and truly affirmed before his death that he himself gave to the church of Vauluisant in alms certain woods which are called Fay Garnens seven years before he married his wife. This act is witnessed by members of the convent of Vauluisant and sealed by Domnus Ulric, abbot, as well as a few lay persons from the vicinity of Vauluisant. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 72r-v Script E. B. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 76r Script F. Witness list truncated. C. Original lost. Related Charters: 283, 292, 296, 307, 309, 315, 323. Testimonio quis dederit nemus de Fai Garenenta [N]otum sit, tam presentibus quam futuris, quod Frater Iosbertus de Villa Mauri dixit et veraciter affirmavit ante obitum suum se ipsum dedisse in elemosinam ecclesie Vallislucentis quoddam nemus quod dicitur Fais Garnensb septem annis antequam uxoremc duceret. Hoc audierint ex ore predicti Iosberti et testes sunt: Radulphus, prior; Petrus, cantor; Hugo, magister conversorum; Herveus, monachus; Girardus, monachus, filius eiusdem Iosberti; Pontius de Pruvino; Mainardus, infirmarius; Gullelmus, subcellararius; Milo de Trecis; et Dominus Aerardus de Nogento. Hoc etiam audierunt et testes sunt quidam viri seculares: Robertus Mauciuns de Lailaio, Milo Comes de Laileio et Petrus de Aiz.d Et ut hoc ratum omni tem-{72va}-pore habeatur, suasione et prece fratris Iosberti, sigillo Domnie Wrrici,f tuncg abbatis, signatum est. a. B: Donum nemoris Faigarnens)148. b. Fais Garnens]Faigarnens B. c. B: uxo-{76rb}-rem. d. Radulphus prior . . . Petrus de Aiz]Radulphus prior et multi alii B. e. Domni]Dompni B. f. Wrrici]Ulrici B. g. tunc om. B. 276 [1193 - 1197, December 5]149 No location. Melior, Cardinal priest of Saint John and Saint Paul, papal legate [for France], makes known that he committed Garnier, bishop of Troyes, and Guitier, abbot of Saint-Loup de Troyes, to hear and determine the case (causa) that was disputed over one-third of the 1471184 - 1193, Ulric's abbacy, GC 12:323. Assuming that Girard the monk, son of Jobert, is also the son of the wife mentioned in this charter, this donation would have taken place sometime before 1170 (probably well before, as #296 records Jobert and others giving said woods before 1149). In the unlikely event that the monk Girard is identified with the "Girardo, monacho Vallislucentis," mentioned in Canivez, v.1, p. 132, no. 76, as being charged with transgressions similar to those of another monk accused of being a gyrovague and a forger, then this act occurred before September 14, 1190. 148This is a post-medieval rubric, but presumably, as is the case with the rubrics of 50r, the rubric is taken from medieval marginal notes. 1491193, beginning of Garnier's episcopacy, Gams; December 5, 1197, Guitier's decease, G.C. 12:587 elect 1153, in necrologue "Nonis Decembris Obiit piae memorirae domnus Guiterus huius ecclesiae tertius abbas qui per 44 annos miro moderamine pacifice rexit." That this took place in December of 1197 is corroborated by #221, where Abbot Guitier is listed as deceased.. 328 tithe at Rigny between the monks of Vauluisant and the priests Pierre and Maurice. The appointed judges rendered a sentence that the tithe belongs to the monks. Melior, as the sentence was carried to him appropriately (rationabiliter), approves and ratifies the judgment, and places under excommunication those who should presume to ignore it. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 72v Script E. B. Original, AD Aube, 10 H 1. 9.2 x 24.0 cm. Related Charters: 79, 222, 224, 228-9, 282, 313-4. Melior cardinalis approbat sententiam iudicum delegatorum de decima de Rigni Melior, Dei gratia tituli Sanctorum Iohannis et Pauli presbiter cardinalis, apostolice sedis legatus, omnibus ad quos littere iste pervenerint in Domino salutem. Ad nostram noveritis audientiam pervenisse quod causam que inter dilectos nostros monachos de Valle Lucenti et Petrum et Mauricium presbiteros super tercia parte decime de Regniaco vertebatur Venerabili Fratri Garnerius, Trecensi episcopo, et dilecto nostro G[uitero], abbati Sancti Lupi Trecensis commiserimus audiendam et fine debito terminandam. Prefati iudices, auditis partium rationibus et earum allegationibus plenius intellectis, decimam ipsam monachis per diffinitivam sententiam adiudicaverunt. Nos itaque sententiam ipsam, sicut rationabiliter lata est, approbantes et ratam habentes eam volumus inviolabiliter observari, ex-{72vb}-communicationi supponentes eos qui temere presumpserint obviare. 277 1188, April 22. No location. Hugues, archdeacon of Sens, and Pierre, abbot of Saint-Jean de Sens, make known that a controversy was held between the abbot of Dilo and the abbot of Vauluisant over certain complaints (querelis) concerning property in the woods and lands which lie next to them in the confines of Rigny[-le-Ferron], namely in the woods of Bouloy, Brosse, Gerbeaux and Bosse and in the fields, in which the canons of Dilo possess an eighth part from the gift of Dominus Robert de Rigny, monk of Vauluisant. The monks of Vauluisant possess a quarter part of all the aforesaid woods and adjacent lands, which they received from Nona de Villemaur, mother of Pierre Chaudron. Further, the monks possess a third of Bosse along with their quarter, so that they have seven-twelfths; in all the other woods and lands they possess a sixth part, which they received from Richer le Veau along with that quarter, so that they own five-twelfths. The dispute arose when Dilo demanded terragium from Vauluisant, and it was deferred to the Sens curia, where it pleased both parties that they (Hugues, abbot, and Pierre, archdeacon) and Domnus Renaud, procurator of the Sens curia. be committed to determine the affair by an agreement or judgment, so that, with one (Renaud) absent, they would nevertheless proceed in the case. Having inquired of Vital, deacon of Rigny, and many other persons, they judge that the monks may persist free from terragium and all kinds of payment and, if they wish, may place there two maiores without terragium or other payment. The last clause seems to say that the canons are also without terragium or other payment, but may place no maiores. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fos. 72v - 73r Script E. B. Original, AD Aube, 10 H 1. 45.2 x 19.4 cm. Related Charters: 235, 279. Sententia absolvens nos ab impetitione terragiorum de Booloi contra Deilocenses 329 In nomine sancte et individue Trinitatis. Ego Hugo, Dei gratia Senonensis archidiaconus, et ego, Petrus, ecclesie Sancti Iohannis Senonensis dictus abbas, notum fieri volumus, tam presentibus quam futuris, quod quedam controversia vertebatur inter abbatiam Dei Loci et abbatiam Vallislucentis super quibusdam querelis in nemoribus et in terris que adiacent, in confinio Regniaci, in nemore, scilicet,a quod dicitur Boeloit,b et in Brocia, et in Garbeel, et in Bociis,c et in omnibus terris, cultis et incultis, predictis nemoribus adiacentibus, in quibus omnibus predicti canonici octavam possident partem quam Elysabeth, mater Domni Roberti de Reigni, monachi Vallis Lucentis, in elemosinam largita est eis. Monachi vero Vallis Lucentis in omnibus predictis nemoribus et in terris eisdem adiacentibus quartam {73ra}omnino possident partem, quam acceperunt a Nona de Villa Mauri, que fuit mater Petri Cauderun.d Possident nichilominus predicti monachi in Bociis, cum quarta parte, etiam terciam partem, ita ut de duodecim partibus, septem possideant. In omnibus autem aliis nemoribus et terris, cum quarta, sextam possident partem quam habuerunt a Richerio Vitulo. Cum autem controversia que talis erat quod Dei Locenses a monachis terragium requirebant ad Senonensem curiam delata fuisset, placuit utrisque ut nobis et Domno Renardo, procuratori Senonensis curie, rem determinandam vel compositionee pacis vel iudicio committerent, ita ut, uno absente, nichilominus duo in causam procederent. Statuta autem die affuimus et abbas Dei Loci cum quibusdam canonicis et prior Vallis Lucentis cum quibusdam monachis, nos autem a Vitale, decano Regniaci, et a multis aliis legitimis personis fideliter {73rb}ac diligenter veritate inquisita, adiudicavimus monachos a terragio et ab omni redditu a modo liberos permanere et duos, si voluerint, sine terragio et alio redditu ibi ponere maiores. Canonici vero sine terragio et alio redditu nullum.150 Et ut hoc ratum et inviolabile a modo permaneat, sigillorum nostrorum auctoritate firmare curavimus. Actumf annog ab incarnatione Domini Mo Co LXXXo VIIIo, Xo kalendas Maii. a. scilicet]videlicet B. b. Boeloit]Boelet B. c. Bociis]Bo A. d. quod fuit mater Petri Cauderun om. A. e. compositione]composicione B. f. Actum]Auctum B. g. Actum anno]Auctum est anno add B. 278 1208 (o. st.). No location. Geoffroy, abbot of Saint-Jacques-de-Provins, L., prior of Saint-Ayoul-de-Provins (priory dep. on Montier-la-Celle) and S., deacon of Notre-Dame-de-Val-Provins, make known that they were delegated by the pope to determine the case (causa) which was disputed between the abbot and monks of Vauluisant and Nobilis Mulier Scolastica des Sièges over the woods of Les Sièges. The monks claimed that when a dispute arose between them and Jacques, miles, the late father of the husband of Domina Scolastica over the same woods, the dispute was terminated by Guy, former Archbishop of Sens (most likely #218, but perhaps #219 or 225) in this way: The monks agreed to have half of the woods receiving half in all profit and if, by chance, they should sustain damage from Jacques or his successors, unless Jacques or his successors made satisfaction to them for the damages to the approval of two forestarii, the miles or his successors would be thrown under excommunication until the woods was divided and separated by the monks, assigning a suitable portion to Jacques or his successors.151 Indeed, the monks claimed that many immoderate damages had been brought against those same monks through the malice of the adverse party (Scholastica?), concerning which the successors of the miles, 150The 151The punctuation of this "sentence" and of the previous one is even more doubtful than elsewhere. exact meaning of this clause is unclear. 330 although often requested, refused to make [satisfaction] to them, the monks by certain success of the miles, and therefore demand that said woman be immediately compelled to pay damages and that the woods be divided just as it was agreed between them in. The other party responded that they are not to be held to divide the woods as neither she nor her husband had incurred damages. Finally, after hearing witnesses, examining the document, and many other allegations and renunciations, on the day of giving the sentence, the tribunal determined that the intent of the monks is entierly consistent with the witnesses and charter, and therefore they condemned Scolastica for 6 l. 4 s. for the damages that she brought, and the division of the woods is to be made just as it is clearly stated in the document. L., prior of Saint-Ayoul not having a seal asked that the abbot of Montier-la-Celle affix his seal. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fos. 73r - 74r Script E. B. Original lost. Related Charters: 218-9, 225, 240, GC 12:206 Sententia data contra Dominam Scolast[icam] de Eschegiis de nemore parciendo G[aufridus], Sancti Iacobi dictus abbas, L., prior Sancti Aygulphi, et S., decanus Sancte Marie in Vallibus Pruvinensibus, omnibus ad quos littere iste pervenerint in Domino salutem. Cum causa que vertebatur inter abbatem et monachos Vallislucentis, ex una parte, et Nobilem Mulierem Scolast[icam] de Eschegiis, ex alia, super nemore de Eschegiis nobis esset ab apostolica sede commissa, partibus legitime citatis et in nostra presentia constitutis, propositum fuit ex parte {73va}monachorum quod inter ipsos et Dominum Iacobum, quondam patrem mariti Domine Scolast[ice], super eodem nemore emerserat contentio que, per sollicitudinem felicis recordationis Guidonis, quondam Senonensis archiepiscopi, terminata fuerat in hunc modum: Quod predicti monachi quos constabat medietatem habere in prefato nemore, tam in plano quam in bosco, ibidem medietatem perciperent in omni proventu. Et si forte dampnum aliquod sustinerent per supradictum Iacobum, vel eius successores, nisi infra quindecim dies de dampnis illatis ad probationem duorum forestariorum eisdem satisfaceret competenter, sepefatus miles et eius successores excommunicationi tamdiu subiacerent donec predictum nemus inter eos esset divisum et monachis separatum esset portio sibi competens assignata. Verum, cum eisdem monachis dampna non modica per maliciam partis adverse pluries illata fuissent, {73vb}de quibus successores antefati militis, licet multociens requisiti eis, facere recusarunt, sicut idem monachi proponebant, petebant instantius ut memorata mulier ad restitutionem dampnorum et ad nemoris divisionem compelleretur sicut [[sicut]] condictum fuerat inter eos et in autentico dicti Guidonis, quondam Senonensis archiepiscopi, super hoc concepto continebatur expressum. Ad hec pars altera respond[it] se ad divisionem nemoris non teneri, cum per ipsam vel maritum ipsius nulla dampna fuissent monachis irrogata. Nos igitur, cum per aliquandiu coram nobis fuisset predicta questio ventilata, prefata Scolast[ica], quandoque in propria persona quandoque Petrum maiorem suum, quem ad totam causam procuratorem constituerat, comparente testibus super assertione monachorum receptis et diligenter examinatis, prescripti etiam autentici tenere fideliter inspecto, et depositionibus testium publicatis, post mult-{74ra}as allegationes ex utraque parte propositas et renuntiatione facta, tam productionibus testium quam allegationibus, die etiam assignata ad audiendam sententiam, cum nobis de intentione monachorum, tam per testes quam per autenticum, constaret plenius, de prudentum virorum consilio, per diffinitivam sententiam sepefatam Scolast[icam] condempnavimus in VI libras et quatuor solidos Pruvinenses pro dampnis illatis, diffinientes nichilominus divisionem nemoris esse faciendam, sicut in autentico constabat liquide fuisse statutum. Et quia ego, L., prior Sancti Aygulfi, sigillum non habui, rogavi 331 venerabilem patrem meum, abbatem Sancti Petri de Cella Trecensis ut presentem paginam sigilli sui munimine roboraret. Actum anno Mo CCo VIIIo. 332 279 1225 July. No location Etienne, deacon of Notre-Dame de Villemaur, Garnier Chaudron and Guichard, milites, and their wives confirmed a certain tithe at Dierry-Saint-Pierre, that was conceded in perpetuity to the brothers of Vauluisant by Jean, cleric of Rigny, Luce, his mother, and the husband of Luce (#267). These tithes were held in fief from these milites (Guichard and Garnier). A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 74r Script E. B. Original lost. Related Charters: 231, 251-2, 260, 267, NC39. Garnerus Chauderuns et Guichardus miles approbant decimam de Dirreio Valli Lucenti Omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis, Stephanus, decanus Beate Marie Ville Mauri salutem in Domino. Noverint universi quod, in presentia nostra con-{74rb}-stituti, Nobiles Viri Garnerius Chauderuns et Guichardus, milites, et uxores eorundem laudaverunt fratribus Vallis Lucentis quandam decimam a Iohanne, clerico de Regniaco, et Lucia, matre eius, et marito eiusdem Lucie, dictis fratribus concessam in perpetuum pacifice possidendam, quam de dictis militibus Gaufrido et Guichardo in feodum tenebant apud Dirriacum sitam. Quod ut ratum et stabile permaneat, ad petitionem partium, presentem paginam sigillo nostri munimine roboravimus. Actum anno Gratie Mo CCo XXo Quinto, mense Iulio. 280 1209, September. Coulours. Norbert de Saint-Marien d'Auxerre and Herbert de Sellières, abbots, make known that when there was a dispute (contentio) between the church of Vauluisant and the church of Dilo over the assart of Mont-Moyen (Mons Medianus), it was compromised in them (Norbert and Herbert), with the assent of Gautier, abbot of Vauluisant, and Jean, abbot of Dilo, and the convents of both churches. After many disagreements, they stated, with the assent of both parties, that the lands will remain with the monks of Vauluisant quit from all terragium, according to their charter which was made by Venerabiles Vires Pierre, abbot of Saint-Jean de Sens, and Hugues, archdeacon of Sens, which they (Herbert and Norbert) did not presume to annul. Further, the assart will remain with the canons of Dilo, so that from this point forward, they will pay a sixth part of the terragium to the monks of Vauluisant and they will not assart in the aforesaid woods without the assent of the monks. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 74r-v Script E. B. Original, AD Aube, 10 H 1. 17.7 x 19.8 cm. Ind: Roserot, I:211 Compromissio de querela habita inter Deilocenses et Vallilucentes152 de Mont Mediano 152I have expanded luc' to match the sense of inter and Deilocenses, although this expansion is otherwise unattested -- elsewhere the declension and expansion of Lucentis follows Vallis, thus one would expect the expansion to read Vallilucenti and the accusative plural form to be Vallislucentis. Here, I will assume that the author is trying to write Vauluisant as a single substantive, and therefore decline it as if it were a simple third declension noun. 333 Norbertus de Sancto Mariano et Herbertus de Sceleriis, abbates, omnibus ad quos littere iste pervenerint in Domino salutem. Noverit universitas vestra quod contentio cum esset inter ecclesiam Vallis Lucentis et ecclesiam Dei Loci super essarto Montis Mediani et super quibusdam terris in territorio de Booloia compromissum est in nos, de assensu {74va}Galterii, Vallis Lucentis, et Iohannis, Dei Loci, abbatum et utriusque ecclesie conventus. Nos igitur post multas altercationes, diximus, de assensu utriusque partis, quod terre ille remanebunt monachis Vallis Lucentis quitte ab omni terragio, secundum quod carta eorum continet, facta quondam a Venerabilibus Viris Petro, abbate Sancti Iohannis, et Hugone, archidiacono Senonensibus, quam non presumpsimus infirmare. Essartum vero remanebit canonicis Dei Loci, ita quod deinceps, sextam partem terragii solvent monachis Vallis Lucentis et deinceps, non essartabunt in dicto nemore, nisi de assensu dictorum monachorum. In cuius rei memoriam, presentem cartam scribi et sigillorum nostrorum necnon et prenominatorum abbatum Galteri et Iohannis munine fecimus roborari. Actum apud Coloors,b anno Gratie Mo CCo Nono, mense Septembri. b. Booloi]Bueloi B. c. Coloors]Coloirs B. 281 1222 (o. st.) January. No location. R[enaud], deacon of the Vanne Basin, makes known that when a case (causa) was disputed between the brothers of Vauluisant and Robert de Saint-Benoist[-sur-Vanne] over a tithe from land which was on the border (or in a swamp), (sita est in marchisse), the two parties compromised (compromiserunt, in the sense that they both promised to adhere to the decision of a third party) in the following fashion: Robert swore to pay every year the just and legitimate tithe from the property. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 74v Script E. B. Original lost. Ind: Roserot, III:1692, where he uses this as evidence of a "Pierre R" being deacon of the Vanne in 1223, possibly the same as the "Regnard" in #97 (1224 o. st.), which he identifies with the R. deacon of #82-83 (1225). De decima cuiusdam terre sita in marchise quam tenetur reddere singulis annis Robertus de Sancto Benedicto {74vb}Omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis, R[enaudus], decanus Riparia Vanne, salutem in Domino. Noverint universi quod cum causa verteretur coram nobis inter fratres Vallislucentis, ex una parte, et Robertum de Sancto Benedicto, ex alia, super decima cuiusdam terre que sita est in marchisse, tandem ipsi compromiserunt in hunc modum: quod dictus Robertus fiduciavit reddere dictis fratribus singulis annis de dicta terra iustam et legitimam decimam. Quod autem audivimus et recognitum fuit coram nobis, ad petitionem partium, presentem cartam fecimus annotari et sigilli nostri munimine roborari. Actum anno Domini Mo CCo Vicesimo Secundo, mense Ianuario. 334 282 1219, June. No location. P, deacon, I, archdeacon and chanter (cantor, or the archdeacon and chanter could be two separate individuals), of Sens note that when the monks drew Jean, viscount of Joigny, into their presence by the authority of the pope over the following: the monks sought confirmations and sales up up to 4 l., and 6 d. annual cens from a certain house at Rigny which they claimed Jean bought in their censiva, and 4 l. for a third part of the straw (tercia parte straminis) from two years of tithes from Rigny, and a certain piece of land which was said to have been conferred to the monks in alms, from which things they claimed that Jean had dispossessed (desaisierat, had disseised) them of; both parties finally amicably agreed in the following fashion: the viscount quit to the monks land of Brosse which Gautier Damoiseau is said to have conferred to the monks in alms and 8 l. provinois which he swore he would pay to the monks at their will. In return, the monks quit claim to what they sought from him. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fos. 74v - 75r Script E. B. Original, AD Aube, 10 H 1. 10.7 x 15.9 cm. Related Charters: 66, 79, 222, 224, 228-9, 242, 248, 250, 253, 276, 282, 313-4. Compositio inter vicecomitem et Vallem Lucentem de terra de Brocheriis et rebus aliis Omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis P., decanus, I., archidiaconus et cantor, Senonensis, in Domino salutem. Noverint universi quod cum monachi Vallis Lucentis, coram nobis, auctoritate apostolica, Nobilem Virum {75ra}Iohannem, vicecomitem Iovigniaci, traherent in causam super hoc: quod petebant ipsi monachi ab eodem Iohanne laudationes et venditas usque ad quatuor libras et sex denarios annui census cuiusdam domus de Rigniaco quam ipse Iohannes in censiva sua emerat, ut dicebant, et quatuor libras pro tercia parte straminis duorum annorum decime de Regniaco,a et quandamb terram ipsis monachis in elemosinam ut dicitur collatam, de quibus illos idem iohannes desaisieratc, ut dicebant, tandem ipsi amicabiliter composuerunt in hunc modum: quod ille vicecomes quittavit dictis monachis illam terram de Brocheriis quam Galterus Domicellus ipsis monachis in elemosinam dicitur contulisse et octo libras Pruvinensium, creentavitd se eis redditurum ad voluntatem dictorum monachorum et ita monachi illi dictum vicecomitem quittaverunte de predictisf que ab eog petebant. Actum anno Gratie Mo CCo Nonodecimo, mense Iunio. a. Regniaco]Rigniaco B. d. creentavit]creantavit B. g. eo]eodem B. b. quandam]quamdam B. e. quittaverunt]quitaverunt B. c. desaisierat]desaissiaverat B. f. de predictis om. A. 283 [1209 n. st] 1208, March [1 - 24].153 No location Brother Jean of Preuilly, Brother Hugues of Larrivour and Brother Arnaud of Font-Jean, abbots, make known that they were delegated by the Chapter General of the Cistercian Order to settle by judgment a controversy which was being held between the houses Vauluisant and Pontigny over the tithes of assarted land and land to be assarted (tam 1531209 (n. st.), March 1-24: This date is justified by the following criteria: 1. Certainly, in the thirteenth century, Cistercian houses and abbots used the Annunciation style of dating. 2. The statute committing these abbots to resolve the dispute can be found in Canivez I:351-2 (1208:30), and hence originated in the Cistercian Order Chapter General meeting of September 1208. 335 extirpatarum terrarum quam extirpandarum -- technical terms) from the woods called Les Alleux and in the woods of Notre-Dame at Séant (today Bérulles). They determine that the brothers of Vauluisant have held the tithe by gift and purchase from Jobert Mabile and Dreux de Godefroy for more than forty years. They judged that Pontigny shall forever keep silent about that tithe. With the assent of Gautier, abbot, and the brothers of Vauluisant, they stated that, for the restitution of a certain terragium and for the good of peace, the brothers of Vauluisant shall annually give from the aforesaid tithe within the octave of All Saints Day (November 2-8) one mine each of wheat, oats, barley and rye at Séant to Pontigny. "If it should happen that the archbishop or the priest of said township should thoroughly relieve them of their tithe, they will stop paying entirely; if they lose half by them, they will pay half grain. It should also be noted that the terragium of the aforesaid woods and the new fields and the cens from them belong to both. Cens and terragium of old fields belong to Vauluisant, except the garden plots (oschia) proper to each party." A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 75r-v Script E. After B? B. Original 1, AD Yonne, H 763. 13.7 x 17.7 cm. Severe elemental damage. C. Original 2, AD Yonne, H 763. 15.8 x 15.7 cm. Severe elemental damage. Related Charters: (Jobert)275, 292, 296, 307, 309, 315, 323, MC2. Generale {75rb}capitulum constituit tres abbates ad terminandam causam terragii de Seant et Allodii Universis ad quos littere presentes pervenerint, Frater Iohannes, Pruliacensis, Frater Hugo de Ripatoro, et Frater Arnaudus de Fonte Iohannis, dicti abbates, salutem in Domino. Notum facimus universitati vestre quod controversiam que vertebatur inter domum Pontiniacensis et domum Vallis Lucentis de decimis, tam extirpatarum terrarum quam extirpandarum, de Seanta de nemoribusb Allodii et Sancte Marie a generali capitulo nobis commissam iudicio sic terminavimus: siquidem testibus utrinque productis et examinatis, longa mora maturoque consilio, cognoscentes ex eorum attestationibus fratres Vallis Lucentis per quadraginta annos et eo amplius decimam illam possedisse dono et emptionec eorum quibus competebat, videlicet Iosberti Mabile, Drogonis Godefridi. Decimam predictam eis adiudicavimus perpetuum silentium Pontiniacensibus su-{75va}per eiusdem decime impetitione de cetero imponentes. Pro restitutione cuiusdam terragii et pro bono pacis, de consensu Galterii abbatis et fratrum Vallis lucentis, statuimus ut de predicta decima annuatim infra octabas Omnium Sanctorum fratres Vallis Lucentis Pontiniacensibus tribuant minam frumenti, et minam siliginis, et minam ordei, et minam avene apud Seanze qualia creverint in territorio illof ad mensuram eiusdem ville. Si autem contigerit quod fratres Vallis Lucentis, per archiepiscopum vel predicte ville presbiterum, predicta decima penitus spolientur, statuta bladi solutio ex integro cadet. Si vero per eosg medietatem prefate decime dictos fratres amittere contingat, bladi huius medietatemh persolvent. Sciendum etiam quod terragium predictorumi nemorum et nova plana et census eorum communia sunt utrisque. Census autem et terragium veterum planorum propria sunt Vallis Lucentis, exceptis ochiis utrique parti appropriatis. Actum anno Gratie {75vb}Mo CCo VIIIo, mense Marcio. a. Seant]Seanz C. B indeterminable. b. nemoribus]nomoribus A. B indeterminable. c. emptione]laudatione C. e. Seanz]B and C indeterminable. f. territorio illo]illo territorio B. C undeterminable. g. eos]eosdem B. C indeterminable. h. bladi huius medietatem]medietatem huis bladi BC. i. predictorum]duorum A. C indeterminable. 336 284 1203 (o. st.). Troyes. I., deacon of Troyes, and M., archdeacon of Troyes, note that a controversy was disputed in their presence, by the authority of the pope, between the abbot and brothers of Vauluisant and Milo, priest of Saint-Benoist[-sur-Vanne] over certain usage rights which the priest claimed in the woods of Cérilly. Finally, Milo renounced the complaint (querele) and quit in perpetuity to the church and brothers of Vauluisant whatever he claimed in those woods. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 75v Script E. B. Original lost. Related Charter: 102. De Sancto Benedicto renuntiat querele usuarii de Ceriliaco I., Dei patientia decanus Trecensis, et M., archidiaconus Trecensis, omnibus ad quos littere presentes pervenerint salutem. Noveritis quod controversia vertebatur, coram nobis, auctoritate apostolica, inter abbatem et fratres Vallis Lucentis, ex una parte, et Milonem, presbiterum de Sancto Benedicto, ex alia, super quodam usuario quod in nemore de Cereliaco dictus presbiter exigebat. Et tandem memoratus Milo, presbiter, querele renuntiavit et quicquid in nemore illo reclamabat ecclesie et fratribus Vallis Lucentis, coram nobis, in perpetuum quittavit. Nos ergo, in huius rei memoriam, presentes litteras scribi et sigillis nostris muniri fecimus. Actum est hoc apud Trecas, anno Domini Mo CCo Tercio. 285 1222, July. No location. R[enaud], deacon of the Vanne Basin, makes known that Nobilis Vir Jean, viscount of Rigny, Thierry, miles, Brocard, chaplain of the same town, Geoffroy and Benoît, prepositi, and three townspeople representing the community of parishioners, sold to Milo, the priest of Rigny, all the lands at Rigny that belonged to that church for 11 l. provinois to rebuild the church of Rigny. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fos. 75v - 76r Script E - Script F. Crossed out. B. Original lost. Ind: Roserot, III:1266. Related Charters: 256, 259, 264. Vicecomes et parrochiani de Regni vendunt terras ecclesie sue R[enaudus], decanus Riparie Vanne in Senonense Dyocesi, omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis salutem. Noverit universitas vestra quod, in presentia nostra constituti, {76ra Script F}Nobilis Vir Iohannes, vicecomes de Regniaco; Terricus, miles; Brochardus, capellanus eiusdem ville; Gaufridus et Benedictus, prepositi; Martinus Eve, Robertus de Hentreio, Minetus, parrochiani de Regniaco, pro communitate parrochianorum omnium, cognoverunt se vendidisse Miloni, presbitero de eadem villa, pro XI libris Pruvinensibus, pro reparatione sue ecclesie de Regniaco, omnes terras eiusdem ecclesie apud Regniacum sitas, scilicet terram apud Gravum sitam, et unam iuxta terras Terrici, militis, et aliam in Brocheriis, et aliam in Cormorino, et aliam in Loisio et alteram subter vineam decani. Hanc autem venditionem laudavit et concessit predictus vicecomes et omnes alii iam nominati, promittentes se super hoc dicto presbitero debitam garantiam portaturos. Quod ut ratum et firmum haberetur, ad petitionem ipsorum, presentes litteras sigilli nostri appensione fecimus premuniri. Actum anno Domini Mo CCo XXIIo, mense Iulio. 337 286 [1184 - 1193] At #275. 287 1161 (o. st.). Joigny. Hugues, archbishop of Sens, makes known that Isnard, viscount of Joigny, gave in alms to the abbot and monks of Vauluisant his land called Armentières with all dominion and justice over that land, and with its appurtenances (cum . . . appendiciis suis). Isnard's son, Jolduin, confirmed this in front of witnesses. His wife, Esmerilla, and sons, Renaud and Isnard, also confirmed this. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 76r-v Script F. After B. Partially illegible. B. Vauluisant Cartulary, 1229 (and possibly earlier) edition, now lost. C. Original lost. D. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 77r Script Fr. After A. a. Quantin II, p. 134, no. 125. After A and D. Related Charters: 145, 156, 330, NC24. {76rb}Isnardus vicecomes de Ioviniaco donavit ecclesie Vallis Lucentis terram suam que dicitur Hermentarias cum omni dominio et iusticia illius fiet appendiciis s. . . sive Ego Hugo, archiepiscopus Senonensis, presentes et futuros certam habere notitiam volo, quia, scilicet, Isnardus, vicecomes de Ioviniaco, donavit in elemosina abbati Vallis Lucentis et monachi in ibi Deo servientibus terram suam que dicitur Hermenterias cum omni dominio et iustitia illius terre et appendiciis suis. Hoc donum laudavit Ioduinus, filius eius, audientibus: Ancello Gateblex; Rainaudo Male; Stephano Bulfet; et filiastro suo, Stephano; Rainaudo; -- Hugone, preposito de Ioviniaco. Hoc etiam laudavit uxor eius, Esmerilla et filii sui, Reinaudus et Isnardus, audientibus: Reinaudo Crasso' et filiis suis, Reinaudo et Theobaldo. Factum est hoc anno ab incarnatione Domini {76va}M C L XI, apud Ioviniacum. Quod ut ratum intemeratumque permaneat, sigilli mea caractere firmare precepi. 288 [1145 - 1169]154 No location. In the presence of Henri, bishop of Troyes, Evrard (ego) gave to the church of Vauluisant in alms whatever rights he had within the borders of Armentières, and made his brother, Milo, confirm it. Their wives also confirmed it. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fos. 76v Script F. After B. Mostly illegible. B. Vauluisant Cartulary, 1229 (and possibly earlier) edition, now lost. C. Original lost. D. Vauluisant Cartulary fo. 77r-v Script Fr. After A. ... Ego, Everardus, dedi in elemosinam Ecclesia Vallislucentis quidquid iuris habebam in finibus Armenteriarum, in presentia Henrici, Trecensis episcopi, et in eadem presentia laudare feci fratrem meum Milonem. Huius rei testes sunt: Trecensis episcopus 1541145-69, Henri's episcopacy, Gams. 338 Henricus, Magister Girardus de flacio . . . G. . . Petrus . . . Galterus . . . apud . . . Galterus . . . Girardus . . . Hec etiam laudaverunt uxor. . . {76vb} . 289 1171 (o. st.). Provins. Henri [I], count palatine of Troyes, makes known that Hugues de Romilly[-sur-Seine] and Eudes, his brother, quit their claim to whatever rights they demanded from the dominus and brothers of Vauluisant at Armentières. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 76v Script F. After B. B. Vauluisant Cartulary, 1229 (and possibly earlier) edition, now lost. C. Original lost. D. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 77v Script Fr. After A. a. Benton #71b, After A and D. Ego Henricus, Trecen[sis comes palatinus] Campanie, universis presentibus et futuris, notum facio quod Hugo de Rumilaco et Odo, frater eius, quicquid iuris apud Armenterias clamabant domnia et fratribus Vallis Lucentis, in presentia mea, quictum clamaverunt et omnino dimiserunt in pace et quietudine possidendum. Quod ut dictum permaneat et ratum teneatur, litteris annotatum sigilli mei impressione firmavi. Affuerunt autem huius rei testes: Dominus Ansellus de Triangulo, Dominus Guillelmus de Donno Petro, Constabularius Garnerius de Triangulo. Drogo de Pruvino, Petrus Bristandus,b Daimbertus de Vernantis,c Guillelmus marescallus, Artaudus camerarius. Datum est hoc Pruvini, anno incarnationis M C LXXI. Actum per manum Guillelmi, cancellarii. a. domni]domui Da. b. Bristandus]Tristandus D. c. Vernantis]Ternantis a. 290 [1142 - 1162]155 No location. The continuation of a charter where, I believe, Houduin [de Villemaur], brother of Girard [Berengar], gave something (Armentières?) to Vauluisant. X de Traînel carried the warranty (manucepit). A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 79r Script A. Fragmentary. Crossed out. B. Original lost. {79ra Script A}de Triagnio manucepit, ita ut ecclesia Vallis Lucentis illud in pace possideret. Girardus quoque, frater predicti Holduini, laudavit hoc donum, ita quod testes laudationis fuerunt: Anselmus de Triagnio; et Garinus, frater eius; Dietus, frater Henrici; Petrus, filius Petri de Turnela; Guiardus de Balchiseio; Hugo de Gumereio; et Hoduinus, celerarius; et ut hoc ratum et inconcussum omni tempore habeatur, rogatu predicti Holduini, sigillo Domni Hugonis, Senonensis archiepiscopi, signatur atque firmatur. 1551142-68, Hugues' archiepiscopacy, Gams. 339 291 [1127 - 1160]156 No location. Hervée, prepositus, and the entire convent of the church of Sens, make known that they conceded half of the tithe of Armentières, which is distinguished from their rights (? que de iure nostro dinoscitur) to Abbot Norpaud and the church of Vauluisant to hold in perpetuity. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, 79r Script A Crossed out. B. Original lost. Canonicorum Senonensium de medietatem decime Armentariarum In nomine sancte et individue Trinitatis. Ego, Herveius, aecclesie Senonensis prepositus totusque conventus eiusdem aecclesiae omnibus, tam presentibus quam futuris, notum fieri volumus quod medietatem decime terrae Armenteriarum, que de iure nostro dinoscitur, Venerabili Abbati Norpaldo ecclesie Vallis Lucentis et eidem ecclesie libere habendam et in perpetuo quiete possidendam concessimus. Et si quid calumpnie adversus eum et predictam ecclesiam insurgeret, eandem decimam eis omni tempore adquitaremus. Hoc autem, ut ratum habeatur presentis scripti patrocinio et sigilli nostri auctoritate roborantes, confirmamus. Huic itaque concessioni interfuerunt: Guillelmus, archidiaconus; Symon, thesaurarius; Odo, decanus; Matheus, preceptor; Symon, cellerarius; Gosbertus, sacerdos; Theo et Robertus, diaconi; Gosbertus de Gelna, Simon, Rainerus et Irbertus, subdiaconi; et alii quam plures. Matheus, ecclesie Sancte Matris Senonensis, cancellarius scripsit. 292 1158 (o. st.), March 15. Villemaur, in front of Domna Helia. Jobert de Villemaur, brother of Domnus Dreux, gave to the church of Vauluisant whatever rights he had in the woods of Sièges, except for the usage rights of one of his men, named Herbert, and his (Herbert's) son, of wood for heating and building the his house, which he (Jobert) did not sell. Domnus Dreux, brother of Jobert, Jobert's wife, Edula, Dreux's wife, Hersende, and Nicholas and Godefroy, his sons confirmed this transaction. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 79r Script A. B. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 85v Script C. (#327) C. Original, AD Yonne, H 753. 16.7 x 19.4 cm. a. Quantin, II, pp. 95-96, no. 88. After C. Related Charters: 275, 283, 296, 307, 309, 315, 323. Iosbertus de Villa Mauri dat nemus Eschegiaruma In nomine sancte et individue Trinitatis. Notum sit omnibusb fidelibus Christianis {79rb}quod Iosbertus de Villa Mauri, frater Domnic Drogonis, dedit ecclesie Vallis Lucentis in elemosinam quicquid iuris habebat in nemore Eschegiarum, ita tamen quod cuidam homini suo, Herberto nomine, et filio eius retinuit usuarium calefaciendi, se et domum suam faciendi, ita quod eam non vendat. Hoc donum laudavit Domnusd Drogo, frater Iosberti, et uxor Iosberti, Edula, uxor quoque Domini Drogonis, nomine Hersendis, et Nicholause et Godefridus, filii eius. Huius rei testes fuerunt: Obertus, magister leprosorum Duaram Aquaram; Iterus,f canonicus de Villa Mauri; Theobaldus, canonicus; et Iosfridus, similiter canonicus; Nocherus, monachus, et prior de Sancto Meminio; filii 1561160, latest possible death of Norpaud, Abbot. 340 quoque Donni Odonis, Manasses et Clarembaldus; et Hoduinus,g Donni Dudonis filius; Milo, filius Domnih Tecelini; Galterus de Pentecoste; Garnerius de Fous; Guillelmusi de Merlineio; et Ansellus, frater eius; Galterus Trecasinus; et Everardus Benedictus; et Hato, filius Rainaldi Trecassini.j Factum est hoc apud Villam Maurum, ante Domnam Heliam, dominam eiusdem ville. Anno ab incarnatione Domini Mo Co Lo VIIIo, Idus Martii.k Et ut hoc ratum et inconcussum omni tempore habeatur, rogatu eiusdem Iosberti, inpressionel sigilli Domnim Henrici, Trecensis episcopi, signatur atque firmatur et Domnin Hugonis, Senonensis archiepiscopi. a. B:Iosberti Magni de Villa Mauri de nemore Eschegiarum. c. Domni]Donni BC. d. Domnus]Donnus BC. f. Iterus]Itierus B. g. Hoduinus]Holduinus BC. i. Guillelmus]Guilelmus B. j. Trecassini]Trecasini BC. l. inpressione]impressione BC. m. Domni]Domini BC. b. omnibus om. B. e. Nicholaus]Nicolaus B. h. Domni]Donni BC. k. Martii]Marcii B. n. Domni]Domini BC. 293 [1127 - 1163]157 No location. Confirmed at Villemaur and Maupas. [Hugues], the son of Elias de Bagneux, gave to the monks of Vauluisant whatever he had in the woods (silva) of Sorlein and that part in Livanne, as well as whatever he had in fields and meadows from Livanne up to the rock Doelech. Hugues confirmed this at Villemaur. His mother, Belisennis, brother, Hugues, and sister also confirmed this at Maupas. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 79r-v Script A. Crossed out.. B. Original lost. Hugonis filius Helie de Balneolis. Silvam que dicitur Sollenium dedit Vallis Lucentis. Notum sit omnibus quod [Hugo],158 filius He[lias]159 de Balneolis donavit monachis de Valle Lucenti quicquid habebat in silva que vocatur Sorlenium et illam partem quam habebat in Luvennia, insuper etiam quicquid habebat in campis et pratis a Luvenia usque ad petram {79va}Doelech. Hoc laudavit apud Villam Mauri audientibus Richero Vitulo; Waltero, avunculo predicti Hugonis; Drogone Strabone; Girardo Berengario; Warnero de Fusseio; et Anselmo, fratre eius; Mauricio de Lenis; Itero et Goffrido, canonicis. Hoc etiam laudavit mater eius, Belisennis, apud Malum Passum et frater supradicti Hugonis, Helias, et soror eius, his interfuerunt: Ernaldus, monacus; et Iosbertus de Castellione, conversus, de Valle Lucente pascherus; Urricus, filius Theobaldi; Herbertus Blundus; Garnerius de Curia, avunculi mei. 1571163, mentioned in Alexander III's confirmation, NC1. justify my interpolation on the reference to a predicti Hugonis below, suggesting that the name was elided in the transcription. 159The exact expansion of this abbreviation is a difficult matter. Although the relatively contemporary rubric provides Helie as an appropriate genitive, Helias appears to be a man's name. I base this assertion on the confirmation given by Belisennis, Hugues' mother. Unless Hugues had two mothers, Helie is not the appropriate genitive. This last option is not to be discounted too lightly, however, as Elias is given as Eudes de Villemaur's wife's name in #298, infra. Hence, I merely use the nominative form, and assume it expands in the same fashion as Hugues' brother, Helias, below. 158I 341 294 [1127 - 1160]160 Abbey of Vauluisant, in front of the house of the gatekeeper (portarius). Confirmed at Lailly. Foulques de Lailly and his son, Anselm, conceded to the monks of Vauluisant whatever they had in Sorlein, the part that he had in Livanne and the part that he had in the woods called Tremblay above Putigny, except for those lands which his men were cultivated at that time. Maria, his wife, confirmed this gift to Ernaud, monk of the same monastery, in her home at Lailly. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 79v Script A. Crossed Out.. B. Original lost. Related Charters: 139, 152, 156, 180, 184, 194, NC6, AC2. Fulconis de Lailleio filii eius Anselmi dantis Sorlenium et Luvannem Notum sit omnibis quod Fulco de Laileio et filius eius, Anselmus, concessit monachis de Valle Lucente quicquid habebat in Sorlenio, et illam partem quam habebat in Luvenia, et illam partem quam habebat in nemore quod est super Putinneium quod vocatur Trembleium, preter illam terram quam homines eius illo in tempore colebant. Hoc donum fecit in ipsa abbatia, ante domum portarii, in manu Norpaldi abbati, presentibus: monachis eius Ernaldo, Waltero, Stephano; Iohanne, eiusdem Fulconis villico. Hoc etiam laudavit uxor eius Maria, Ernaldo, eiusdem monasterii monacho, apud Lailleium in domo sua, audiente Iohanne Grivello, maiore suo. 295 [1127 - 1163] No location. Confirmations at Villemaur and at Lenis (Ligny?). At #216. 296 [1135 - 1148]161 No location -- Villemaur -- woods between Coulours and Cérilly. Emeline, the sister of Girard Berengar, gave to her brother Girard her share of the woods of Fay Garnens. Girard Berengar conceded this gift to monks of Vauluisant through the agency of Abbot Norpaud. Dreux Strabo, his wife, Hersende, and sons, Houdouvin and Nicholas, also conceded this gift. In addition, Jobert, brother of Girard (and Dreux), gave to the monks his share of the same woods in entirety (in ota - read as in tota here and below) . Finally, after the donation of those woods which Berengar had previously given to Gerard, his brother-in-law, he (Berengar) conceded them again between the woods between Coulours and Cérilly to the monks so that they may be freely owned and possessed in their entirety. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fos. 79v, 81r. Script A. B. Original lost. Related Charters: 275, 283, 292, 307, 309, 315, 323. {79vb}Emeline sororis Girardi berengarii de Fai Warnete Notum sit presentibus et futuris quod soror Girardi Berengarii, Emmelina nomine, concessit fratri suo Girardo totam partem quam habebat in Faio Warnete, concedente marito suo Berengario cum filia sua Emelina. Huic dono interfuit Walterus Garoldus et 1601160, latest possible death of Norpaud, Abbot. extreme dates for the abbacies around Garnier, abbot of Dilo, GC 12:251. 1611135-48, 342 Hugo, frater eius, et Theobaldus, nepos eorum. Et illud idem donum Girardus Berengarius concessit monachis Vallis Lucentis per manum Norpaldi, abbatis, libere possidendum apud Villammauri in propria domo sua, testantibus: Waltero Garoldo, Richero Vitulo, Fulcone de Lailleio, Warnero de Fusseio, Gibaldo Venatore, Guiberto, fratre suo. Illud donum concessit Drogo Strabo, cum uxore sua, Hersende, et filiis suis, Hoduvino et Nicholao. De illa eadem silva que vocatur Faium Warnete, Iosbertus, frater predicti Girardi, concessit predictis monachis Valle Lucente omnem partem suam. Huic dono quod fecit Iosbertus in ota in eadem silva interfuit: Willelmus, abbas de Scarleiis; et Nihardus, cellerarius eius; et Waldricus, monachus eius; et Abbas Garnerius de Diloio; Girardus Berengarius; Iterus, sorius eius; Petrus de Renniaco; Walterius Treissinus; Iuvenalis, prepositus Domni Anselmi; et Rainardus, nepos eius; Dodo de Fusseio; {81ra}Arnulfus; Walterus de Seiaco et Isembardus frater eius; et Ansaldus, faber; et Ivo, faber; et Anselmus Fulconis de Lailleio. Hoc idem postea donum de illa silva quod Berengarius Gerardo sororio suo antea dederat, concessit iterum idem monachis libere habendum et possidendum in ota inter Colorium et Cirilleium, audientibus Drogone Strabone et Girardo fratre eius; Iosfrido Frangente Morrailla; Richero Vitulo et filio suo, Roberto; Theobaldo Garoldo. Hoc etiam laudavit uxor eiusdem Berengarii, Emelina nomine, cum filia sua, iterum Emelina, apud Villam Mauri, audientibus: Drogone Strabone; Girardo, fratre eius; Holdeuvino Manant; Iosfrido Frangente Morailla; Guiberto, venatore; Roberto, filio Richeri vituli; et Isabel uxore predicti Girardi. 297 [1127 - 1163]162 Saint-Florentin. "Let it be known to all that Domnus Ponce de Traînel recognized to the abbot of Vauluisant the gift that he made earlier to the monks of Preuilly, namely of the territory of Cérilly, which indeed, because of the interval of time, he forgot about, believing the truth of the monks rather than his own forgetfulness, and further conceded whatever he should be able to acquire from his proper holdings or those holdings held in fief from him." "Foundation Document" for grange of Cérilly. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 81r Script A. B. Original lost. C. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 80r Script Fr (80v blank). After A. a. Quantin I, pp. 455-56, no. 301. Related Charter: 298. aPontii de Triagnio de territorio de Cereli Notum sit omnibus quod Domnus Pontius de Triagno donum quod pridem monachis Prullei fecerat de territorio videlicet Cirillei, quod quidem,b propter intervallum temporis oblivioni dederat, magis monachorum credens veritati quam sue oblivioni abbati Vallis Lucentis recognovit atque perpetuo possidendum quicquid in suo proprio et quicquid de eius feodo adquirere posset concessit. Huius rei testes sunt: Milo Brohuns; Stephanus, filius Ailidis; Anselmus, filius Iocilini Surdi; Odo, prepositus; Petrus de Ioviniaco; Petrus 1621163, last date of Script A charters. Of course, Evergates states that Ponce de Traînel is the earliest known member of the Traînel line, and his name appears in charters dating from the last quarter of the eleventh century. Given this information, as well as Ponce's relative absence from the documents vis-à-vis the presence of his sons, I am moved to conclude that the events described in this charter took place around the foundation of the abbey. 343 Longobardus; Milo, presbiter; Teobaldus, piscator, et hoc actum est in domo eiusdem Teobaldi apud Sanctum Florentinum. a. C: {80r} b. quod quidem del.? A (light brown dots suggests erasure). 298 [1127 - 1154]163 No location. Domnus Eudes de Villemaur recognized to the abbot of Vauluisant the gift of the territory of Cérilly which his father (Manasses) made to Preuilly and in addition confirmed it to be possessed forever. His wife, Hélie, conceded. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 81r Script A. B. Original lost. Ind: Roserot, III:1777. Related Charters: 172, 185, 297, MC1. Odonis de Villa Mauri de territorio de Cerili Notum sit omnibus quod Domnus Odo de Villa Mauri donum quod pater suus fecit monachis Prulleii, de territorio, {81rb}videlicet, Cirillei recognovit abbati Vallis Lucentis, et insuper laudavit perenniter possidendum. Concessit et uxor sua, Elias. Huius rei testes sunt: Galterus, Garoldus, Anselmus de Fusceio, Drogo li Borns, Richerus Vitulus, Garnerius de Foxo, Tescelinus de Villa Mauri. 299 [1127 - 1163]164 No location. Hugues de Cussigny gave to the monks of Vauluisant whatever he had in the territory of Cérilly. Hugues, his nephew, to whom the territory pertained confirmed this donation, so that nevertheless he should have 2 s. cens each year. Gautier de Vénizy, from whom it was held in fief, confirmed this. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 81r Script A. B. Original lost. Related Charter: 302. Hugonis de Cussinneio de territorio de Cereli Notum sit omnibus quod Hugo de Cussinneio donavit monachis de Valle Lucente quicquid habebat in territorio Cirillei. Et hoc laudavit Hugo, nepos suus, ad quem pertinebat predictum territorium, ita tamen quod duos solidos per unumquemque annum pro censu inde haberet. Hoc etiam laudavit Donnus Garnerus de Veneseio, de cuius feodo erat. Huius rei testes sunt: Anselmus Aries; Sismundus, prepositus; Teobaldus; Baldricus; Robertus de Seancio et filius eius, Iterus; et Ernaldus, miles. 300 [1127 - 1163]165 No location. Confirmed at Villemaur. 1631154, first appearance of Hélie, Eudes' widow, Roserot, III:1777. The sense of this charter, and Manasses' apparent retirement around the foundation of the monastery, suggests that this transaction occurred very early in the abbey's career. 1641163, mentioned in Alexander III's confirmation, NC1. 344 Jobert de Rigny gave to the monks of Vauluisant whatever he had in the territory Cérilly except the payments of iron and charcoal, so that nevertheless the monks shall receive whatever should be necessary for them. Thibaut, his son, confirmed this. Thibaut also recognized this gift at Villemaur. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 81r Script A. B. Original lost. Ind: C. Verna, "La sidérurgie cistercienne en Champagne Méridionale et en Bourgogne du Nord (XIIe XVe siècle)," pp. 207-12 in Flaran 3, l'économie cistercienne, 1981, Auch, 1983; p. 209.166 Iosberti de Renniaco. De territorio Cirili Notum sit omnibus quod Iosbertus de Reneiaco donavit monachis de Valle Lucente quicquid habebat in territorio Cirilleii, preter redditus ferri et carbonis, ita quod monachi in hoc etiam quicquid eis necessarium esset acciperent. Hoc etiam laudavit Teobaldus, filius eius. Huius rei testes sunt: Havinus de Trancalleio, Manasses de Curgineio, Garnerus de eodem, Godefridus de Villa Nova, Balduinus de Burdinnaio. Hoc etiam donum recognovit idem Teobaldus apud Villammauri, coram testibus: Gerardo Berengario, Fulcone de Lalleio, Pontio de Campo Embaldi, Petro de Renneio, Tecelino de Villa Mauri, Huberto canonico, Itero venatore. 301 [1127 - 1139, May 4]167 No location. Geoffroy Balbeaux surrendered whatever his rights consisted of in Cérilly, in tithes, altaria or other possessions, in the hands of Henri, archbishop of Sens. The same archbishop then gave (tradere) them to God, Notre-Dame-de-Vauluisant, Abbot Norpaud, and the brothers of that church, to be perpetually possessed by right. The archbishop also affixed his seal to the document. Geoffroy's wife, Roscewilde, his son, Guillaume, with his daughters, and Garmundus, from whom it was held in fief, and his wife and children, all confirmed this transaction. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 81r-v Script A. B. Vauluisant Cartulary, fos. 83v - 84r Script A. (#318) C. Original, AD Yonne, H 706. 23.8 x 18.5 cm. Seal of Henri, archbishop of Sens. a. Quantin I, pp. 363-64, no. 220. After B. Gaufridi Barbelli. de territorio Cereli et decimaa In nomine sancte et individue Trinitatis. Notum fieri volumus omnibus hominibus Gaufridum Balbellum in manu Henrici, Senonensis archiepiscopi, reliquisse quicquid ei iure competebat {81va}in Cirilliaco, tam in decima quam in atrio, seu in aliis possessionibus; archiepiscopum nichilominus Deo, et Beate Marie de Valle Lucente, et Norpaldo, eiusdem loci abbati, et fratribus ibidem Deo servientibus, hoc idem iure perpetuo possidendumb tradidisse; necnon ut firmus haberetur sub sigillo suo signasse. Huius rei testes sunt: Herbertus, abbas Sancti Petri Vivi; Roscelinus, abbas Sancte Columbe, Willelmus, abbas Sancti Remigii; Symon, archidiaconus; Ioslinus, capellanus archiepiscopi; Ioffridusc Esventez; Dainbertus de Ioviniaco. Hoc etiamd laudavit uxor predicti Ioffridi, nomine Roscewildis,e et Willelmus, filius eius, cum filiabus suis, et Garmundus, de cuius feodo erat, cum uxore sua et filiis, presente Isnardo, vicecomite, et 1651163, mentioned in Alexander III's confirmation, NC1. note at #195. 1671139, May 4, death of Roscelin, abbot of Sainte Columbe, GC. 166See 345 fratre eius, Rainaldo,f et Gerardo de Villa Canis, et Tecelino, et Dainberto, filio eius, et ceteris multis. a. B:Gaufridi Barbelli de Cereliaco c. Ioffridus]Goffridus BC. d. etiam om.BC. C? f. Rainaldo]Reinaldo B]Reynaldo C. b. perpetuo {84ra}possidendum B. e. Roscewildis]Roscewldis B. 302 [1127 - 1163]168 Ervy-le-Châtel. Recognized at Saint-Florentin. Hugues le Pauvre, the son of Gautier Rufus (le Rouge), conceded the monks of Vauluisant whatever his father had possessed in the territory Cérilly under the condition that each year he shall have 2 s. cens from the monks paid on the feast of Saint Remy (October 1). He made this agreement in Ervy-le-Châtel (Troyes), and recognized it, giving his faith that he would adhere to it for all time, at Saint-Florentin. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 81v Script A. B. Original lost. a. Quantin I, p. 465, no. 313. After A. Related Charter: 299. Donnum Hugonis Pauperis de nemore de Cereli Sciant presentes et futuri quod Hugo Pauper, filius Galteri Rufi, concessit monachis de Valle Lucente quicquid pater eius possederat in territorio Cyrillei, et in plano et in bosco, tali conditione: quod unoquoque anno a monachis in festo Beati Remigii duos solidos pro censu inde haberet. Huius pacti facti in Erveio testes fuerunt: Domnus Milo de Erveio et Buro, et Hugo Bae, Pontius de Radicibus, Hugo de Cussingeio, Mainardus Ruffus, Stephanus Sormeriaci et Guido frater eius, Alelmus de Veniseio. Hoc pactum iterum recognovit idem Hugo apud Sanctum Florentinum et in fide sua asseruit fideliter se omni tempore servaturum. Huius iterum recognitionis testes fuerunt: Herbertus, filius Warneri; Ansellus Bucsellus; et Stephanus, frater; Boninus, Teodericus, Rainaldus, sacerdotes; Burgenses vero, Robertus Rex, Havinus. 303 [1127 - 1163]169 Outside of Ervy-le-Châtel, at the entrance to the woods. Confirmed at Sormery. Etienne de Sormery and Guiard, his brother, conceded to the monks of Vauluisant whatever their father possessed in the area of Cérilly, to be possessed in perpetuity. Etienne's wife conceded this in front of her house in Sormery. 1681163, last date of Script A charters. Quantin claims that this transaction took place before 1150. The witness list is similar to that in #303 (i.e., Milo d'Ervy and his knights), suggesting a possible contemporaneous execution. 1691163, last date of Script A charters. The date is given on the day that Milo d'Ervy and his knights federated themselves by oath with the king of France (se federaverant iuramentis cum rege Francie). Quantin claims that this transaction took place around 1147, i.e., the association with the king is their participation in the Second Crusade. Evergates states that this happened between 1160-1170. I do not know how he arrived at this figure. There were at least three generations of Milo d'Ervys stretching from at least 1143 to 1212, Roserot I:540-5. Furthermore, the two generations of Anselm de Traînels preclude any conclusions based on his presence here (don't look too closely elsewhere). 346 A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 81v Script A. B. Original lost. a. Quantin I, p. 437, no. 283. After A. Ind: Evergates, p. 180; Lalore, Traînel, no. 23. Related Charters: 312, 321. {81vb}Stephani de Sormeri quitat elemosinam patris sui Notum sit omnibus presentibus quod Stephanus de Sormeri et frater eius, Guiardus, concesserunt monachis de valle lucente quicquid pater eorum possederat et ipsi clamabant in territorio Cirillei iure perpetuo possidendum. Hoc factum est extra Erveium in introitu nemoris, in die illa qua Domnus Milo de Erveio et milites eius se federaverant iuramentis cum rege francie. Huius rei testes sunt: Domnus Ansellus de Triagnio, Milo de Erveio, Holderus de Ereveio, Pontius de Radicibus, Petrus de Turnula, Mainardus Rufus. Hoc idem concessit uxor predicti Stephani apud Sormereium ante domum suam, et huius rei testes fuerunt: Hagano, glavianus; Warnerius, filius Galterii, ferrarii; Rainaldus, fenerator; Thomas, speculator; Robertus, furnarius. 304 [1142 - 1160]170 No location. Hugues, archbishop of Sens notes that the dispute (contentio) that was held between the abbot of Vauluisant and Domnus Milo de Rigny over certain lands at Armentières was settled in this way: Milo came to the abbey and conceded to the church of Vauluisant whatever he had denied from the possessions of the deceased Jolduin, namely that piece of land which is on the side of the chalk mine (citra creeriam) towards the mill of Flacy, and that which is from the chalk mine towards the woods called Séant until Fonte Amandi. He also recognized that he had earlier confirmed in front of the church of Vauluisant the fief of Bosonis de Chanloth, concerning which it had been disputed, and he confirmed again. Further, Milo de Rigny confirmed whatever the abbot (or archbishop of Sens ?)171 holds from the fief of Gautier de Fontenay at Pouy. Alice, Milo's wife, his sons, Pierre and Milo, and also his daughter Heloise, confirmed all the aforegoing. They also confirmed the gift which Milo made of a certain part of land which the brothers of Vauluisant assarted from the woods called Bouloy which the abbot (or archbishop) holds in common with Milo and others. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 81v Script A and fo. 78r Script F. Crossed out. B. Original lost. a. Quantin I, pp. 460-61, no. 308. After A. Donum Milonis de Regneio de terra citra creeriam de Flacio Ego Hugo, Senonensis archiepiscopus, existentium memorie et futurorum posteritati notum fieri volo quod inter abbatem Vallis Lucentis et Domnum Milonem de Regneio facta est contentio de quibusdam terris quae sunt apud Armentarias que hoc modo terminata est: Domnus Milo venit ad abbatiam et concessit ecclesie Vallis Lucentis libere possidendum quicquid eadem ecclesia renuerat de defuncto Iolduino, terram, scilicet, 1701142, beginning of Hugues' archiepiscopacy, Gams. 1160, latest possible death of Norpaud, abbot. Quantin claims this took place before 1150. 171First person plural. It seems to make more sense to posit a shift in authorial voice from here until the last sentence, and read the use of the first person plural and the one below as signifying the abbot of Vauluisant. This could also be construed as coherent with the internal logic of the charter, as then the archbishop would employ solely the first person singular. 347 illam que est citra creeriam versus molendinum de Flaceio et illam que est a creeria sicut turum dividit versus nemus quod dicitur Seuant usque ad Fontem Amandi. Iterum casamentum Bosonis de Chanloth de quo querebatur, recognovit quod dudum ante eidem ecclesie laudaverat et laudavit. Quicquid etiam habemus de casamento Galterii de Fonteneto apud poseium libere laudavit. Actum est hoc in presentia abbatis, assistentibus Gaufrido de Mu-{78ra Script F}-linuns et Itero de Malonido, Hugone de Laili, Philippo Bibente Sequanam, Henrico de Triagnio, Girardo monacho. Predicta omnia laudaverunt Aelexis, uxor eius, et filii eius, Petrus et Milo, filia quoque eius, Helewisa. Laudaverunt etiam donum quod fecit de quadam parte terre quam fratres nostri essartaverant de nemore quodam quod dicitur Boeletum, quod cum eo et aliis communiter tenemus. Huius rei testes: Vitalis, presbiter de Regniaco; Duardus, Clericus de Seant; Galfridus, clericus de Balneolis; Garnerus, prepositus de Regniaco; Gauterus, filius Wiberti. Quod ut ratum et firmum omni tempore habeatur, sigilli attestatione firmavi. 305 [1129 - 1134]172 No location. Herbert, abbot of Saint-Pierre-le-Vif, recognized that the knights of the Temple came into their chapter and sought from them the church that the had in the village of Cérilly, with lands under cultivation and fallow and woods. Having received their request (or payment -- Quorum preces suscipientes), they conceded to the Templars whatever they had there. Afterwards, the Templars exchanged this land with the monks of Vauluisant for certain lands of theirs which were more useful and appropriate, inasmuch as they (?) had meadows, woods and plowable lands. From the lands that they received from the exchange, they (Templars) shall pay 3 s. cens each year to the church of Saint-Pierre-leVif on the feast of Saint Remy (October 1). The concession was ratified (adcredentatum; I have examined Niermeyer and Ducange, and can find no basis for my translation) in the presence of Geoffroy, bishop of Chartres, Burchard, bishop of Meaux, and Count Thibaut [II of Champagne, IV of Blois]. Moreover, this convention (exchange) between Domnus Norpaud, abbot of Vauluisant, and the knights of the Temple was so ratified, the same abbot with the convent of his church confirmed (adcredentat) to Herbert, abbot, and the church of Saint-Pierre-le-Vif. And Domnus Herbert, and his church, conceded it to them. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 82r Script A. B. Original, AD Yonne, H 675. 25.3 x 21.7 cm. Damaged. a. Quantin II, pp. 52-53, no. 47. After B. Related Charters: 270-73. {82ra Script A}Herberti abbatis Sancti petri Vivi de cambio Cereliaco In nomine Patris et Filii. Spiritus Sancti, amen. Herbertus, Dei gratia abbas Sancti Petri Vivi, et omnis conventus aecclesiae, cunctis in Christo credentibus, tam futuris quam presentibus, salutem. Notum esse volumus caritati fidelium quod milites de Templo, in capitulum nostrum venientes, petierunt a nobis ecclesiam quam habebamus in villa Ciriliaci, cum terris, cultis et incultis, et in nemore. Quorum preces suscipientes, concessimus eis quicquid ibi habebamus. Post modum vero ipsi eandem terram cambierunt monachis de Valle Lucenti pro quibusdam eorum terris que eis utiliores et 1721129, Coulours foundation, Jean Richard, "Les Templiers et les Hospitaliers en Bourgogne et en Champagne," pp. 231-242 in Die Geistlichen Ritterorden Europas, Sigmaringen, 1980. p. 234; 1134, death of Burchard, bishop of Meaux, Gams. 348 magis commode erant, ut pote prata, nemus et terras aratorias habentes. De his autem terris, sic ex cambitione illa susceptis, per singulos annos ecclesie Sancti Petri Vivi de censu inde solverent solidos tres in festo Sancti Remigii, ea scilicet conditione: ut si aliquando contigerit eos terram illam vel locum dimittere, ad ecclesiam Beati Petri Vivi libere redeat. Hoc concessum adcredentatum est in presentia Gaufridi, Carnotensis episcopi, et Buchardi, Meldensis episcopi, et Comitis Theobaldi, presentibus etiam Guillelmo, Falcone et Raimundo, Templi militibus. Hanc autem conventionem inter Domnum Norpaldum, abbatem de Valle Lucenti, et milites de Templo sic adcredentatam idem domnus abbas, cum conventu ecclesie suae, adcredentat Domno Herberto, abbati, et aecclesiae Sancti Petri Vivi. Et Domnus Abbas Herbertus et ecclesia Sancti Petri concedit eis. 306 [1145 - 1151]173 Auxerre, in the bishop's curia. Confirmed at Seignelay. Jean de Venouse gave to the church of Vauluisant whatever rights he had in the woods called Essurgéz in the territory of Cérilly, by the hand of Donnus Hugues, bishop of Auxerre. Rocelin, his brother-in-law, confirmed this in the curia of Bishop Hugues of Auxerre. Guiburdis, the sister of Jean and wife of Rocelin, and her son, Milo, also confirmed this at Seignelay (Silliniacus), before Domina Agnes, mother of Dominus Daimbert, and before Domina Alpa. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 82r Script A. B. Original, AD Yonne, H 706. 9.3 x 30.3. Seal of the bishop of Auxerre. a. Quantin I, p. 406, no. 255. After B. Related Charter: 274. Iohannis de Venos. Des Eslorgeit In nomine sancte et individue Trinitatis. Notum sit omnibus fidelibus Christianis quod Iohannes de Venos dedit ecclesie Vallis Lucentis quicquida iuris habebat in nemore quod {82rb}vocatur Esleuergeiz et in omnibus finibus Cirillei, per manum Donni Hugonis, Autisiodorensis episcopi. Hoc laudavit Rocelinus, sororius eius, in curia Autisiodorensis episcopi, Hugonis. Huius doni et laudationis testes fuerunt: Gaufridus, abbas de Rupibus; Ricardus, abbas de Cailloio; Petrus Rufus, monachus de Pontiniaco; Stephanus, abbas de meluduno; et Stephanus, canonicus et cellerarius; Herbertus de Vilerciaco. Hoc etiam laudavit Guiburdis, soror Iohannis, uxor Rocelini; et filius eius, Milo. Laudationis huius testes fuerunt: Martinus, capellanus de Silliniaco; et Guiardus Catus. Hoc quoque factum est apud Silliniacum ante Dominam Agnem, matrem Domini Daimberti, et uxorem Dominam Alpam. Et ut hoc ratum et inconcussum omni tempore habeatur, inpressione sigilli Domni Hugonis, Autisiodorensis episcopi, signatur atque firmatur. a. quicquid]quidquid B. 1731145, Richardus, abbot of Chalivoy, 1145-53, GC v. 2, col. 193; 1151, death of Hugues, bishop of Auxerre, Gams. Other abbots: Geoffroy, abbot of Rupes, 1136-65, GC v. (2?), cols. 465-68. If Meluduno is the abbey of Molosme, the GC does not cite an abbot between 1146 and 1157, suggesting a possible time when Etienne was abbot. 349 307 1161 (o. st.). No location. Henri, bishop of Troyes, makes known that Dreux [Strabo] and Hersend, his wife, conceded and confirmed the usage rights that his brother, Jobert le Grand, and Nocher de Payns conferred to the church of Vauluisant from their own parts, which they held from that Dreux in the woods of Notre-Dame [de Séant]. His children, Berenger, cleric, Godefroy, and Sibille also confirmed this. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 82r Script A. B. Original, AD Yonne, H 706. 12.4 x 20.2 cm (at longest part) right half damaged and missing. Ind: Roserot, III:1778. Related Charters: 275, 283, 292, 296, 309, 315, 323, MC2. De usu nemoris Sancte Marie In nomine domini nostri Ihesu Christi. Ego Henricus, Dei gratia Trecensis episcopus, notum fieri volo, tam presentibus quam futuris, quia Drogo atque Hersendis, uxor eius, concesserunt et laudaverunt ecclesie Vallis Lucentis usuarium quod eidem monasterio Iosbertus Magnus, frater ipsius Drogonis, et Nocherus de Paianis contulerant in partibus suis quas tenebant ab ipso Drogone in bosco Sancte Marie. Laudaverunt hoc etiam liberi eorum, Berengerius clericus, Godefridus, Sibilla, testantibus: Guiberto, venatore; et Itero, fratre ipsius; et Gauterio, clerico de Villa Mauri. Actum est hoc anno ab incarnatione Domini Millesimo Centesimo Sexagesimo Primo. Et ut hoc ratum et inconcussum omni tempore habeatur, sigilli nostri attestatione firmari precepi. 308 1162 (o. st.). No location. Henri, bishop of Troyes, makes known that Marin de Château-Hutton (Quantin: Chateau-Guiton) gave to the church of Vauluisant whatever of his rights were in the territory of Cérilly. Ermengard, his wife, and his four sons, namely, Hubert, Thibaut, Chrétien and Renaud, confirmed this gift. Petronille, daughter of Marin, and Pierre, her husband, confirmed this gift. Again, Aia, the niece of Marin, and Pierre, her husband, confirmed this gift. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 82r-v Script A. B. Original, AD Yonne, H 706. 23.9 x 18.3 cm. Related Charter: MC3. De dono facto apud Cirili In nomine Domini. Ego Henricus, gratia Dei Trecensis episcopus, notum facio aecclesiae filiis presentibus et futuris quod Marinus de Castro Guitonico dedit {82va}aecclesiae Vallis Lucentis, pro sua suorumque perpetua salute, quicquid in territorio Ceriliacia sui iuris erat. Hoc donum laudavit uxor eius, Ermengardis, et quatuor filii eorum, scilicet Hubertus, Theobaldus, Christianus, Renauldus. Huius rei testes et auditores fuerunt: Milo de Regniaco; Guibertus et Iterus Petrusque, venatores. Hoc donum laudavit etiam Petronilla, filia predicti Marini, et Petrus, maritus eius, audientibus et testificantibus: Milone de regniaco; Martino Grolleth; Bartholomeo, fratre Vitalis, decani de Regniaco. Hoc donum iterum laudavit Aia, neptis predicti Marini, audientibus et testificantibus: Henrico, episcopo Trecensis; Odone, decano Senonensis; Octranno, divite Trecensis. Facta est autem hec donatio anno ab incarnatione Domini Millesimo Centesimo Sexagesimo Duo. Hoc ego, Henricus, Trecensis episcopus, proprio sigillo signavib et perpetuo ratum permanere decrevi. 350 a. Ceriliaci]Cilaci A. b. signavi om. A. 309 1155 (o. st.). Pontigny Lambert, abbot of Cîteaux, makes known to all brothers of the Cistercian Order that a certain controversy between the abbots of Pontigny and Vauluisant over granges and pasturage in the Forêt d'Othe, was finished (definitam est) in this way: The buildings (domus) that were constructed between Sévy and Cérilly will be destroyed and no others will be built, except for temporary huts for shepherds (tuguria pastorum) which cannot exist throughout the year. The animals of Vauluisant from Cérilly shall not move towards Sévy beyond the road that goes from Séant (Bérulles today) to Arces. Concerning the woods of Les Rajeuses, it was determined that it is divided in this way: the brothers of Pontigny shall have the woods towards Sévy, Vauluisant towards Cérilly; neither of them will have the meadows, except on their own side of the division. In the woods of Bouloy, it is understood that Pontigny had a third part there and Vauluisant a quarter. In the woods and fields of Les Alleux in Séant, it was determined that it will be common to both. Nevertheless, what Pontigny bought of Les Alleux from Jobert, brother of Dreux Strabo, is theirs. Concerning the woods of Notre-Dame de Séant, it was determined that it be common to both, except the lands that were plains on the day of sale, which the church of Vauluisant retained as its own property. Concerning the pastures of either church, it was concluded that the animals of each side will pasture in their property and usage rights (that is, the areas held outright, proper, to a church and those areas in which that church has usage rights) and they shall not enter into the boundaries of the other church. If one of the conversi of either church should transgress this agreement, he will undergo three days of bread and water, if one of the secular persons of either church [should transgress], he will be beaten or ejected (thrown out of the church). If the master of the grange should have known of such a transgression and not corrected it in the aforesaid way, he shall suffer the above-noted penalty.174 A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 82v Script A. CIROGRAPHUM in margin. B. Original 1, AD Yonne, H 675. 32.1 x 28.5 cm. CYROGRAFUM in margin. C. Original 2 lost. D. Pontigny Cartulary, 12th-13th centuries, Paris, BN, Latin MS 9887, fo. 5v.175 After C. E. Pontigny Cartulary, 12th-13th centuries, Paris, BN, Latin MS 9887, fo. 10r-v. After C. F. Pontigny Cartulary, 14th century, Paris, BN, Latin MS 5465. fos. 41v - 42r. Most likely after C. a. Quantin I, p. 526, no. 376. After A. b. Garrigues, pp. 108-109, no. 34. (also Ind: at no. 68). After BDE. Ind: BN, Baluze, v. 75, fo. 23; Henry, Histoire de Pontigny, p. 31.176 Inter Pontiacenses et Valles Lucentes In nomine sancte et individue Trinitatis. Ego, Lambertus, abbas Cisterciensis, notum fieri volo omnibus fratribus Ordinis Cisterciensis quandam controversiam inter Pontiniacenses et Vallis Lucentis abbates hoc modo definitam esse: primo, ut domus que facte fuerant inter Seveias et Cerelliacum destruerentur; alieque non edificarentur, nisi tuguria pastorum que nisi per annum stare non possint.a Sed etb animalia Vallis Lucentis de Cerelliaco iacere non poterunt ultra viam versus Seviasc que ducit de Saiantd ad 174This edition was made through an examination of the manuscripts in the following manner: AAabABAEDA. 175There is also a duplicate of this charter at fo. 10r, which I have not examined. 176These two Indications were indicated in the Garrigues text; I have not personally examined them. 351 Arciam. De nemore dee Raiosa, definitumf est ut divideretur hoc modo, videlicet ut Pontiniacenses habeant deversus Seveias et Valles Lucentes versus Cerelliacum.g Prata ibi neutri eorumh habebunt, nisi in partibus propriis. In nemore Boelesii, cognitum est quod Pontiniacenses terciami partem ibi habebant, j Valles Lucentes quartam. De nemore et plano {82vb}Alodii de Saiant, definitum est ut inter utrosque commune sit; quod tamen Pontiniacensis ecclesia emerat de Alodio Iosberti,k fratris Drogonisl Strabonis, de iure eiusdem ecclesie Pontiniacensis fore diffinitumm est. De nemore Sancte Marie Saiantiin ut commune sit utrisque definitum est, terram tamen que plana erat die emptionis Vallis Lucentis ecclesia propriam sibi retinuit.o De pascuis utriusque aecclesiae, in presentia nostra, terminatum est ut uniuscuiusquep animalia in propriis et usuariis suis pascantur, et alterius fines non ingrediantur. Si quis conversorum utriuslibetq ecclesie hanc compositionem transgressus fuerit, tribus diebus ieiunet in pane et aqua; secularis vero verberetur vel eiciatur.r Quod si magister grangie ubi cognoverit transgressionem istam predictos modo non emendaverit, suprascriptamt penam patiatur. Hactau sunt hec apud Pontiniacum, anno ab incarnatione Domini Mo Co L Vo, presentibus abbatibus Guicardov Pontiniaci, Norpardow Vallis Lucentis, Hugone Quinciaci, Bliardo, monacho Cisterciensi, Guidone et Gauterio Buzacre, Pontiniaci,x Petro de Valle Lucenti. a. possint]possunt ex corr. D. b. et om. F. c. Sevias]Seveias DEF. d. Saiant]Saianz D. e. de om. F. f. definitum]difinitum F. g. Cerelliacum]Cerilliacum F. h. ibi neutri eorum]neutri eorum ibi trp. F. i. terciam]tertiam BF. j. ibi habebant trp. E. k. Iosberti]Ioberti F. l. Drogonis]Droconis E. m. diffinitum]definitum BDE. n. Saiancii]Saiantii AE. o. propriam sibi retinuit]sibi retinuit propriam trp. Z. p. uniuscuiusque]unus cuiusque A. q. utriuslibet]utrius liber A. r. eiciatur]eiiciatur b. s. predicto]predito A. t. suprascriptam]supradictam DEF. u. Hacta]Acta E]Acta in corr. F v. Guicardo]Guichardo DEF. w. Norpardo]Norpaudo Z. x. Pontiniaci]Pontiniaco A. 310 [1145 - 1169] No location. Recognized in the curia of the bishop of Troyes. Guiard de Clérey makes known that he confirmed and conceded to the church of Vauluisant whatever he had at Cérilly that he held in fief from Domnus Herbert le Gros. Laura, his wife, daughter of Herbert le Gros, confirmed this. Again, Guiard recognized that this charter is legitimate and praiseworthy (laudabilem) in the curia of Henri, bishop of Troyes. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fos. 82v - 83r Script A. B. Original, AD Yonne, H 706. 27.9 x 17.6 cm. Seal of the bishop of Troyes. a. Quantin I, p. 407, no. 256. After B. Guiardi de Clareio. De feodo apud Cereli In nomine sancte et individue Trinitatis. Notum sit omnibus fidelibus Christianis quod ego, Guiardus de Clareio, laudavi et concessi ecclesie Vallis Lucentis quicquid tenebat de feodo domni Herberti Crassi apud Cirilleium. Huius laudationis testes fuerunt: Guiardus, monachus de Pontiniaco; Galterus Buzacre; Aericus, decanus; Drogo Strabo de Villamauri; Iterus, venator; Guibertus et Iosbertus, fratres eius; Everardus; Benedictus. Hoc etiam laudavit uxor mea, nomine Lora, filia predicti Herberti Crassi, ad quam pertinebat ista terra. Laudationis huius testes fuerunt: Bartholomeus {83ra}et Herbertus, fratres mei; Everardus, miles; Herbertus, miles de Clareio; Arnulfus, monachus de monasterio Arremato. Iterum ego, Guiardus, hanc cartam esse legitimam et laudabilem 352 recognovi in curia Domini Henrici, Trecensis episcopi, ita quod huius recognitionis ex eadem curia testes fuerunt: Odo, archidiaconus; Petrus Strabo; Galterus de Boi; Magister Bernardus. Et ut ratum et inconcussum hoc omni tempore haberetur, precibus meis sigilli inpressione predicti Henrici Trecensis episcopi firmatur. 311 [1127 - 1142]177 No location. Henri (ego), archbishop of Sens, gives and releases to his brothers, the monks of Vauluisant, all the tithe which pertains to the priest (presbytery, presbiteratum) of the parish of Cérilly, adding and conceding in addition that in the same parish, and wherever from the lands which they cultivated in whatever way, that tithe will be freely released and they shall receive it, and shall obtain it with his and God's benediction. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 83r Script A. B. Original, AD Yonne, H 706. 10.6 x 17.2 cm. Seal of Henri, archbishop of Sens. Henrici Senonensis archiepiscopi de decima de Cerelilio In nomine sancte et individue Trinitatis et in honore beatissime Dei genitricis, Marie perpetuae virginis. Ego Henricus, Dei gratia Senonensis archiepiscopus, dono et dimitto fratribus nostris, monachis de Valle Lucenti omnem decimam que pertinet ad presbiteratum parochie Cyrilleii, addens insuper et concedens ut eta in eadem parochia et ubicumque de terris quas quoquomodo coluerunt, decima eis dimissa fuerit libere, eam accipiant, et cum Dei ac nostra benedictione obtineant. Hoc ut inconcussum et semper a generatione in generationem indubitanter notum habeatur, litteris traditum sigilli nostri inpressione confirmatur. a. et]ad A. 312 [1142 - 1151]178 Sens, in the camera of the archbishop of Sens. Etienne de Sormery conceded to the abbot and monks of Vauluisant whatever his father had possessed or claimed to possess in the territory of Cérilly, to have in perpetuity and freely possess. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 83r Script A. B. Original, AD Yonne, H 706. 20.7 x 12.7 cm. a. Quantin I, p. 470, no. 319. After B. Related Charters: 303, 321. Stephani de Sormereio approbatio elemosine nemoris Cirileii Notum sit omnibus fidelibus presentibus et futuris quod Stephanus de Sormereio concessit abbati de Valle Lucenti et monachis Deo ibidem servientibus quicquid pater eius possederat et ipse clamabat in territorio Cyrillei, et in plano et in bosco, perpetuo habendum et libere possidendum. Hoc factum est Senonis in camera Hugonis, archiepiscopi. Huius rei testes sunt: ipse Hugo, archiepiscopus; Hugo, Autisiodorensis 1771142, Henri's death, Gams. beginning of Hugues de Toucy's archiepiscopacy, Gams; 1151, death of B. Hugues de Maçon, bishop of Auxerre, Gams. Quantin provides ca. 1150. 1781142, 353 episcopus; Stephanus {83rb}abbas de Renniaco; Galterus Calvus de Pontiniaco; Galterus Bocacres; Milo de Erveio; Holdierus de Erveio; Ioldevinus, filius Mainardi de Turniaco. 313 [1142 - 1160]179 No location. Norpaud, abbot of Vauluisant, gave to the church of Rigny[-le-Ferron], through the hand of Vital, priest, those tithes which Herbert de Monz had at Rigny, except the fief (excepto feodo) of Domnus Archembaud so that he (Vital) shall hold it for his life and, after his life, the tithes will remain with the church of Rigny. Further, the agreement is so made that the abbot retained for himself and for his church whatever the monks worked in Armentières and in the finage of Rigny, so that they remained with them in peace without the tithe. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 83r Script A. B. Original lost. Related Charter: 79, 222, 224, 228-9, 276, 282, 314. Decima Rennei. De decima de Reneio In nomine sancte et individue Trinitatis. Notum sit omnibus fidelibus Christianis quod Norpaldus, abbas Vallis Lucentis, dedit ecclesie Rennei, per manum Vitalis, sacerdotis, illam partem decime et terram quam Herbertus de Monz apud Renneium habebat, excepto feodo Domni Archembaudi, ita quod Vitalis, Sacerdos, tota vita sua eam, si vellet, teneret et post vitam suam decima ecclesie Rennei remaneret, tali tamen pacto: abbas sibi retinuit et aecclesiae suae quicquid in Armenteriis et in finibus Rennei laboraret, et illud absque decima possideret in pace. Huius pacti testes fuerunt: Milo, sacerdos de Balneolis et decanus; Manasses, presbiter de Curgeneio; Lambertus, presbiter de Laileio; Garnerius, prepositus de Triagnio. Et ut hoc ratum et inconcussum omni tempore haberetur, sigilli Domni Hugonis, Senonensis archiepiscopi, impressione signatur atque firmatur. 314 [1142 - 1160]180 No location. Herbert de Monz, for the salvation of his soul, gave to the church of Vauluisant in alms whatever he had in Rigny held by himself and in fief from him (et in proprio et in feodo), as well as whatever his rights consisted of there. His wife, Agnes, and sons, Milo and Seguin, and Hugues Rufus, from whom the land moves in fief, conceded. Donna Guilla, the wife of Hugues Rufus, also confirmed this. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 83r Script A. B. Original lost. Related Charters: 79, 222, 224, 228-9, 276, 282, 313. Herberti de Monz. Dantis quicquid habebat apud Rigni Notum sit omnibus fidelibus Christianis presentibus et futuris quod Herbertus de Monz, pro remedio anime sue, dedit in elemosinam ecclesie Vallis Lucentis quicquid habebat apud Renneum, et in proprio et in feodo, et quicquid etiam ei iure competebat. Hoc 1791142, beginning of Hugues' archiepiscopacy, Gams; 1160, latest possible date for Norpaud's abbacy. #313. 180Before 354 concessit uxor sua, Agnes nomine, et filii eius, Milo et Seguinus, et Hugo Ruffus, de quo terra illa movebat. Huius rei testes fuerunt: Petrus Rufus, Everardus peregrinus, Theobaldus Cailon, Gosbertus de Gastins, Milo de Curteno, Rainardus prior, Guibertus famulus, Rollennus maior. Hoc etiam laudavit Donna Guilla, uxor Hugonis Ruffi, teste: Petro Ruffo, et Milo de Curteno, et Iosberto. 315 1161 (o. st.). No location. Henri, bishop of Troyes, makes known the Jobert le Grand and Odeline, his wife, gave to God and the church of Vauluisant, for their souls and those of their parents, usage rights in their part of the woods of Notre-Dame [de Séant] for all their animals and men without retaining anything. They also confirmed whatever Nocher de Payns similarly conferred to the church from lands held in fief from them in the same woods. Their children, Herbert, Erard, Hélie, Florence, Marie and Sibille, confirmed this. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 83v Script A. B. Original lost. Related Charters: 275, 283, 292, 296, 307, 309, 315, 317, 323. {83va}De usuario nemorum Sancte Marie In nomine sancte et individue Trinitatis. Ego Henricus, Dei gratia Trecensis episcopus, volo, et presentes et futuros, rei geste in meo tempore certam habere noticiam, quia, scilicet, Iosbertus Magnus et Odelina, uxor eius, proa animabus suis et parentum suorum, Deo et aecclesiae Vallis Lucentis usuarium partis suae nemoris quod dicitur Sancte Marie ad omnia, tam hominum quam animalium, necessaria liberum et absque ulla recentione dederunt; necnon et laudaverunt hoc ipsum quod de feodo suo in predicto nemore Nocherus de Paianis similiter ecclesie contulerat. Laudaverunt hoc etiam liberi eorum, Herbertus, Erardus, Helia, Florentia, Maria, Sibilla. Quod ut ratum intemeratumque permaneat, sigilli mei attestatione firmari precepi. Hoc autem factum est anno ab incarnatione Domini, Mo Co LXo Io, plurimis assistentibus, ex quibus sunt hi qui infra subscribuntur in testimonium: Gaufridus de Molinolis et Hugo, frater eius; Guibertus, venator, et Iterus, frater eius; Iobertus Triva; Gauterus, clericus de Villa Mauri. a. pro]per A. 316 1161 (o. st.). No location. Hugues, archbishop of Sens, makes known that Renaud le Gros de Joigny surrendered in peace for all days, for the salvation of his soul and those of his parents (relatives), to the church of Vauluisant, all complaints (totam illam querelam) that he had at Cérilly. Marie, his wife, from whom on whose behalf moved that concerning which the dispute was raised, confirmed this as did their sons, Hugues and Renaud Balderus. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 83v Script A. B. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 85r Script C. Crossed Out. C. Original, AD Yonne, H 706. 10.8 x 24.2 cm. De Rainaudo Crasso de Ioviniaco et de querelisa 355 In nomine sancte et individue Trinitatis. Ego Hugo, Dei gratia Senonensis archiepiscopus, volo, et presentes et futuros, rei geste in meo tempore certam habere noticiam, quia, scilicet, Rainaudus Crassus de Ioviniaco dimittit in pace omnibus diebus, pro salute animae suae ac parentum suorum, aecclesie Vallis Lucentis totam illam querelam quam habebat apud Cereliacum, laudante Maria, uxor sua, ex cuius parte movet illud unde illa querela orta fuerat, ac filiis suis, Hugone et Rainaudob Baldero. Quod ut ratum interatumque permaneat sigilli nostri attestationec firmari precepimus. {83vb}Hoc autem factum est anno ab incarnatione Domini Millesimo Centesimo Sexagesimo Primo, plurimus assistentibus, ex quibus sunt hiid qui infra scribuntur in testimonium: Hugo, prepositus de Ioviniaco, et Garinus, gener eius; Bovo de Baion; Zacharia, filius Herberti de Laduz; Haimerus,e carnifex. a. B:Rainaudi Crassi de Ioviniaco de querela de Cerili c. attestatione]attestacione B. d. hii]hi B. b. Rainaudo}Raynaudo C. e. Haimerus]Haymerus B. 317 1161 (o. st.). No location. Henri, bishop of Troyes, note that Nocher de Payns and Sedelia, his wife, gave to God and the church of Vauluisant, for their souls and those of their parents, usage rights in their part of the woods of Notre-Dame [de Séant] for all their animals and men without retaining anything. Their children, Pierre and Marie, confirmed this. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 83v Script A. B. Original lost. Ind: Evergates, p. 190.181 Related Charters: 307, 315, 332. De nemore Sancte Marie In nomine sancte et individue Trinitatis. Ego Henricus, Dei gratia Trecensis episcopus, volo, et presentes et futuros, rei geste in meo tempore certam habere noticiam, quia, scilicet, Nocherus de Paianis et Sedelia, uxor eius, pro animabus suis et parentum suorum, Deo et ecclesie Vallis Lucentis usuarium partis sue nemoris quod dicitur Sancte Marie ad omnia, tam hominum quam animalium, necessaria liberum et absque ulla retentione dederunt. Laudaverunt hoc liberi eorum, Petrus et Maria. Quod ut ratum intemeratumque permaneat, sigilli mei attestatione firmari precepi. Hoc autem factum est anno ab incarnatione Domini Mo Co LXo Io, plurimis assistentibis, clericis et laicis, ex quibus hii sunt qui infra subscribuntur in testimonium: Odo, presbiter de Sancto Avito; Milo de Chanlo; Odo, presbiter de Sancto Leubaudo; Huldovinus, dominus Ville Mauri; Gauterius de Pentecoste; Guibertus, venator, et Iterius, frater eius; Girardus de Ville Mauri et Galterus, clericus, filius eius. 318 [1127 - 1139, May 4]182 No location. 181Evergates identifies the woods with Droupt-Sainte-Marie, which is considerably closer to Payns and rather distant from Cérilly. Given, however, that De Ceriliaco is written across the top of the page, and the context in which the woods of Sancta Maria are dealt with in the surrounding charters strongly identifies it with the woods of Notre-Dame-de-Séant, I feel that my association of this nemus with the woods on the edge of the Forêt d'Othe is more accurate than Dr. Evergates' connection of it with a village north of Troyes. 356 At #301. 319 [1127 - 1147]183 No location. This agreement was made between the monks of Vauluisant and the knights of the Temple of Coulours by the hand of Bernard, abbot of Clairvaux: The knights of the Temple conceded to the monks whatever they had in the territory of Cérilly from the division which is between their grange and the monks' grange, namely half of the altaria, half of the tithe and other lands, so that from the division until Sévy, the Templars may not acquire anything except by entirely free donation, so that the donor shall have received nothing from those to whom he gave. Similarly, the monks of Vauluisant conceded to the knights of the Temple whatever they had from the same division to the banks of the Vanne, so that they may not acquire anything, except as an entirely free donation. Norpaud, abbot of Vauluisant, and Brother Evrard, master of the brothers of Templar who are in France (Francia), confirmed this. Humphrey, master of Coulours also confirmed this. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 84r Script A. B. Original 1, AD Yonne, H 675. 28.2 x 13.2 cm. Left Seal Missing. Center Seal, Abbot of Clairvaux (Bernard).184 Right Seal, Abbot Norpaud.185 CIROGRAFUM in right margin. C. Original 2 lost. a. Quantin I, pp. 461-62, no. 309. After B. Ind: Victor Carrière, review of E.-G. Léonard, Introduction au cartulaire manuscrit du Temple (1156 1317). . . , pp. 201-203 in Revue de l'Histoire de l'Eglise de France, v.18, (1932), p. 203. Translation: Appendix C. (of #270, in which it is contained in the form of vidimus) Related Charters: 270-273, 305. {84ra}Composito monachorum Vallis Lucentis militumque Templi per manum Domni Bernardi Clarevallensis abbatis In nomine sancte et individue Trinitatis. Notum sit omnibus presentibus et futuris quod inter monachos Vallis Lucentis et milites Templi de Colatorio per manum Bernardi, Clarevallensis abbatis, facta est heca compositio: quod milites Templi quicquid habebant in territorio de Cirilli a divisione que est inter grangiam ipsorum militum et grangiam monachorum, totum monachis concesserunt, id est, medietatem atrii, medietatem decime et terras alias, ita ut deinceps a divisione predicta usque ad Sevei nichil nemoris neque terre adquirere possint milites Templi, nisi forte omninob gratis datum fuerit in elemosinam, ut nichil terrene subire ab eis accipiat is qui dederit. Similiter et monachi Vallis Lucentis concesserunt militibus Templi quicquid habebant a predicta divisione 1821139, May 4, death of Roscelin, abbot of Sainte Columbe, GC. Coulours foundation, Jean Richard, "Les Templiers et les Hospitaliers en Bourgogne et en Champagne," pp. 231-242 in Die Geistlichen Ritterorden Europas, Sigmaringen, 1980. p. 234; 1147, Evrard des Barres elected as Grand Master of the Templars, before that time, "Il étoit . . . précepteur ou maître particulier de son ordre en France dès l'an 1143," (l'Art de vérifier les dates, v. 1, p. 515. As no justification existed for this last assertion concerning 1143, I do not employ it). H. Bouvier in "Histoire de l'Abbaye de Vauluisant," (p. 30) states unequivocally that this occurred during a visit of Saint Bernard in 1135. Quantin hazards that this was before 1150. 184Abbatial type, tied with a string of 3.1 cm, light brown wax, oval, 4.4 x 3.8 cm. Arm, hand with crosier from right, like this: ' ?-(c '. Text: Right: SIGNUM ABBATIS Left: CLARE VALLIS. 185Tied with a string of 3.3 cm, light brown wax, circular, 7.5 (including lip) x 5.8 cm. Small cross in the middle. Text: Right: SIGILLUM . . . Left: . . . VAL[LIS] LUC[ENTIS]. 1831129, 357 usque ad Ripam Venne, ita ut in vallle illa nichil possint adquirere nemoris seu terre, nisi forte gratis omnino ab aliquo fuerit datum, ut nichil terrenae subire ab eis accipiat is qui dederit. Laudavit hoc {84rb}Norpaldus, abbas Vallis Lucentis et frater Everardus, magister fratrum de Templo qui in Francia sunt. Et ut firmum permaneat, utriusque sigillo firmatum est cum sigillo abbatis Clarevallensis, laudante hoc etiam frater Humfredus, magister Colatorii. a. hec]hoc A. b. omnino]omnio A. 320 [1142 - 1163]186 No location. Confirmed at Dilo. Recognized in the presence of Hugues, archbishop of Sens. Hugues de Vareilles gave to the church of Vauluisant, for the redemption of his soul and those of his parents, whatever rights he had at Séant (Bérulles today), and within its confines, and at Cérilly, and within its confines. Hugues' wife, Emeline and his daughter, Adeline, confirmed this at Dilo in front of Dilo's abbot and two canons. Hugues also recognized this gift in front of Archbishop Hugues of Sens, and confirmed it through his hand. Sinilarly, Pierre, the son of Pierre de Vareilles, gave to the church of Vauluisant whatever rights he had in the same areas. His mother confirmed this gift at Villemaur. Similarly, the same Pierre, coming before Hugues, archbishop of Sens, recognized this gift and confirmed it. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 84r-v Script A. B. Original, AD Yonne, H 706. 17.8 x 20.1 cm. Missing left portion. a. Quantin I, pp. 463-64, no. 311. After A. Related Charters: 177-9, 195, 223, MC19. Hugonis de Vareis de Seanz et Cerelio Notum sit omnibus fidelibus Christianis quod Hugo de Vareis, pro redemptione anime sue et parentum suorum, dedit aecclesiae Vallis Lucentis in elemosinam quicquid iuris habebat apud Seantium, et in finibus eius, et apud Cirilleium, et in finibus eius. Hoc laudavit uxor, Amelina, apud Deilocum, et filia eius, Edelina, ante abbatem eiusdem loci et canonichos, Stephanum, videlicet, de Turniaco et Gauterum Hospitalem. Predictus vero Hugo hoc etiam donum iterum ante Archiepiscopum Hugonem Senonensem recognovit et per manum ipsius eadem aecclesiae confirmavit. Huius rei testes fuerunt: Symon, tessaurius; Iosbertus de Ioneio; Hugo, prepositus regis; Stephanus, filius Baldrici; Quintimilius, famulus archiepiscopi. Hoc igitur donum quod Hugo fecit per manum archiepiscopi laudaverunt filie Alelmi, Maria et soror eius, sub his predictis testibus et Hugo, filius Marie et filia eius, teste, videlicet, Philippo filio Constantii et Balduino sororio Philippi. Petrus, etiam filius Petri de Vareis dedit aecclesiae Vallis Lucentis quicquid iuris habebat apud Seantium, in finibus eius, et apud Cirilleium, et in finibus eius. Hoc donum laudavit mater eius apud Vallem Mauri, ita quod presentes et testes fuerunt: Milo, villicus regis; Garnerius de Sancto Benedicto; et alius Garnerius de Tilleio. Hoc donum isdem similiter Petrus, ante Hugonem, Senonensem archiepiscopum, veniens, recognovit et per manum ipsius eidem ecclesie confirmavit, ita quod testes fuerunt isti: {84va}Symon, tessaurarius; Iosbertus de Ioneio; Hugo, prepositus regis; Stephanus, frater Baldrici; Quintimilius, famulus archiepiscopi et Magister Iosbertus. 358 321 1161 (o. st.). in the valley called Masnil-Guitun which is between Boeurs and Séant. Confirmed in front of the church of Saint-Florentin. Hugues, archbishop of Sens, makes known that Herbert, son of Etienne de Sormery, confirmed to the abbot and monks of Vauluisant that they may freely possess the donation made by his father of whatever he possessed and he claimed in the territory of Cerilly. or claimed to possess in Cérilly. Ermengard, his wife, and Hubert Tracez, his brother, confirmed this in front of the church of Saint-Florentin. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 84v Script A. B. Original, AD Yonne, H 706. 11.3 x 26.8 cm. a. Quantin II, pp. 134-35, no. 126. After B. Related Charters: 303, 312. De Herberto filius Stephani de Sormereio In nomine Domini nostri Ihesu Christi. Ego Hugo, Dei gratia Senonensis archiepiscopus, volo presentes et futuros certam habere noticiam, quia, scilicet, Herbertus, filius Stephani de Sormereio, laudavit donum quod pater suus fecit abbati de Valle Lucenti et monachis ibidem Deo servientibus, videlicet quicquid pater suus possederat et ipse clamabat in territorio Cyrillei, in plano et in bosco,a perpetuo habendum et libere possidendum. Hoc factum est in valle que dicitur Masnil Guitun que est inter Burs et Seiancium. Huius rei testes sunt: Guichardus, abbas Pontiniacensis; et Galterus Bocatrez; Hugo, abbas de Sequane Portu; Stephanus, pater prefati Herberti; Drogo Strabo et Iosbertus, frater eius; Guarnerius de Molinons et Gaufridus, filius eius. Hoc iterum laudavit Ermengardis, uxor eius, et Hubertus Tracez, frater eius, ante ecclesiam Sancti Florentini, audientibus: Stephano de Sormereio; Guillermo, canonico de Sancto Florentino; Iouduino de Turnei; Guiardo de Floenneio; Guillermo de Boeleio; Frodone, tunc preposito Sancti Florentini; Iocelino Surdo. Factum est hoc anno ab incarnatione Domini Mo Co LXo Io. Quod ut ratum intemeratumque permaneat, sigilli mei attestatione firmari precepi. a. bosco]boscho B. 322 [1142 - 1163] No location.187 For the soul of his father and the redemption of his own sins, Anselm de Vénizy (ego) gave in alms to Vauluisant usage rights in the woods of Les Rajeuses in such a way that they will be able to build meadows there and place their sheep in there for day and night. Furthermore, no animal belonging to any other person will be permitted to occupy these meadows which they will build. It will be freely permitted that they (the monks) possess for all time the acorns and other fruits of the woods for pasturing pigs and other cattle. They will also be able to have dead wood according to their needs. His wife, Elisabeth, and his brothers, Freherus and Simon, confirmed these alms. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 84v Script A. B. Original lost. Related Charters: 124, 230. 1861142, 1871142, beginning of Hugues' archiepiscopacy, Gams; 1163, latest date of Script A charters. beginning of Hugues' archiepiscopacy, Gams; 1163, latest date of Script A charters. 359 Anselli de Veneseio de usuario Rabiose In nomine sancte et individue Trinitatis. Notum fieri volo omnibus fidelibus Christianis, tam presentibus quam futuris, quod ego, Ansellus de Veneseio, pro anima patris mei et redemptione peccatorum meorum, {84vb}donavi ecclesie Vallis Lucentis in elemosinam usuarium in nemore quod vocatur Raiosa, tali modo: quod prata ibi poterunt edificare et oves suas in ibi iacendo die ac nocte custodire et nulli hominum licebit prata que edificaverunt occupare. Glandes ceterosque fructus nemoris ad pastum porcorum et ceterorum peccorum omni tempore licebit possidere. Nemus mortuum quod terre iacebit ad omnia necessaria sua poterunt habere. Hanc elemosinam laudavit uxor mea, Elisabeth et fratres mei, Freherus et Symon. Huius doni et laudationis testes sunt: Guillelmus, archidiaconus; Symon, thesaurarius; Guarnerius, miles de Fosseio; Hugo, prepositus; Ansellus Moltuns; Theobaudus, miles de Veneseio; Teobaldus, prepositus; Willelmus de Garlandia; Adam de Sancto Valerio; Hato, filius Galteri Falsi de Triannio; Fulco de Laineio; Milo de Meliduno. Et ne quis hanc meam elemosinam audeat perturbare, omni tempore, ut rectum fuerit, paratus sum defendere. Et ut hoc ratum et inconcussum omni tempore habeatur, precibus meis, sigillo domni Hugonis, Senonensis archiepiscopi, signatur atque firmatur. 323 1166. Troyes. Henri, count palatine of Troyes, makes known that the dispute (contentionem) which was held between the church of Vauluisant and Godefroy (the same as Drogo Godefridi in #283 and MC2?), the son of Dreux Strabo de Villemaur, was ended in the following fashion: Godefroy, in the curia (court) of Henri, in the presence of Henri's barons, conceded to Pierre, abbot, and the church of Vauluisant, whatever he had provided to the church from his uncle, namely Jobert Mabile, and with the consent of his father, namely those woods which are called Les Sièges and the woods of Fay Garnens, and also conceded whatever the same church had possessed at the current time held in fief of his father. All these things, the father of Godefroy, Dreux, confirmed in the presence of Count Henri, and recognized that he and his son had injustly disturbed the church of Vauluisant. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fos. 84v - 85r Script B.5. B. Original, AD Yonne, H 674. 18.3 x 26.3 cm. Seal of Henri (?), count of Champagne. a. Quantin II, pp. 186-87, no. 168. After B. b. Benton ? Ind: d'Arbois de Jubainville, Histoire, v. 3, p. 351, no. 141. (Indicates a) Related Charters: 275, 283, 292, 296, 307, 309, 315, MC2. Godefridi filii Drogonis Strabonis. {Script B.5}Compositio nemorum Approbate consuetudines est et equitatis officio convenit ea que inter ecclesiaticas secularesve personas sollempniter concorditer que acta sunt, ne processu temporum in oblivionem deveniant, aut alicuius infringantur calumpnia fidei, committere litterarum. Eapropter, ego, Henricus, Trecensium palatinus comes, universis presentibus et futuris notum facio contentionem que inter ecclesiam Vallis Lucentis et Godefridum, filium Drogonis Strabonis de Villa Mauri, versabatur, in presentia mea, Trecis, terminatam esse hoc modo: siquidem predictus Godefridus Petro, abbati, et ecclesie Vallis Lucentis solutum et quietum concessit, in curia mea, coram baronibus meis, quicquid eadem ecclesiam comperaverat a {85ra}patruo eiusdem Godefridi, Iosberto, scilicet, Mabile, laude et consensu patris sui, Drogonis, nemus, scilicet, illud quod dicitur Eschegiarum et 360 nemus Fay Garnens; necnon et quicquid eadem ecclesia tunc temporis possidebat de feodo patris sui in nemoribus planis, pratis, terris cultis vel incultis. Hec omnia iterum coram me laudavit pater eiusdem Godefridi, Drogo, et recognovit quod ipse et predictus filius suus ecclesiam Vallis Lucentis iniuste vexabant. Ut hec autem omnia memoriter tenerentur et in statu suo rata permanerent, litteris commendata sigilli mei impressione confirmare et communire curavi. Cuius rei testes sunt: Ansellus de Triagnio; Ansericus de Monte Rigali; Hugo de Rumelleio; Petrus Bursaudus; Drogo Bristaudus; Willelmus, marescaldus; Laurentius, clericus comitisse.a Actum est hoc Trecis, anno ab incarnatione Domini M C LX VI. a. comitisse]cometisse B. 324 1168. No location. Henri, bishop of Troyes, wishes to make known that his parishioner, Robert Vitulus (le Veau) gave in alms to God and the monks of Vauluisant the woods called Seuanz (almost certainly Séant, but possibly the woods of Sévy), in trees and plains, under a cens of 18 d. every year to be paid to the nuns of Andecy. Eudes Vitulus, brother of Robert, confirmed this. His wife, Luce, confirmed this, as did his sons, Jean, Hugues and his daughters, Laura and Isabelle. Lastly, Itier de Maulny, Guillaume, his brother, and Jobert le Grand de Villemaur, from whom these woods were held in fief, confirmed this. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 85r Script B.6. Crossed out. B. Original lost. Roberti Vituli. {Script B.6}de nemore quod dicitur Seuant Ego Henricus, Dei gratia Trecensis episcopus, notum fieri volo omnibus fidelibus Christianis quod quidam parrochianus noster, vocatus Robertus Vitulus, dedit in elemosinam Deo et monachis de Valle Lucente nemus quoddam quod vocatur Seuanz totum ex integro, videlicet boscum et planum, sub censu XVIII denariorum, qui nummi singulis annis reddendi sunt sanctimonialibus de Andiciis. Huius doni testes fuerunt: Manases de Villa Mauri; Glarembaldus frater eius; Tebaldus, frater eorum; Hato Trecasinus; Petrus, frater ipsius. Hoc laudavit Odo Vitulus, frater eiusdem Roberti, testantibus supradictis testibus et Girardo de Fos. Hoc etiam laudavit Luca, uxor Roberti Vituli, teste: Doardo, clerico de Seiant; Herico; Boemundo; Beatrix, soror eorumdem fratrem. Hoc laudavit et filii eius, Iohannes et Hugo, et Lora et Ysabels, filie ipsius. Teste: Roberto Vitulo et Rembaldo, sororio suo. Hoc postremo laudaverunt Iterius de Malo Nido et Guillelmus, frater eius; et Iosbertus Magnus de Villa Mauri, de quorum feodo predictum nemus erat, testes sunt: ex parte Iterii et Guillelmi, Garnerius de Fussi; Dudo de Malo Passu; Gillebertus de Malo Nido. Ex parte Iosberti Magni, testes sunt: Iterius, canonicus de Villa Mauri; Nicholaus, ca-{85rb}-pellanus de Marcilleio; Ansellus de Fos. Et ut ratum et inconcussum omni tempore maneat, sigilli nostri impressione firmatum est, ab incarnatione Domini nostri, Ihesu Christi, anno Mo Co LXo VIIIo. At #316. 325 1161 (o. st.). No location. 361 326 [1145 - 1168]188 November 30. The house of Thibaut, canon. Felix de Fous and Felicia, his wife, for the redemption of their souls, gave in alms to the church of Vauluisant whatever they had in the woods of Bosse, Bouloy and the woods of Rigny from the village of Séant (today Bérulles) to the banks of the Vanne and all land which pertained to those woods. Domina Nonne and Pierre, her son (filius eius), and Aremburgis, her daughter, and her brothers, Geoffroy and Richerus confirmed this. This gift and confirmation was done in the presence of Donnus Houdoin de Villemaur. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 85r-v Script C. B. Original, AD Aube, 10 H 2. Ind: Roserot I:211 Felicis de Fous et Felisse uxoris eius. de Boceiis et Boeleto Notum sit omnibus fidelibus Christianis quod Felix de Fous et Felisa, uxor sua, dederunt in elemosinam, pro redemptione animarum suarum et antecessorum suorum, ecclesie Vallis Lucentis quicquid habebant in bosco de Buciis et Boeleis, et in Bosco Reinnei a villa que vocatur Saiant usque ad Ripam Vene et omnem terram que ad ipsum boscum pertinebat. Hoc laudavit Domina Nonna et Petrus, filius eius, et Aremburgis, filia eius, et Gaufridus et Richerus, fratres ipsius Nonne. Huius doni simul et laudationis testes fuerunt Donnus Holduinus de Villa Mauri, in cuius presentia hoc totum gestum est, II kalendas Decembris; Iterius, canonicus; Teobaldus,a canonicus, in cuius domo hoc {85va}idem per actum est; Drogo Strabo; Galterus Garus; Iterius, venator; Robertus Aculeus; Goffredusb Frosse Muralia; Galterus Trecassinus et Reinaldus, frater eius; et alii multi. Et ut hoc ratum et inconcussum omni tempore habeatur, sigillo Domini Hugonis, Senonensis archiepiscopi, firmatum est et sigillo Domini, Henrici Trecensis. a. Teobaldus]Theobaldus B. At #292. b. Goffredus]Gosfredus B. 327 1158 (o. st.), March 15. Villemaur, in front of Domna Helia. 328 1152, November 14. Villemaur. Houduin de Villemaur makes known that he conceded and confirmed to the church of Vauluisant to have be right and possess in perpetuity whatever the it held from his inheritance (hereditate), from his rights and from the alms of his father, except the paved road (calceia) of Flacy, which will persist in its entirety as long as he should wish, and when he wishes, he will destroy it. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 85v Script C. B. Original, AD Yonne, H 706. 21.4 x 20.3 cm. Left seal, Hugues, the archbishop of Sens; Right seal, Henri, the bishop of Troyes. a. Quantin I, p. 504, no. 347. After B. Holdoini de Villa Mauri. approbatio elemosine 1881145, earliest possible beginning of Henri's episcopacy, Gams; 1168, end of Hugues' archiepiscopacy, Gams. Roserot has 1147-68. 362 In nomine sancte et individue Trinitatis. Notum sit omnibus {85vb}fidelibus Christianis quod ego holdouvinus de villa mauri concessi et laudavi ecclesie Vallis Lucentis iure habendum et in perpetuo possidendum quicquid tenebat de hereditate mea, de iure meo et de elemosina patris mei, excepta calceia de flasceio, que, quamdiu voluero integra permanebit, et quando voluero dissolvam eam. Huius concessionis testes fuerunt: Drogo Strabo de Villa Mauri; Girardus de Averleio; Galterus Trecasinus; Durannus, coquus; Milo de Chanleio;a Garnerius, filius Vitalis de Chanleio;b Petrus Strabo; Iohannes, incisor. Factum est hoc apud Villam Maurum, XVIIIc kalendas Decembris, anno ab incarnatione Domini Mo Co Lo IIo, Eugenio Rome, Hugone Senonis, Henrico Trecis, presulantibus, Lodovico Francorum rege regnante. Et ut hoc ratum et inconcussum omni tempore habeatur, precibus meis sigillo Domini Hugonis, Senonensis archiepiscopi, signatur et Henrici, Trecensis episcopi. a. Chanleio]Chanleiol B. b. Chanleio]Chanleiol B. c. XVIII]VIII a. 329 1167 (o. st.).189 Hugues, archbishop of Sens, makes known that a certain dispute (contentio) was held between André, dominus of Vénizy and the monks of Vauluisant over certain woods of Cérilly and les Rajeuses was settled by a concord in this way: Bournes (bonne I use bournes to distinguish them from metas which are probably the same thing, that is boundary stones) were placed in the woods by common assent as follows: they take up their beginning at the tasuerias (hay piles) of Beauciard and lead to the pig pen of marche (ad suil marchis), and from there through above the sty of pigs (aram porcorum) of the Valle d'Argis (Argis = genitive. Arces?), and so, twisting through certain lands, fords (vadunt) at Tres Folles and from there descends to the valley of Mont Maient (Mont Moyen elsewhere?). It is determined that whatever woods are below those bournes towards Vauluisant shall belong to the monks, the remainder to André. The same André conceded all this (agreement) to the monks. Domina Adrelais, the wife of André, and the daughter of Anselm de Vénizy, also confirmed this. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fos. 85v - 86r Script C. B. Original, AD Yonne, H 707. 25.2 x 22.6 cm. Seal of Hugues, archbishop of Sens. Ind: Roserot, I:171. Andree de Venesio de Cereli et Raiosa Ego Hugo, Dei gratia Senonensis archiepiscopus, notum facio omnibus, tam presentibus quam futuris, quod quedam contentio habita inter Andream,a dominum de Veneseio, et monacosb de Valle Lucente de quibusdam nemoribus de Cirilliaco et alio quodam, Raiosa dicto, tandem huiusmodi concordia sedata est. Bonnec posite sunt in eisdem nemoribus, communi assensu, que hoc modo distinguntur: sumunt enim suum exordium a tasueriis de Bella Cera et tendunt ad suil Marchis, et inde per desuper aram porcorum Vallis Argis, sicque per quoddam terre retorsum vadunt ad Tres Folles, et inde descendunt ad vallem Montis Maient. Diffinitumque est ut quicquidd nemoris continetur infra designatas bonnas versus Vallem Lucentem sit monacorum,e reliquum iamdicti Andree. Hoc totum concessit monachis predictis isdem Andreas de Veneseio. Testes 189This date could be refined a bit, if one had a reliable idea of the beginning of the new year at Sens. Furthermore, Gams lists Hugues' death as February 3, 1168. Whether this is old or new style, however, is open to debate. 363 fuerunt: Iterius de Malo Nido; Garnerius de Molinons; Iterius de Curcellis; Adam, prepositus de Veneseio; Teobaldus Bruller; Ansoldus, prepositus de Saiiant; et Iterius de Seiiant.f Hoc etiam laudavit Domina Adrelais, uxor supradicti Andree, filia, scilicet, Anselli de Veneseio. {86ra}Testes fuerunt inde: Donnusg Airardus, comes Breniensis, et mater eiusdem; Ebromus, capellanus comitisse eiusdem; Nicolaus,h medicus; Nocherus Ebalus; Witerius, monachi de Ruenses; Digoth de Larci Curia et frater eius, Ricaro; Nicoles de Linai; Herbertus de Calva Mansione; Drogo, prepositus; Scotus. Actum anno incarnati Verbi, Mo Co LXo VIIo. Ut hec vera esse ventura secula sciant et semper rata et inconcussa permaneant tandem nostri sunt sigilli impressione hec eidem firmata et consignata. Amen. Amen.i a. Andream om. A. d. quicquid]quidquid B. g. Donnus]Dommus B. b. monacos]monachos B. e. monacorum]monachorum B. h. Nicolaus]Nicholaus B. c. Bonne]Donne ex corr A. f. Seiiant]Saiiant B. i. Amen. Amen. om. A. 330 1161 (o. st.). Joigny. Hugues, archbishop of Sens, wishes to make known that Isnard, viscount of Joigny, gave in alms to the abbot and monks of Vauluisant all the tithing of the lands that the inhabitants (habitatores) of that church work with their own plows, hands and expenses in Valle Vinart and Bouloy. Jolduin, his son, confirmed this. His wife, Esmerille, and her (?) sons, Reinaud and Isnard, cleric, confirmed this. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 86r Script C. B. Original lost. Related Charters: 145, 156, 287, NC24. Isnardi vicecomitis de Ioviniaco de decimis Ego Hugo, archiepiscopus Senonensis, volo presentes et futuros certam habere noticiam, quia, scilicet, Isnardus, vicecomes de Ioviniaco, dedit in elemosinam abbati Vallis Lucentis et monachis ibi Deo servientibus omnem decimationem terrarum ecclesie Vallis Lucentis, quas habitatores eiusdem ecclesie propriis, carrucis, manibus et sumptibus colunt in Valle Vinart et in territorio de Boelei. Hoc donum laudavit Ioduinus, filius eius, audientibus: Ansello Gastablez; Rainaudo Maule; Stephano Bulfaut et filiastro suo, Stephano; Reinaudo Iodovino; Hugone, preposito de Ioviniaco, et filio suo, clerico, qui vocatur monacus. Hoc etiam laudavit uxor eius, Esmerilla, et filii sui, Reinaudus et Isnardus, clericus, audientibus: Reinaudo Crasso et filiis suis; Reinaudo et Theobaldo Baudero; Haimero de Fosse. Factum est hoc anno ab incarnatione Domini Mo Co LXo Io, apud Ioviniacum. Quod ut ratum intemeratumque permaneat, sigilli mei attestacione firmari precepi. At #148. 331 [1142 - 1160] Molinons, in the house of Garnier. 332 1184 (o. st.). No location. Manassess, bishop of Troyes, makes known that Herbert, miles of Payns, not yet having a wife, confessed that he had rather frequently bothered the church of Vauluisant, falsely 364 alleging concerning the woods of Fay Garnens and Les Sièges, that the church had assigned to him from such woods of Les Sièges 10 s. provinois to be received annually. Herbert, coming to his senses, freely and peacefully conceded and confirmed this to the church of Vauluisant. Similarly, he confirmed the old divisions between the woods of Cérilly and Notre-Dame [de Séant], which are called lais in the vernacular and have persisted up until the day of the agreement. He also confirmed the fief of Séant, and usage rights in his part of the woods of Notre-Dame, in men and animals, and whatever else the aforesaid church had acquired from his patrimony by gift or purchase. Geoffroy, the brother of Herbert, not yet having children, and Hélie, his wife, and her children, Elisabeth and Robert and also Florence Mabile, and her son, Jean, confirmed all these things. Similarly, Elisabeth, Alaidis and Margarite [daughters of Florence Mabile (?), confirmed this.] A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 86r-v Script C. B. Original, AD Yonne, H 753. 29.2 x 18.3 cm. a. Quantin II, p. 355, no. 341. After B. Related Charter: MC3. {86rb}Herberti militis de Paianis. de Fais [Gar]nens Ego Manasses, Dei gratia Trecensis episcopus, notum facio universis Christianis quod Herbertus, miles de Paianis, nondum uxorem habens, in presentia mea, astantibus plurimus, confessus est quod sepius iniuste vexaverit ecclesiam Vallis Lucentis calumpnians nemus Phais Garnens et nemus Eschegiarum, pro quo nemore Eschegiarum ecclesia Vallis Lucentis assignavit eidem Hebertum decem solidos Pruvinenses in masuris de Soiant annuatim accipiendos. Hec vero nemora prescripta Herbertus resipiscensa cum terra plana ad illa pertinence,b quieta et libera concessit et laudavit predicte ecclesie Vallis Lucentis. Similiter, laudavit antiquas divisiones que vulgo lais dicuntur inter nemus Cereille et nemus Sancte Marie que usque hodie permanent. Feodumc quoque de Seuant laudavit et usuarium in parte sua nemoris quod dicitur Sancte Marie, tam hominum quam animalium, et quicquid aliud de eius patrimonio, dono vel emptione, {86va}prefata ecclesia acquisierat. [Hec omnia] laudaverunt Gaufridus, fra[ter Herberti], nondum liberos habens, et Helia, uxord eius, et liberi sui, Elisabeth,e Robertus, Florentia Mabila quoque et filius eius, Iohannes. Similiter Elisabeth,f Alaidis et Margarita. Huius rei testes sunt: Frater Girardus, monacusg Vallis Lucentis; Odo, sacerdos de Hais; Magister Petrus Potator; Manasses de Villamauri; Berengeriush Galengisius, tunc temporum prepositus Villemauri; Ansellus de Fonte Venne; Michael de Trecis. Et ut hoc scriptum omni tempore ratum habeatur, sigillo mei feci muniri. Actum est hoc anno verbi incarnati Mo Co Lo XXXo IIIIo. a. resipiscens]resipisens ex corr. A. Feodum]Foedum A. d. uxor]soror a. f. Elisabeth]Elisabeht B. g. monacus]monachus B. b. pertinence]pertinente B. c. e. Elisabeth]Elisabeht B. h. Berengerius]Brengerius A. 333 1193, August 3. Sens. Guy, archbishop of Sens, makes known that for a long time a dispute (contentio) was held between the brothers of Vauluisant and the Knighthood of the Temple of Coulours over the pastures (pasturis - elsewhere translated as "pasturage rights") of the woods of Cérilly and Les Loges, and over acorns and certain roads. Whence, in Guy's presence the following agreement (compositio) was made: Concerning the roads (vie), only two will stand: one that goes from Villemaur to Joigny, the other from Coulours to Arces, and 365 the path (semita) between the two lands from the Coulours leper house to the woods. The enclosures of meadows which are before the grange of Les Loges will remain with the monks of Vauluisant free from pastures (pasturis) and roads. In the woods and plains which pertain to the granges of Les Loges and Cérilly, and which are proper to the same brothers of Vauluisant, the Templars and the men of Coulours will have shared pasture rights for all their animals, so that, nevertheless, land will not be dug up for making a pig-sty (fulcheria "ferny field" ad opus porcorum). But they will be able to seize however many pigs and other cattle they are able to capture by themselves. In the meadows which are outside the enclosure, pigs shall not enter from the middle of March until the quindene of the feast of Saint John the Baptist (quindene of the Nativity of Saint John the Baptist, July 8, most likely, given MC23's description as this being the time when field animals have offspring; quindene of the sanctification of Saint John, October 7), unless the meadows should have been dried (converted to hay) before then, in which case they may freely enter. In the time of acorns, they will pay for the pannage of pigs according to this schedule: pigs 1 year or older, 4 d.; less than 1 year, 2 d.; suckling pigs, free. If a dispute should arise concern the age of a pig, he whose animal it is will be held to prove its age. Also, goats will not enter the woods from the feast of Saint Remy (October 1) until the Purification of the Virgin (February 2). If they should enter, they will pay pannage in the manner of pigs. Oxen and all other cattle, except for pigs and goats, will enter for pasturage (pasturas intrabunt) at all times freely and without contradiction. The brothers of Vauluisant shall be able to clear, uproot, make arable, sell or give the aforesaid woods, except for the pasturage rights (pasturis) of said Templars. For these things, the men of Coulours will give to the brothers of Vauluisant 20 s. money of Provins each year on the octaves of Saint Remy (October 8) paid in the house of Cérilly. And if it is not paid on that day, they will be held to pay it with a fine (cum lege) of 5 s. and the brothers of Vauluisant will be able to seize the cattle of the men of Coulours in the aforesaid pastures for that money and fine. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 86v Script D. B. Original lost. C. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 93r-v (90r-v Microfilm) Script Fr. After A. Translation: Appendix C. (#270, in form of vidimus) Related Charters: 221, 270-73, 277, 305, 319, MC4, NC26. De discordia Templariorum pro nemoribus {Script D}Guido, Dei gratia Senonensis archiepiscopus, omnibus ad quos littere presentes pervenerint in Domino salutem fieri volumus quod diu habita est contentio inter fratres de Valle Lucente, ex una parte, et militie Templi et homines de Colooirs, ex alia, super pasturis nemorum de Ceriliaco et Logiis, et glande et quibusdam viis. Inde coram nobis facta est compositio: de viis unde erat contentio tantum due stabunt, una que a Villa Mauri apud Ioviniacum, alia a Colooirs apud Arciam et semita que est inter duas terras a domo leprosorum de Colooirs usque in boscum. Clausura pratorum quae sunt ante portam grangie de logiis remanebit fratribus de Vallelucente libera a viis et pasturis. In propriis nemoribus eorundem fratrum et planis que pertinent ad grenchias de Logiis de Ceriliaco, dicti fratres Templi et homines de Colooirs, sine contradictione, pasturas habebunt ad omnia pecora sua communiter, ita quod non fodietur terra ab hominibus pro fulcheria ad opus porcorum. Sed quantum per se capere poterunt porci sive alia pecora, ibi capient. In prata que sunt extra clausuram non intrabunt pecora a medio Martio usque ad quidenam Sancti Iohannis Baptiste, nisi infra terminum illum secta fuerint prata. Et si {86vb}secta fuerint, libere intrare poterunt. In tempore glandis, porci unius anni vel ultra pro pasnagio quatuor donabunt denarios; porci infra annum duos denarios; lactentes vero 366 porci nichil pro pasnagio donabunt. Et si forte contentio habeatur de porco cuius sit etatis, in probatione eius cuius erit, habebunt. [Capre] quoque non intrabunt boscum a festo Sancti Remigii usque ad Purificationem Beate Marie. Et si intraverint, ad modum porcorum pasnagium reddent. Boves et omnia alia pecora, preter porcos et capras, omni tempore libere et sine contradictione pasturas intrabunt. Fratres etiam de Vallelucente praedicta nemora extirpare, eradicare, arare, vendere, donare poterunt, salvis pasturis dictorum Templariorum. Pro hiis itaque rebus, homines de Colooirs fratribus de Vallelucente singulis annis in domo de Ceriliaco viginti solidos Pruvinensis moneta in octavis Sancti Remigii donabunt. Et si ipso die non reddatur, deinceps reddi tenebuntur cum lege quinque solidorum, et fratres de Vallelucente capere poterunt in dictis pasturis pecora hominum de Colooirs pro denariis illis et lege. In cuius rei memoriam presentem cartam notari fecimus et sigilli nostri impressione muniri. Actum Senonis, in Inventione Sancti Stephani anno incarnati Verbi Millesimo Centesimo Nonagesimo Tertio, datum per manum Magistri Petri, cancellarii nostri. {87r Blank} {87va Script F} Index of rubrics in the Saint Martin grange section. Fr. Pagination Artaldus de Castello vendit terras 162 Nicholas dat censum 163 Margareta dat XVIII arpenta terre 163 Iohannes de condelet approbat venditionem Hugonis 164 Iohannes et Gilo vendunt XXV denarios 165 Artaldus de Castello acquisivit feodum Milonis 166 Idem Acquisivit terras de Sancto Martino 166 De conquerementis eisdem Artaldi 166 Isabellis dat censum 167 Artaldus de Castello acquisivit terras de Sancto Martino 168 Ecclesia Sancte Petri Trecensis quitat VII denarios et obolum. 168 Philippus de mael vendit censum 169 Maria filia Hugonis Belin vendit VII arpentas 170 Philippus de Mael recognoscit possessiones 170 Philippus de Essartis vendit censum 170 Felix vendit censum de allodio 171 Odo de Caralidomo petit terram 171 Domus Dei de Priuno vendit terram apud Sanctum Martinum 172 Petronilla filia Drogonis vendit terram 172 Emelina dat dimidum arpentum vinee 173 Felix de Paisi dat terram 173 Iohannes li Flammegns vendit III denarios censuales 174 Petrus et Emelina vendent II denarios censuales 174 Egydius approbat quod vendit Massa Abbatia 164 {88r blank} 334 1218, September 6. Hervée, bishop of Troyes, makes known that Hugues, miles of Chalautre[-la-Grande or la-Petite] recognized that he sold to the brothers of Vauluisant two thirds of 23 1/2 arpents of land at "Villefranche" (Saint-Martin-le-Chennetron), and conferred the 367 remaining third in perpetual alms. Marie, his wife, whose fief the land was, confirmed this. Both Marie and her husband, Hugues, swore that they would hold and adhere to this sale in good faith, and acknowledged that the land was free from all customs. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 88v Script F. B. Original lost. Related Charter: 339, 352, 375, NC37. {88va}Ego Herveus, Trecensis episcopus, notum facimus omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis quod Hugo, miles de Calesta, in presentia nostra constitutus, recognovit se duas partes vigintitrium et dimidii arpentorum terre site apud Villam Franchien fratribus Vallis Lucentis vendidisse, terciam vero partem eiusdem terre in perpetuam elemosinam contulisse. Hoc autem laudavit Maria, uxor eius, de qua terra movebat, et, tam ipsa quam dictus Hugo, vir eius, fidem dederunt quod mercatum istum bona fide tenerent et servarent. Cognoverunt etiam dicti Hugo et Maria quod terra ab omni consuetudine erat libera et immunis. Datum anno Gratie Mo CCo XVIIIo, octavo idus Septembri. 335 1218, September. No location. Hervée. bishop of Troyes, makes known that Artaud de Châtelet recognized that he sold to the monks of Vauluisant his lands at Saint-Martin-le-Villefranche [le-Chennetron] at the rate of 60 s. for each arpent which the domini of the censive confirm to them. He also recognized that he sold to said monks 18 s. annual cens which he held in the same village and three entire customs (tres integras costumas) with implements (cum fornamentis) for 90 l. He recognized that he gave in alms his homestead (herbergagium) with all its surroundings (porprisa), but that he sold one arpent of land below those surroundings for 60 s. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fos. 88v - 89r Script F - Script E. B. Original, AD Yonne, H 762. 14.8 x 27.3 cm. Seal of Bishop Hervée of Troyes. Related Charters: 337, 341-43, 345, MC6-7. {88vb}[E]go Herveus, Dei gratia Trecensis episcopus, notum facimus omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis quod, constitutus in presentia nostra,a Artaldusb de Castello recognovit se vendidisse, fide sua mediante, monachis Vallis Lucentis terras quas habebat apud Sanctum Martinum de Vilefranchien, ita quod de quolibet arpento quod domini censivarum predictis monachis laudaverunt, habuit sexaginta solidos Pruvinenses. Recognovit etiam se vendidisse dictis monachis decem et octo solidos annui census quos habebat in dicta villa et tres integras costumasc cumd fornamentis pro {89ra Script E}nonaginta libris. Herbergagium vero suum cum tota porprisa recognovit se dedisse dictis monachis in elemosinam, excepto quod de uno arpento terre quod situm est infra porprisium, sexaginta solidos Pruvinenses habuit. Super hac autem venditione et elemosine collatione dictus Artaudus fidem dedit corporalem de debita garanteia portanda. Similiter, hanc vendicionem et elemosine collationem,e Ermengardisf uxor dicti Ertaldig et Michael, eorum filius, voluerunt et laudaverunt, fiduciantes quod, per se vel per alios, de cetero non reclamabunt fideiussores etiam existentes de recta garanteia portanda. Actum annoh Domini Mo CCo Octavo Decimo, mense Septembri. a. in presentia nostra]coram nobis B. c. costumas]coutumus A d. cum]cum cum A. b. Artaldus]Artuadus B. 368 e. dictus Artaudus . . . elemosine collationem om. A. Ertaldi]Artaudi B. h. anno om. B. f. Ermengardis]Ermeniardis B. g. 336 1218, June 24. No location. Hugues, officialis of the Sens curia, makes known Nicholas, cleric, son of the deceased Aubert Mercerius (Marchand?), gave, quit and conceded in perpetual alms to the brothers of Vauluisant his entire cens that he had at Saint-Martin-le-Villefranche [leChennetron] wherever it is contained in that parish, as well as every action that he had towards all men by means of that cens, promising never to bother the brothers over that cens. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 89r Script E. B. Original AD Yonne, H 762. 7.0 x 16.2 cm. Related Charter: MC42. Nicholaus filius Auberti Mercerii dedit censum quem habebat apud Sanctum Martinum [O]mnibus presentes litteras inspecturis, Magister Hugo, curie Senonensis officialis, in Domino salutem. Noverint universi quod Nicholaus, clericus, filius defuncti Auberti Mercerii, coram nobis, donavit, quitavit et concessit in perpetuam elemosinam fratribus Vallis Lucentis totum censum suum quem habebat apud Sanctum Martinum de Vilers {89rb}Franchena ubicumque in parroc[hi]a illa contineretur et omnem actionem que ei erga omnes homines ratione dicti census competebat promittens, fide media, quod dictos fratres super dicto censu, per se vel per alium, de cetero nullatenus molestaret. Quod autem audivimus et recognitum fuit, coram nobis, sine preiudicio alterius, sub sigillo curie Senonensis testificamur. Actum anno Gratie Mo CCo Octavodecimo,b mense Iunio, in Nativitate Beati Iohannis Baptiste. a. Franchen]Franchem B. b. Octavodecimo]Octavodetimo B. 337 1218, August. No location. Etienne, deacon of Notre-Dame de Val-Provins, makes known that Domina Marguerite, widow of Hugues de Villegruis, recognized that she conceded and confirmed to the abbot and convent of Vauluisant 17 arpents at Saint-Martin-le-Chennetron, which are understood to move (in fief) from her at 3 s. annual cens; which land Artaud de Châtel sold to the abbot and community of Vauluisant, who conferred 12 l. to Marguerite for her confirmation, under the condition that if, when her children attain the age of contradiction, they should refuse to confirm this deed, but deny it, the aforesaid Marguerite will be held to assign to the monks her 6 arpents at La Marcotiere, which they will hold until the 12 l. is paid back in full. Milo, the brother of said domina, from whom these 6 arpents are held in fief, confirmed this. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 89r-v Script E. B. Original, AD Yonne, H 762. 18.6 x 11.7 cm. Related Charters: 335, 341-43, 345, MC6-7. Margarita de Vilegruis approbat ecclesie Vallis Lucentis decem et septem arpenta terre 369 [S]tephanus, decanus Beate Marie de Valle Pruvini, omnibus ad quos littere presentes pervenerint salutem in Domino. Noverint universi quod, in presentia nostra constituta, Domina Margarita, relicta Hugonis de Vilegruis, recognovit se concessise et laudasse abbati et conventui Vallis Lucentis XVII arpenta sita apud Sanctum Martinum de Villa Franchein, que de ipsa {89va}movere dinoscuntur ad tres solidos annui census. Quam terram Ertaudus de Castello vendidit monachis prefatis qui duodecim libras predicte Margarite pro dicta laudatione contulerunt, tali tamen conditione: quod cum pueri dictea Margarite venerint ad anno contradictionis, et laudationem ab ipsab factam monachisc non concesserint, immo contradixerint, prefata Margarita, pro pretaxatis duodecim libris, sex arpenta terre sue de la Marcotiere eisdem monachis tenetur assignare. Que arpenta licebit eis tamdiu tenere, donec dicta pecunie summa eis in integrum persolvatur. Hoc enim laudavit Milo, frater domine sepedicte, de cuius feodo sunt illa sex arpenta. Quod ut ratum et firmum habeatur, in posterum nos, ad petitionem utriusque partis, hoc idem sigilli nostri munimine duximus roborandum. Actum anno Gratie Millesimo Ducentesimo Octodecimo, mense Augusto. a. dicte]eiusdem B. b. ipsa]ea B. c. ab ipsa factam monachis]ab ea Monachis factam B. 338 1225 November. Egidius (Giles), armiger, and Egidia, his wife, daughter of Martha (widow of Geoffroy Chailot), confirmed and conceded the sale by Martha Chailot of 14 s. provinois cens for 55 l. provinois and her donation of another 6 s., all to the church of Vauluisant, just as this sale and donation are related in the letters of the abbot of Saint-Jacques de Provins and the deacon of Christianity of Provins . A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 89v Script E. B. Original lost. Related Charters: 41-45, 84. Egidius approbat quod vendidit Massa de Pruvino {89vb}[O]mnibus presentes litteras inspecturis, Magister Michael, officialis curie Senonensis, in Domino salutem. Noverint universi quod Egydius, armiger, et Egidia, uxor eius, filia Masse relicte Gaufridi Chailot, in nostra presentia constituti, venditionem quatuordecim solidorum Pruvinensium annui census pro quinquaginta quinque libris pruvinensibus a predicta Massa ecclesie Vallis Lucentis factam, sicut nobis constitit per litteras abbatis Sancti Iacobi Pruvinensis, et per litteras decani Christianitatis Pruvini, quem ad hoc specialiter misimus audiendum, laudaverunt et concesserunt; similiter et elemosinam sex solidorum annui census a sepedicta Massa ecclesie Vallis Lucentis factam, sicut nobis constitit per litteras venerabilium predictorum virorum, abbatis Sancti Iacobi et decani Christianitatis Pruvinensis. Actum anno Gratie, Mo CCo XXVo, mense Novembri. 339 1224, November 1. No location. H., deacon of Christianity of Provins, makes known that Jean de Gondelet recognized that he confirmed to the church of Vauluisant all of the holdings that move in whatever way in fief from him from those holdings at Saint-Martin-le-Villefranche [-le- 370 Chennetron] that Hugues de Chalautre sold to the above-named church. He also recognized that he confirmed to the church of Vauluisant those 15 1/2 d. cens over the holding (teneura) of Jean le Flamand, of which Hugues gave 5 in alms, and sold the remaining 10 1/2 d. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fos. 89v - 90r (89v, 91r Microfilm) Script E. B. Original, AD Yonne, H 762. 10.1 x 13.7 cm. Related Charters: 334, 357, 375, NC37. Iohannes de Gondelet approbat venditionem Hugonis militis de Calistra [O]mnibus presentes litteras inspecturis H. deca-{90ra}-nus de Christianitate Pruviniensis,a salutem in Domino. Noverit universitas vestra quod Iohannes de Gondelet,b coram nobis, recognovit se laudasse ecclesie Vallisc Lucentis totas illas teneuras quacumque de feodo suo moventes apud Sanctum Martinum de Villad Francheine Dominus Hugo de Calestria,f miles, vendidit ecclesie supradicte. Recognovit etiam idem Iohannes de Gondelet,g in presentia nostra, se laudasse ecclesie prefate illos quindecim denarios et unum obolum census super teneuram Iohannis Flamanz percipiendos; de quibus quinque donavit, decem vero et obolum vendidit ecclesie sepedicte Hugo, miles supradictus. In huius rei testimonium, presentibus litteris sigillum nostrum apposuimus. Actum anno Gratie Millesimo Ducentesimo Vicesimo Quarto, in festo Omnium Sanctorum. a. Pruviniensis]Pruvinensis B. b. Gondolet]Gundolot B. c. Vallis]Wallis B. d. Villa]Willa B. e. Franchein]Franchien B. f. Calestria]Calestra B. Gondolet]Gundolot B. g. 340 1223 (o. st.), April. No location. Jean de Beton-Bazoches and Giles, his brother, recognized that when they held a cens free and in allod, to be paid every year on the feast of Saint Remy (October 1) at SaintMartin-le-Villefranche [-le-Chennetron], from certain lands in the territories of that village (Saint-Martin), Pisoli (Puits?), and Bonsac, which lands they demonstrated (allodial possession of cens ?) and made to be demonstrated to the brothers of the church of Vauluisant by the testimony of good men, they sold and quit the entire cens, 25 s. and whatever more they might have in those territories, to the church of Vauluisant. They also swore that they would carry the warranty for this sale and surrender as they ought, both [warranting] the things [sold] and [that] they sold this by virtue of being free and quit? (Fiduciaverunt . . . quod ipsi . . . portabunt garantiam . . . , sicut de re quam pro quita et libera vendiderunt). And for carrying the warranty, they gave sureties to the monks and brothers, namely Eudes and Girard, his brother, milites of Bauchesi (les Chaises?), Giles Crollebois and Garnier de Chennetron. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 90r-v (91r-v Microfilm) Script E. B. Original, AD Yonne, H 762. ca. 16 x 13 1/2 cm (warped parchment). Ind: Evergates, p. 176. Iohannes et Gilo vendiderunt viginti quinque denarios et si quid magis habebant Omnibus litteras istas inspecturis, Michael Christianitatis Pruvini decanus, salutem in Domino. Noverint universi quod Iohannes et Gilo, frater eius, de Be-{90rb}tonbasoches, in nostra present[ia] constituti, recognoverunt quod cum ipsi censum 371 haberent liberum et de alodio, singulis annis in festo Sancti Remigii percipiendum apud Sanctum Martinum de Villefrancheina de quibusdam terris que sunt in territorio eiusdem ville et in territorio de Pisoli et de Boensae, quas terras per testimonium bonorum virorum monstraverunt et monstrari fecerunt fratribus ecclesie Vallis Lucentis, ipsi viginti etb quinque denarios eiusdem census et si quid amplius habebant de censu in dicta villa, scilicet Sancti Martini, et in dictis territoriis, totum vendiderunt predictis fratribus, precio viginti librarum, et quitaverunt supradicte ecclesie perpetuo pacifice possidendum, nichil sibi in dicto censu, nec in terris supradictis, de cetero retinentes. Fiduciaverunt etiam in manu nostra quod ipsi super predicta venditione et quitationec portabunt garantiam prout debebunt {90va}, sicut de re quam pro quita et libera vendiderunt. Et de portanda garantia ista, dederunt coram nobis dictis monachis et fratribus plegios istos scilicet Oldonem et Girardum, fratrem eius, milites de Bauchesi, Gilonem Crolleboisd et Ganerum de Chasnetronc.e In cuius rei memoria, ad petitionemf partium, presentes litteras sigilli nostri munimine roboravimus. Actum anno Gratie Mo CCo XXo IIIo, mense Aprili. a. Villefranchein]Villefranchien B. quitatione]quitacione B. d. Crollebois]Crolebois B. petitionem]peticionem B. b. et om. B. e. Chasnetronc]Chanetronc B. c. f. 341 1211 (o. st.). No location. Etienne, deacon of Notre-Dame de Val-Provins, makes known that Hugues de Naudo, miles, and Domina Comtesse, his wife, quit to Artaud de Châtel the feudal rights that they held over the cens and customs at Chennetron that Girard Hasriaus sold to Artaud, and they invested Artaud with those feudal rights to possess in perpetuity. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 90v (91v Microfilm) Script E. B. Original, AD Yonne, H 762. 8.3 x 16.2 cm. Related Charters: 335, 337, 342-43, 345, MC6-7. Quomodo Artaldus de Castello adquisierit feodum Milonis de Naudo apud Chasnetronc [E]go Stephanus, Beate Marie in Valle Pruvini, decanus notum facio presentibus et futuris quod Dominus Hugo de Naudo, miles, et Domina Comitissa, eius uxor, in presentia nostra constituti, quitaverunt Ertaudoa de Castello feodum quem habebant in censu et consuetudinibus apud Chasnetruncb quas Girardus Hasriausc vendiderat dicto Hertaldo et de illo feodo libere et quiete imperpetuum possidendo dictum Hertaudum investiverunt. Quod ut ratum permaneat, ad petitionemd utriusque partis, (90vb)presentem paginame sigillo meo confirmo. Actum anno Gratie Mo CCo XIo. a. Ertaudo]Hertaudo B. d. petitionem]peticionem B. b. Chasnetrunc]Charnetrunc B. e. paginam]paginem B. c. Hasriaus]Haseiaus B. 342 1208 (o. st.), January. No location. Geoffroy, abbot of Saint-Jacques de Provins, makes known that Eudes, son of Dominus Milo, miles of Châtenais, recognized that he sold to Artaud de Châtel, son of Pierre Ursellus, 21 arpents at Saint-Martin-le-Chennetron in the censiva of Constance du Bourg (Costant Burgensis), uncle of Artaud. Mileta, the wife of Eudes, Elisabeth Crollebois, 372 Girard, miles, and his sons, Giles and Ruece, confirmed this sale. The aforesaid Girard, miles, and Girard, miles of Tachy, were fidejussores to this affair. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 90v (91v Microfilm) Script E. B. Original, AD Yonne, H 762. 8.4 x 21.2 cm. Related Charters: 335, 337, 341-43, 345, MC6-7. Quomodo Artaldus de Castello adquisivit terras de Sancto Martino [G]aufridus, ecclesie Beati Iacobi dictus abbas, omnibus ad quos littere presentes pervenerint, in Domino salutem. Noverit universitas quod Odo, filius Domini Milonis militis de Chalemaison, in presentia nostra constitutus, recognovit se vendidisse Artaldoa de Castello, filio Petri Urselli, viginti unum arpenta terre apud Sanctum Martinum de Villa Francheinb que sunt de censiva Costant burgensis, avunculi predicti Artaldi. Hanc autem venditionem laudaverunt Mileta, uxor predicti Odonis; et Elysabetc la Croleboise; et Girardus, miles; et Gilo et Ruece, filii predicte Girardi. Huius rei fideiussores sunt: predictus miles, Girardus,d et Girardus, miles de Tachi.e Et ut hoc ratum habeatur, sigilli nostri munimine roboravimus.f Actum anno Domini Millesimo Ducentesimo Octavo, mense Ianuarii. a. Artaldo]Artaudo B. (The remaining incidents of Artaldus in B are abbreviated as the letter A). b. Franchein]Franchien B. c. Elysabet]Elysabeth B. d. predictus miles, Girardus]predictus Girardus, miles trp. B. e. Girardus, miles de Tachi]Girardus de Tachi, miles trp. B. f. roboravimus]roboramus A. 343 1213 (o. st.). No location. G. Deacon of Saint-Quiriace-de-Provins, F., Chaplain of the same church, and L., Priest of Fontenay, make known that when Nobilis Mulier Marguerite, widow of Hugues, miles of Villegruis, brought a suit (causa) against Artaud de Castello in her court (curia) in the presence of many, over 17 arpents which move from her for 3 s. cens, concerning which she asserted that he was causing injustice to her (de quibus ipse iniuriabatur eidem), finally the complaint (querela) was pacified in this way: Artaud gave Marguerite 11 l. and she quit to him whatever rights she said that she had in that land by inheritance, marriage or purchase. Secondly, when Eudes de Chalmaison brought a suit against the same Artaud in the presence of the three men, who acted in the place of a legate in this case, over the land and a certain sum of money, which, he asserted, Artaud had extorted from him by the depravity of usury, finally the dispute was pacified between them in this fashion: Eudes quit to Artaud the land concerning which the complaint (querela) was made, and absolved him entirely from (the debt?) of everything which he had (from him?) up to the present day. Artaud, for this absolution, returned to Eudes a certain silver goblet (ciphum argenteum) which he held from him in pledge (hock) for 40 s. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fos. 90v - 91r (91v - 92r Microfilm) Script E. B. Original lost. Related Charters: 335, 337, 341-42, 345, 352, MC6-7. De conquerementis Artaldi de Castelli in finagio Sancti Martini [E]go G., ecclesie Beati Quiriaci {91ra}Pruvinensis decanus, F., eiusdem ecclesie capellanus, et L., presbiter de Fonteneto, notum facimus omnibus presentes litteris inspecturis quod cum Margareta, nobilis mulier, relicta Hugonis militis de Vilegruis, 373 traxisset in causam, coram multis in curia sua, Artaldum de Castello super decem et septem arpentis terre que ab ipsa Margareta movent ad tres solidos census, de quibus ipse iniuriabatur eidem, ut ipsa asserebat, tandem pacificata est querela in hunc modum: Artaldus dedit dicte Margarete XI libras Pruvinenses, et ipsa quitavit ei quiquid iuris ipsa dicebat se habere in predicta terra, sive hereditate, sive dote, sive emptione. Similiter, cum Odo de Scala Domo traxisset eundem Artaldum in causam, coram nobis, qui vices domini legati gerimus in hac parte, super terra et quadam summa pecunie que omnia idem Artaldus ab eo extorserat per usurarium pravitatem sicut ipse asserebat, tandem inter ipsos pacificatum est in hunc modum: predictus vero Odo quitavit predicto Artaldo terram de qua querela erat et absolvit cum penitus {91rb}ab omnibus . . . ipse habuerat usque ad hanc diem. Prefatus vero Artaudus reddidit eidem, pro absolutione, quendam ciphum argenteum quem tenebat ab eo invadiadum pro quadraginta solidis. In quarum rerum testimonium, presentes litteras sigillorum nostrorum munivimus testimonio. Actum anno Gratie, Mo CCo Terciodecimo. 344 1226 (o. st.), January. No location. The abbot of Saint-Jacques de Provins makes known that Isabelle, daughter of the deceased Racundus, recognized that she gave in perpetual alms to the church of Vauluisant the 4 d. of cens that the brothers of that church owed to her. Moreover, she confirmed the 6 d. of cens that the widow of Raoul Rufus gave in alms since it moves in fief from her. Adeline, the mother of Isabelle, who had dower in these things, confirmed all these things. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 91r-v (92r-v Microfilm) Script E. B. Original lost. Related Charter: 355. Ysabelis filia Racundi dat quatuor denarios censuales et laudat sex alios denarios [E]go . ., Beati Iacobi Pruvini dictus abbas, notum facio omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis quod, constituta in presentia nostra, Ysabelis, filia defuncti Racundi, recognovit se dedisse in perpetuam elemosinam ecclesie Vallis Lucentis quatuor denarios censuales quos fratres dicte ecclesie debebant eidem. Preterea laudavit sex denarios censuales quos relicta Radulphi Rufi dederat in elemosinam predicte ecclesie, cum moverent de suo feodo. Hec autem omnia laudavit Adelina, mater dicte {91va}[Ys]abel[is] quitta haberet dotem in dictis rebus. In cuius rei memoriam, ego, . ., ad petitionem partium, presentes litteras sigilli mei munimine roboravi. Actum anno Domini Mo CCo XXo VIo, mense Ianuarii. 345 1211, November 1. No location. Eudes le Pauvre, minister of Hôtel-Dieu de Provins, indicates that Thomas de Sourdun and Beatrix, his sister, and Geoffroy, her husband, sold to Artaud, son of Pierre Ursellus, the land at Saint-Martin-le-Villefranche [-le-Chennetron] that belonged to Richilde, mother of Thomas and Beatrix. And they swore that they would warranty the aforesaid land under the condition that if their heir should wish to retain this land, Artaud will receive his capital and 60 s. for his investments, damages and such. That year having transpired, the three will be held to carry the warranty against all men. Several sureties to this agreement are then listed. 374 A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 91v (92v Microfilm) Script E. B. Original, AD Yonne, H 762. 21.4 x 22.1 cm. Related Charters: 335, 337, 341-43, MC6-7. Quomodo Artaldus de Castello adquisierit terram de Sancto Martino [E]go Odo Pauperum, Domus Dei Pruvini humilis minister, notum facio omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis quod Magister Thomas de Sordolio et Beatrix, soror eius, et Gaufridus, sponsus eiusdem Beatricis, vendiderunt Artaldo,a filio Petri Urselli, terram que fuit Richeldis, matris predictorum Thomas et Beatricis, apud Sanctum Martinum de Vilers Franchein.b Et fiduciaverunt se garantire terram illam prenominato Artaldo tali conditione: quod si heres infra annum terram illam sibi retinere vellet, predictus Artaldus haberet capitale suum et pro expansis et dampnis, sexaginta solidos pro palMata sua. Transacto vero anno, Magister Thomas, Beatrix et Gaufridus, sponsus eiusdem Beatricis, tenebun-{91vb}-tur ferre garantiam adversus omnes homines. Huius pactionisc tenende plegii sunt: Petrus, sacerdos de Sordolio;d et Iacobus, clericus, frater sepedicti Gaufridi; Herbertus de Meso, filius defuncti Gaufridi de Vilecendrier; Iohannes de Charisi; Stephanus, maior, filius Gaufridi, libarii. Quod ut ratum permaneat, ad petitionem utriusque partise sigillum Domus Dei est appositum. Actum anno Gratie Mo CCo XIo, in festo Omnium Sanctorum. a. Artaldo]Artaudo B. (The remaining incidents of Artaldus in B are abbreviated.) b. Franchein]Franchien B. c. pactionis]pauctionis B. d. Sordolio]Sordolii B. e. partis]par A. 346 1222, November. No location. Leteric, abbot, and the entire community of Montier-la-Celle in Troyes make known that they quit to the church of Vauluisant the 7 1/2 d. of annual cens that Vauluisant owed to their priory of Saint-Ayoul de Provins from 34 1/2 arpents of land, which land is called Despraaut and del Olmiau. This same land belonged to Artaud de Provins (probably the same as Artaud Castello, son of Pierre Ursellus, above), which the church of Vauluisant acquired in the parish of Saint-Martin-le-Villefranche [-le-Chennetron]. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fos. 91v - 92r (Microfilm 92v - 93r) Script E. B. Original, AD Yonne, H 762. 9.0 x 19.1 cm. Seals of convent (left) and abbot (right) of Montier-laCelle. Quitat et approbat conventus Sancti Petri Trecensis VII denarios et obolum de terra Des Prahant [U]niversis litteras istas visuris, Frater Letericus, abbas, et totus conventus Beati Petri de Cella Trecensis, salutem in Domino. Notum vobis facimusa quod nos quitavimus ecclesie Vallis Lucentis septem denarios et obolum annui census quos eadem ecclesia debebat singulis annis ecclesie nostre de Sancto Aigulpho pruvinense, de triginta quatuor arpentis terre et dimidio que terra vocatur terra Despraautb et terra del Olmiauc et hec eadem terra de qua census {92ra}iste nobis debebatur fuit Ertaudi de Pruvino, quam ecclesia Vallis Lucentis acquisivit infra parrochiam Sancti Martini de Franchen.d Ut autem hec quittatio rata sit, et ab omnibus ine perpetuum irretractabiliterf teneatur, litteras istas scribi et sigillorum nostrorum fecimus attestationeg roborari. Actum anno Domini Mo CCo Vicesimo Secundo, mense Novembri. 375 a. vobis facimus]sit presentibus et futuris B. c. Olmiau]Olmeau B. d. Franchen]Francen B. f. irretractabiliter]intretractabiliter B. b. Despraaut]Despraauz B. e. in]im B. g. attestatione]attestacione B. 376 347 1220, December. No location. Master Adam, deacon of Pont[-sur-Seine] (deacon of Chalautre in the originals), notes that Philippe de Maiers, miles, and his wife, Adeline, sold to the monks of Vauluisant two parts of 3 s. cens at Saint-Martin[-le-Chennetron] and he gave the remaing third in alms. for the salvation of his soul and his wife. He recognized that 16 d. of this 3 s. are held in common (de censu communi),190 the remaining 20 d. are from his cens held by him alone (de censu suo proprio). Further, said miles assigned and promised to assign 20 arpents of land to the monks for the 3 s. cens, so that if anything injustice happens to the monks over this cens, they will have assigned the 20 arpents for seizing justice. He swore that if there should be less than 20 arpents, he will make up the difference from his own property. If it should happen that more than 20 arpents was present, he promised that it all would be according to this condition. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 92r (93r Microfilm) Script E. After B. B. Original 1, AD Yonne, H 762. 15.2 x 17.6 cm. Seal of the deacon of Pont-sur-Seine. C. Original 2, AD Yonne, H 762. 12.6 x 18.2 cm. De censu quem Philippus de Mael miles vendidit censum apud Sanctum Martinum [U]niversis has litteras visuris,a Magister Adam, decanus de Pontibus,b salutem in Domino. Noveritis universi quod Philipus de Maiers, miles, in nostra presentia constitutus,c et uxor eius, Adelina, duas partes trium solidorum census monachis Vallis Lucentis apud Sanctum Martinumd vendiderunt in perpetuume possidendas, terciam vero partem horum trium solidorum imperpetuum,f pro salute sue et uxoris sue anime, prefatus miles prenominatis monachis in elemosinam donavit. Sexdecim autem denarios predictorum trium solidorum de censu communi, totum autem residuum de censu suo {92rb}proprio esse cognovit. Iterum, miles predictus ad tres solidos census viginti arpenta terre iam prefatis monachis assignavit etg assignare promisit, ut si super tribus solidis census aliqua eisdem monachis iniuria fieret, ad predicta viginti arpenta ad capiendum iusticiam assignarent. Si vero aliquid de viginti arpentis deficeret, defectum illum de suo proprio fide interposita supplere creantavit. Si vero plusquam viginti arpenta adesse contigisset, totum esse de conditione promisit. Quod ut ratum et stabile permaneat, sigillo nostro fecimus confirmari. Actum anno Domini Mo CCo XXo, mense Decembri. a. visuris]inspecturis BC. b. Pontibus]Calestria BC. c. in nostra presentia constitutus om. BC. e. in perpetuum]imperpetuum B. f. imperpetuum]in perpetuum C. d. apud Sanctum Martinum om. C. g. assignavit et om. BC. 348 1220, April 29. No location. G., deacon of Traînel, notes that Marie, daughter of Hugues Belin, recognized that she sold to Vauluisant 7 arpents of land at Saint-Martin-le-Villefranche [-le-Chennetron] for 37 l. provinois, 5 s. and that she gave 6 d. (cens?) and 2 arpents in alms at the same town. Sureties for this sale: Hugues Belin, Guillaume, his son, and Dodo, faber. Colinus, Etienne, called prior, and Jean, sons of Hugues Belin, confirmed this sale and donation. 190Elsewhere person. in this cartulary, the word communis carries the meaning of being shared with another 377 A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 92r-v (93r-v Microfilm) Script E. B. Original, AD Yonne, H 762. 15.2 x 14.3 cm. Seal of G., deacon of Traînel. Maria filia Hugues Belin vendidit septem arpenta terre apud Sanctum Martinum [G.], decanus Trianguli, omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis salutem in Domino. Noverint universi quod, in presentia nostra constituta, Maria, filia Hugonis Belin, recognovit se vendidisse monachis Vallis Lucentis septem arpenta terre sita apud Villam Sancti Fartini de Ville {92va}[Franchen], pro triginta septem libris Pruvinensibusa et quinque solidis, et VI denarios et duo arpenta dedisse in elemosinam apud eandem villam sita. Huius autem venditionis plegii sunt: Idem Hugo Belins, et Willermus,b filius eiusdem Hugonis, et Dodo, faber, fide prestita.c Hanc autem vendicionemd et donationem laudaverunt Colinus, et Stephanus, dictus prior, et Iohannes, filii predicti Hugonis Belin. Huius autem venditionis testes sunt: Stephanus Beffaget,e presbiter, et Gaufridus, clericus de Gianei, et Radulphus de Provins, et Odo Avunde.f Ut autem hec venditio rata et inconcussa permaneat, sigilli nostri munimine fecimus roborari. Actum anno Gratie M CC XX, mense Aprili, III kalendas Maii. a. Pruvinensibus]Priunensibus A. b. Willermus]Guilermus B. c. fide prestita]fide presitita promittentes A.. e. Beffaget]Belfagez B. f. Avunde]Avundes B. d. vendicionem]venditionem B. 349 1223 (o. st.) February. No location. G[eoffroy], abbot of Saint-Jacques de Provins, makes known that Dominus Philippe, miles of Melz-[sur-Seine] (Mael), recognized that he holds all his possessions at SaintMartin-le-Villefranche [-le-Chennetron], namely lands and houses, from the church of Notre-Dame de Vauluisant for 2 s. annual cens to be paid on the feast of Saint-Remy (October 1). A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 92v (93v Microfilm) Script E. B. Original, AD Yonne, H 762. 8.7 x 13.2 cm. Related Charter: 347. Philippus de Mael recognovit omnes possessiones suas moveri de Vallelucente [E]go G[aufridus], Beati Iacobi Pruvini dictus abbas, omnibus ad quos littere presentes pervenerint in Domino salutem. Notum facimus universis quod, in presentia nostra constitutus, Dominus Philippus, miles de Maiel,a recognovit se tenere de ecclesia Be{92vb}-ate Marie de Valle Lucente omnes possessiones suas, scilicet terras et domos, quas habet apud Sanctum Martinum de Viler Franchenb pro duobus solidis de censu annuatim ecclesie supradicte, in festo Sancti Remigii persolvendis. In cuius rei testimonium, ad petitionem utriusque partis, presentes litteras sigilli nostri munimine fecimus roborari. Actum anno Gratie Mo. CCo XXo Tercio, mense Februario. a. Maiel]Mael B. b. Franchen]Franchien B. 350 1222 (o. st.), January. No location. Master Adam, deacon of Pont[-sur-Seine] makes known that when Dominus Philippe des Essarts held a cens at Saint-Martin-le-Villefranche [-le-Chennetron] freely and in allod, to be received each year on the feast of Saint Remy (October 1), that Philippe recognized 378 that he gave a third part of that cens to the church of Vauluisant and sold the other two parts for 18 l. Further, he swore that he would carry the legal warranty as much as will have to. Houdeard, his wife, and Jean, their son, confirmed and conceded this donation and concession. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fos. 92v, 94r (93v - 94r Microfilm) Script E B. Original, AD Yonne, H 762. 8.2 x 21.5 cm. Seal of Adam, deacon of Pont-sur-Seine. Related Charter: 351. Philipus de Essartis miles vendit censum apud Sanctum Martinum de Villa Franchien [O]mnibus presentes litteras inspecturis, Magister Adan,a decanus de Pontibus, salutem in Domino. Noverit universitas vestra quod cum Dominus Philipus de Essartis censum haberet apud Sanctum Martinum de Viler Franchien liberum et de alodio, percipiendum singulis annis ad festum Sancti Remigii, ipse Philipus, in presentia mea constitutus, recognovit se dedisse ecclesie Vallis Lucentis terciam partem census quem habebat apud prefatam villam, et duas partes vendidisse precio decem et octo librarum. Fiduciavitque {94ra}ipse Philipus quod super hoc legitimam portabit garantiam quantum debebit. Et sciendum quod predictus Phylipusb predictum censum vendidit liberum et de alodio. Hanc donationem et vendicionemc laudaverunt et concesserunt Hodeardis, uxor eius, et Iohannes, filius eorum. In cuius rei testimonium, presentes litteras sigillo meo roboravi. Actum anno Gratie Mo CCo XXIIo, mense Ianuario. a. Adan]Adam B. b. Phylipus]Philipus B. c. vendicionem]venditionem B. 351 1222 (o. st.), January. No location. Adam, deacon of Pont[-sur-Seine], makes known that when Philippe des Essarts and Felix, called Rigaud, held a cens at Saint-Martin-le-Villefranche [-le-Chennetron] freely and in allod, to be received every year on the feast of Saint Remy (October 1), and the same Felix received earlier from the same cens, 7 d. and a third of all the remaining (in toto residiuo), the same Felix recognized that he sold to the church of Vauluisant for 9 l. whatever he had in the above cens, viz., 30-some d. and his third part, and whatever else he had in the cens of that village. Felix also gave Jean le Flamand and Raoul de SaintMartin as sureties that he would carry the legal warranty for this as long as he should live. Agnes, Felix's wife, and their children, Colinus, Emelot, and Heloise, conceded and confirmed this sale. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 94r Script E. B. Original lost. Related Charters: 350, 356. Felix vendit censum de allodio apud Sanctum Martinum de Villa Franchen [O]mnibus presentes litteras inspecturis, Magister A[dam], decanus de Pontibus, salutem in Domino. Noverit universitas vestra quod cum Dominus Philippus de Essartis et Felix, dictus Rigaudus, haberent censum apud Sanctum Martinum de Vile Franchien liberum et de alodio, percipiendum singulis annis in festo Sancti Remigii, et idem Felix acciperet prius in eodem censu septem denarios et in toto residuo terciam partem, ipse Felix, in presentia mea constitutus, recognovit se vendidisse ecclesie vallis lucentis quicquid habebat in supradicto {94rb}censu, videlicet trigi[nta] . . . [de]narios et terciam partem . . . et si quid amplius habebat in censu prefate ville, precio novem librarum. Deditque idem 379 f[elix] plegios, Iohannem Flandrensem et Radulphum de Sancto Martino, quod ipse super hoc legitimam portabit garantiam quamdiu vixerit. Hanc venditionem concesserunt et laudarunt Agnes, uxor eius; Colinus, et Emelot, et Heloys liberi eorum. In cuius rei memoriam, ad petitionem partium, presentes litteras sigilli munimine roboravi. Actum anno Gratie, Mo CCo XXo IIo, mense Ianuario. 352 1224, December. Preuilly. Pierre, abbot of Preuilly, makes known that when Eudes de Chalemaison, miles, raised some complaints (querele) against the abbot and convent of the church of Vauluisant over some lands and cens payments at Saint-Martin-le-Villefranche [-le-Chennetron], which the church of Vauluisant bought from Hugues de Chalautre[-le-Grand], miles, and Gilo Crollebois, and which Eudes protested that the hereditary right belonged to him, finally, both parties consented to promise to adhere to his (abbot of Preuilly's) judgment. Pierre reformed the peace between them in this way: Eudes quit all complaints and all rights whatsoever that he had or believed that he had in the disputes and quit it in entirety to the church of Vauluisant, so that no complaint or discord remains between the two. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 94r Script E. B. Original, AD Yonne, H 762. 11.9 x 17.9 cm. Seal of Pierre, abbot of Preuilly. Related Charter: 334, 339, 343, 375, NC37. Compromissio pro lite cuiusdam terre quam Odo de Karoli domo petebat [O]mnibus presentes litteras inspecturis, Frater Petrus, dictus abbas Pruliaci, in Domino salutem. Notum facimus vobis quod cum Odo de Karoli Domo, miles, movisset querelas adversus abbatem et conventum ecclesie dea Vallisb Lucentis super terris et redditibus censualibus sitis apud Sanctum Martinum de Villa Franchen que ecclesia Vallis Lucentis emit ab {94va}[Hugone de] Calestria milite et a Gylone Croleboisc in quibus supradictus miles, Odo, ius hereditarium reclamabat sibi competere, tandem super totis illisd querelis, pace vel iuditio ad nostrum arbitriume terminandis, de pari consensu parcium utrarumque, compromissum est in nos. Nos itaque, die statuta, partibus presentibusf et auditis, diligenter intellectis hinc inde propositis,g illius auxilio qui est Deus, pacis et non dissensionis pacem inter eos reformavimus in hunc modum: quod, videlicet, prefatus Odo, miles,h totas querelas illas quitavit et omne ius quodcumque habebat, vel habere se credebat, in querelis supradictis ex toto quittaviti imperpetuumj ecclesie supradicte, ita quod nulla inter iamdictum Odonem, militem, et ecclesiam supradictamk Vallis Lucentis remansit querela vel discordia. Nos igitur, in huius rei perhennem memoriam et testimonium, presentibus litteris inde factis ad petitionem parcium, sigillum nostrum apposuimus. Actum apud Pruliacum {94vb}, anno Gratie Mo CCo XXo IIIIo, mense Decembri. a. de om. A. b. Vallis]Wallis B. c. Crolebois]Crolebos B. d. illis om. A. e. ad nostrum arbitrium om. A. f. presentibus om. A. g. diligenter intellectis hinc inde propositis]hinc inde propositus atque diligenter intellectis trp. et add. A. h. Odo, miles]miles, Odo trp. B. i. quittavit]quitavit B. j. imperpetuum]in perpetuum B. k. supradictam om. B. 380 353 1223, April 25. No location. The brothers of Hôtel-Dieu-de-Provins make known that, with the common assent of their brothers and sisters, they sold to the brothers of Vauluisant, for 12 l., 4 arpents of land at Saint-Martin-le-Villefranche [-le-Chennetron] which were bequeathed in alms by Etienne, the son of Jacques de Luiserne. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 94v Script E. B. Original, AD Yonne, H 762. 8.6 x 13.2 cm. Conventus fratrum et sororum de Domo Dei Pruvini vendit terram apud Sanctum Martinum [O]mnibus presentes litteras inspecturis, fratres Domus Dei Pruviniensis salutem in Domino. Noveritis quod nos, de communi assensu fratrum et sororum nostrarum, vendidimus fratribus Vallis Lucentis quatuor arpenta terre, precio duodecim librarum, site apud Sanctum Martinum de Villa Franchiena legate nobis a Stephano, filio Iacobi de Luiserne, in elemosinam. In cuius rei memoria, presentes litterasb sigil domus nostre testimonio roboravimus. Actumc anno Gratie, Mo CCo Vicesimo Tertio, VII kalendas Maii. a. Franchien]Franchie B. b. litteras]literas B. c. Actum]Datum B. 354 1220, August. No location. Etienne, deacon of Notre-Dame de Val-Provins, indicates that Petronilla, the daughter of Dreux de Reims, recognized that she gave in perpetual alms a third part of 3 3/4 arpents to the brothers of Vauluisant, from whose censiva the property moves, and next to whose grange it is located. The other two parts she sold for 20 l. and swore to carry the warranty. Petronilla's brother and sister, Simon de Reims, and Labelle, willed and confirmed this sale and gift in alms. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fos. 94v - 95r Script E. B. Original, AD Yonne, H 762. 4.2 x 20.8 cm. Seal of Etienne, deacon of N.-D. de Val Provins. Petronilla filia Drogonis de Remis vendit terram apud Sanctum Martinum [Stephanus], ecclesie Beate Marie de Valle Pruvini decanus, omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis salutem in Domino. Noverint universi quod Petronilla, filia Drogonis de Remis, coram nobis, recognovit se dedisse in perpetuam elemosinam terciam partem quatuor {95ra}arpentorum terre, uno quarterioa minus fratribus de valle lucenti de quorum censiva terra predictab movet; que terra apud Sanctum Martinum est sitac iuxtad grangiam predictorum fratrum. Alias vero duas partes terre illiuse prefatisf fratribus, sub precio vigintig librarum, vendidit et rectam garentiamh portare fiduciavit. Hanc vero elemosinam et venditionem voluerunt et laudaverunt Simon de Remis, frater dicte Petronillei et Labele, soror eiusdem Petronille. In cuius rei testimonium, ad partium petitionem, presente scripto sigilli nostri impressionem fecimus apponi. Datum anno Domini Millesimo Ducentesimo Vicesimo, mense Augusto. a. quarterio]quartero B. b. terra predicta]predicta terra trp. B. c. apud Sanctum Martinum est sita]sita est apud Sanctum Martina trp. B. d. iuxta]iusta B. e. illius om. A. f. prefatis]pretatis ex corr. B. g. viginti]vinginti B. h. garentiam]garanciam B. i. Petronille]Petronile B. 381 355 1226, October. No location. Herbert, deacon of Pont-[sur-Seine] makes known that Emeline, widow of Raoul Rufus, recognized that she gave in perpetual alms to the church of Vauluisant 1/2 arpent of vineyards situated next to . . . . A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 95r Script E. B. Original lost. Related Charter: 344. Emelina relicta Radulphi Rufi dedit dimidium arpentum vinee [H]erbertus, decanus de Pontibus, omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis in Domino salutem. Noverint universi quod Emelina, relicta Radulphi Rufi, in presentia mea constituta, recognovit se dedisse in perpetuam elemosinam ecclesie Vallis Lucentis dimidium arpentum {95rb}vinee site iuxta . . . . In cuius rei memoriam, ad petitionem partium, presentes litteras sigilli mei munimine roboravi. Actum anno Domini, Mo CCo Vicesimo VIo, mense Octobri. 356 1224, August. No location. Etienne, deacon of Christianity of Villemaur, notes that Felix [Rigaud] de Paisy[Cosdon?] gave in alms to the church of Vauluisant two pieces of land in Saint-Martin next to Bonsac (i.e., Saint-Martin-le-Chennetron), one of which is next to the sharp rock (iuxta petram acutam), the other next to the house of Crollebois at Saint-Martin. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 95r-v Script E. B. Original lost. Ind: Roserot III:1781. Related Charter: 351. Felicius de Paisi dat ecclesie Vallis Lucentis terram apud Sanctum Martinum [O]mnibus presentes litteras inspecturis, ego, Stephanus, decanus Christianitatis Ville Mauri, notum facio quod Felicius de Paisiaco, in presentia nostra constitus, dedit in elemosinam ecclesie Vallis Lucentis duas pecias terre apud villam Sancti Martini iuxta Bonum Saccum sitas, quarum quedam pecia sita est iuxta Petram Acutam et altera pecia iuxta domum Crolebois de Sancto Martino. Istam vero donationem Sibilla, uxor dicti Felicii, Colinus, Helyis et Emeloz, liberi dicti Felicii postquam ab avoeria ipsius recesserunt et partes suas, tam mobilium quam immobilium, acceperunt et habuerunt assignatas laudaverunt et concesserunt. De garantia vero portanda sunt plegii: Robertus de Pai-{95va}-[siaco], . . . [F]elix Natiz et Robertus, filius Posile. Et ut hec pagina rata permaneat, ad petitionem utriusque partis, sigilli nostri munimine fecimus roborari. Actum anno Gratie Mo CCo XXo Quarto, mense Augusti. 357 1222 (o. st.), March. No location. Adam, deacon of Pont[-sur-Seine], indicates that Jean le Flamand de Saint-Martin-leVillefranche [-le-Chennetron] and Forneria, his wife, recognized that they sold to the brothers of Vauluisant 5 d. annual cens which they shared (in communi censu) at SaintMartin for a payment of 60 s. Further, they are held to warranty this sale to the said 382 brothers for as long as they should live, and gave Felix de Saint-Martin as a surety for this. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 95v Script E. B. Original, AD Yonne, H 762. 6.9 x 18.8 cm. Related Charter: 339. Iohannes li Flamens et Forneria uxor eius vendunt III denarios censuales [A]dam, decanus de Pontibus, omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis salutem in Domino. Noveritis quod Iohannes li Flamens de Sancto Martino de Viler Franchena et Forneria, uxor eius, in presentia mea constituti, recognoverunt se vendidisse fratribus Vallislucentis quinque denarios annui census quos habebant in communi censu eiusdem ville precio sexaginta solidorum. Et hanc venditionem tenentur garantire dictis fratribus quamdiu vixerint et de hoc dederunt plegium felicem de Sancto Martino in presentia mea. In cuius rei memoriam, ad petitionemb partium, presentes litteras sigillavi. Datum anno Gratie Mo CCo XXo IIo, mense Martio. a. Franchen]Franchien B. b. petitionem]peticionem B. 358 1218, June. No location. Geoffroy de Plessis(-Barbuise?),191 miles, makes known that he gave 3 sextarii of wheat each year from his terragia paid on the feast of All Saints (November 1) at Plessis to Vauluisant for an anniversary [mass] for him and his wife, Agnes. His wife confirmed, willed and conceded this donation and concession. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 95v Script E. Crossed Out. B. Original lost. Gaufridus de Plasseto miles dat tres sextarios frumenti in terragio de Plaiseto [E]go Gaufridus de Plaiseto, miles, {95vb}notum facio universis quod ego, pro anniversario meo et Agnetis. uxoris mee, annis singulis faciendo donavi in perpetuam elemosinam et concessi ecclesie Vallislucentis tres sextarios frumenti in terragiis meis de Plasseto ad festum Omnium Sanctorum annis singulis pacifice persolvendos fratribus ecclesie supradicte. Hanc autem donationem et concessionem prefata uxor mea laudavit, voluit et concessit. Actum anno Gratie Mo CCo Octavo Decimo, mense Iunio. 359 1221 (o. st.), February 19. No location. Adam, deacon of Pont[-sur-Seine], indicates that Pierre de Saint-Martin and Emeline Chatinon recognized that they sold to the brothers of Vauluisant 2 d. cens which those brothers owed them on land next to the ditches of the house (domus) of said brothers [in Saint-Martin-le-Chennetron], under the condition: if Pierre and Emeline should not be able to warranty the property against all claims, they will pay to the monks of Vauluisant [the] 30 s. that they received from the sale. Henri, cleric, Tecia, his wife and Emeline, the wife of Pierre, conceded and confirmed. 191Geoffroy Obituaires. de Plessis-Barbuise, mentioned on March 13 in the necrology of Vauluisant as compiled in the 383 A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fos. 95v - 96r Script E - Script F. B. Original, AD Yonne, H 762. 6.5 x 12.3 cm. Petrus et Emelina vendiderunt duos denarios censuales [E]go A[damus], decanus de Pontibus, notum facio omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis quod Petrus de Sancto Martino et Emelina Chatinone, in presentia mea constituti, recognoverunt se vendidisse fratribus Vallislucentis duos denarios censuales quos debebant eisdem dicti fratres de terra sita iuxta fossata domus dictorum fratrum, tali tamen condicione:a quod si dicti Petrus et Emelina dictam venditionem non poterintb garantire, reddent {96ra Script F}dictis fratribus triginta solidos quos receperunt de dicta venditione. Hanc autem venditionem Henricus, clericus, et Tecia,c uxor eius, et Emelina, uxor dicti Petri, in presentia mea, concesserunt et laudaverunt. Actum anno Domini, Mo CCo XXIo, feria sexta, post Dominicam qua cantatur Esto. a. condicione]conditione B. b. poterint]poterunt B. c. Tecia]Tyecia B. 360 No date. No location. Protocol fragment in a late thirteenth- or early fourteenth-century charter hand. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 96r Script G. B. Original indeterminable. {Script G}Omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis officialis. 96v blank 361 1200 (o. st.). No location. Fragment of charter where G. or his heirs paid 3 sextarii of oats from 4 pieces of land every year on the feast of Saint-Remi (October 1). If they should fail to pay, the monks may seize the land until they (the monks) receive satisfaction for the injustice. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, 97r Frag. Script E. Crossed Out.. B. Original lost. {97ra Script E}videlicet pacto quod sepedictus G., vel eius heredes, singulis annis in festo Sancti Remigii reddent eis tres sextarios avene. Quod si non fecerit, dicti fratres terras quatuor prenotatas saisirent donec de iniuria satisfactionem reciperent. Quod ut ratum permaneat, sigillo meo munivi. Actum anno Domini Mo CCo. 384 362 [1181 - 1197]192 No location. Nivelon, bishop of Soissons, and Léon, abbot of Saint-Crispin-le-Grand, record that when the lord pope committed them to hear and end the dispute between the monks of Saint-Denis[-en-France] and the brothers of Vauluisant, they (Vauluisant and SaintDenis), with the assent of the delegates, reached an agreement (composuerunt) among themselves with the mediation of G., deacon of Provins, in this fashion: The brothers of Vauluisant (also referred to as "the brothers") surrendered to the monks [of Saint-Denis] ("the monks") the lands which are in the territory of Châtenay[-sur-Seine]. The monks quit to the brothers their claim over the lands which are within the finage of Bernières, and will not demand them in the future. For the land that is next to the marl pit (marleria), the brothers of Vauluisant will annually pay 8 d. to the monks. Said brothers will hold the remaining lands that are outside of the aforesaid finage just as they had previously been accustomed. The complaint concerning the tithes which the monks demanded from the brothers is left in controversy, so that the monks may demand (in the sense of filing a legal protest) it, if they should wish. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 97r Script E. B. Original lost. Related Charters: 365-6, 374. De Berneriis compositio facta inter monachos beati Dionisii de quibusdam terris lite adhuc pendente de decimis [Nivelus], Dei gratia Suessionensis episcopus, et Leonius, Sancti Crispini Magni Abbas, omnibus ad quos littere iste pervenerint salutem in Domino. Notum facimus universis, tam presentibus quam futuris, quod cum dominus papa querelam que inter monachos Sancti Dionisii et fratres Vallis Lucide versabatur, nobis commisisset audiendam et fine debito terminandam, ipsi, de assensu nostro, inter se, mediante G., decano Pruvinensi, composuerunt in hunc modum: quod fratres Vallis Lucide predictis monachis terras que sunt in territorio de Castaneto dimiserunt. Prefati autem monachi iam-{97rb}-dictis fratribus terras que sunt infra finagium Berneriarum liberas et quitas clamaverunt, nichil deinceps reclamaturi. Pro terra autem que est iuxta marleriam, fratres Vallis Lucide annuatim octo denari monachis reddent. Ceteras vero terras que extra finagium predictum sunt, tociens dic[ti] fratres tenebunt sicut actenus tenere consueverunt. Quer[e]la de decimis quas monachi exigebant a fratribus in controversiam relicta, ita quod monachi eas reclamare poterint, si voluerint. Que omnia ut in perpetuum rata et inconcussa permaneant, nos presentem paginam sigillorum nostrorum impressionibus communivimus. 363 1189 (o. st.). Sens. 1921181, approximate beginning of Léon's abbacy, GC v.9, col. 399. 1197, death of Count Henri II of Champagne, whose chancellor was Deacon G. (#365). I suspect that the date of this document is closer to 1197 than 1181, as in 1198, Innocent III commissioned Nivelon, bishop of Soissons, and the abbot of Saint-Germain-des-Près to investigate the usurpation of Saint-Denis' temporal holdings in the province of Sens, see Michel Félibien, Histoire de l'abbaye royal de Saint-Denys en France..., Paris, 1706, p. 213; J.-P. Migne, PL, v. 217, c. 15, no. III; 1207, the death of Léon, abbot of Saint-Crispin-le-Grand, GC, v. 9, c. 399. 385 Guy, archbishop of Sens, makes known that Robert Foauz de Fontenay(-de-Bossery?) gave in perpetual alms to the church and brothers of Vauluisant whatever he had in the territory Bernières and 6 d. cens, and the aforesaid brothers gave him 15 l. Jean, cleric, brother of Robert, confirmed this, and quit to the brothers of church of Vauluisant whatever rights he had in the tithe of Bernières. Haieus, the wife of Robert, and their children, Jean, Giles, Robert and Girard confirmed this in the presence Garnier Gâtebléd, archdeacon of Troyes, just as he testified to the archbishop of Sens. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 97r-v Script E. B. Original lost. Robertus Foart dedit Valli Lucenti quicquid habebat in territorio Berneriarum [G]uido, Dei gratia Senonensis archiepiscopus, omnibus ad quos littere presentes pervenerint in Domino salutem. Notum fieri volumus quod, veniens ante nos, Robertus Foauz de Fontanaio donavit in perpetuama elemosinam ec-{97va}-clesie et fratribus de Vallelucenti quicquid habebat in territorio de Berneriis et sex denarios census. Et fratres predicti donaverunt illi quindecim libras. Hoc autem laudavit Iohannes, clericus, frater eiusdem Roberti, et quitavit ecclesie de vallelucenti et fratribus, et quicquid [i]uris habebat in decima de [B]erneriis. Idemb laudave[r]unt Haeius, uxor prefati Roberti, et liberi eorum Iohannes, Gilo, Robertus et Girardus, coram Garnerio Gasteble, Trecense archidiacono, sicut ipse nobis testificatus est. Actum Senonis, anno incarnati Verbi Mo Co LXXXIXo. a. perpetuam]perpetuum ex corr. A. b. Idem]Ididem A. 364 [1178 - 1190]193 Sens, in the archiepiscopal curia. "Let it be known to the entirety of those whom this letter should come to that the brothers of Vauluisant and Godefroy de Rigis convened by summons (per appelationem) in the Sens curia concerning a meadow that the aforesaid brothers asserted had been conceded in alms and partly purchased (partim precio comparatum) by the mother of the aforenamed Godefroy, and also confirmed by this Godefroy and by his sister, for the confirmation of which he accepted 30 s., and they (the monks) promised to prove it by legally acceptable witnesses. Indeed, this Godefroy denied this, affirming to the contrary that that meadow was entrusted to them in mortgage (in vadimonium), and for which his capital had been received [by the monks] in full, which he promised to prove by witnesses. We, indeed, R., who are acting in the place of the archbishop, invited them to hear the judgement of (dative) which party the proof favors in this affair. Moreover, this Godefroy absented himself and contempted to hear the judgment." A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fos. 97v - 98r Script E. B. Original lost. Debite orta inter Godefridum de Rigis pro prato sito in Bernieres [N]overit universitas omnium ad quos littere iste pervenerint, fratres de Vallelucenti et Godefridum de Rigis per appelationem in Senonensem convenisse curiam, pro prato quod fratres predicti affirmabant ipsis in elemosinam concessum a matre prenominati 1931178, beginning of Pierre of Saint-Jean de Sens' abbacy, GC; 1190, death of Giles, abbot of SainteColumbe, Obits: I:1, p. 20 (December 17). 386 Godefridi et partim precio comparatum lau-{97vb}-datum etiam ab ipso Godefrido et a sorore sua, pro quo laudando triginta solidos ipse accepit et id legitimis probare testimoniis compromittebant; ipse vero Godefridus nitebatur, in contrarium affirmans pratum illud in vadimonium illis traditum et capitale suum plenarie inde receptum, quod et ille testibus probare promisit. Nos utique R., qui vices domini archiepiscopi agimus, ad audiendum iudicium ipsos invitavimus cui parti huius rei incomberet probatio. Ipse autem Godefridus se absentavit et audire iudicium contempsit. Huius rei testes sumus: Ego, Gilo, abbas Sancte Columbe; Laurentius, prepositus; Petrus, abbas Sancti Iohannis; Radulphus Sancte Marie; Theobaldus, decanus Trianguli; Rogerus, presbiter Sancti Mauricii; Guibertus de Seanz; Renardus, presbiter de Cortenai; Giardus,a presbiterb de Fosseto; Aitor de Nogento; Gaufridus de Fonte Maconis; Petrus Eschelanz; Fulco de Tranna; Mauricius de Pailli; et Gosbertus, frater eius. Ego etiam R., minister Senonensis {98ra}curie coram quo ista gesta sunt, idem testor. a. Giardus]Gaurdus ex corr. A. b. A:pre. seu prepositus. 365 [1181 - 1197]194 No location. [G.], deacon of Saint-Quiriace-de-Provins, chancellor of Count Henry, notes that an agreement (compositio) was reached in a dispute between the brothers of Vauluisant and the monks of Saint-Denis[-en-France], in this fashion: The brothers of Vauluisant (also referred to as "the brothers") surrendered to the monks [of Saint-Denis] ("the monks") the lands which are in the territory of Châtenay[-sur-Seine]. The monks quit to the brothers their claim over the lands which are within the finage of Bernières, and will not demand them in the future. For the land that is next to the marl pit (marneria), the brothers of Vauluisant will annually pay 8 d. to the monks. Said brothers will hold the remaining lands which are outside of the aforesaid finage just as they had previously been accustomed. The complaint (querela) concerning the tithes which the monks demanded from the brothers is left in controversy, so that the monks may demand (in the sense of filing a legal protest) it, if they should wish. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 98r Script E. B. Original lost. Related Charters: 362, 366, 374. Compositio inter Sanctum Dionisium et Vallem Lucentem de Berneriis [G.], ecclesie Beati Quiriaci Pruvini decanus, comitis Henrici cancellarius, omnibus ad quos littere iste pervenerint salutem. Noverit universitas vestra quod super querela que inter fratres Vallis Lucentis et monachos Sancti Dionisii versabatur, compositio facta fuit in hunc modum: quod fratres Vallis Lucentis predictis monachis terras que sunt in territorio de Castaneto dimiserunt. Monachi vero Sancti Dionisii predictis fratribus terras que sunt infra finagium Berneriarum liberas et quietas clamaverunt, nichil in eis de cetero reclamaturi. Pro terra autem que est iuxta marneriam, fratres Vallis Lucentis octo denarios annuatim reddent predictis monachis. Ceteras vero terras que extra finagium, predicti monachi Vallis Lucentis tenebunt, sicut hactenus tenere consueverunt. Super illis autem decimis quas monachis predicti a predictis fratribus exigebant, relictum est 1941181, approximate beginning of Léon's abbacy, GC v.9, col. 399. 1197, death of Count Henri II of Champagne, whose chancellor was the nominal author of this charter. I suspect that the date of this document is closer to 1197 than 1181, see note, #362. 387 {98rb}in controversiam, ita quod sepedicti monachi eas reclamare poterunt, cum voluerint. 366 [1181 - 1197]195 No location. Hugues, abbot of Saint-Denis[-en-France], and the entire convent of that church make known that an agreement (compositio) was reached with the assent of both parties, by the mediation of G., deacon of Provins, in a dispute between the brothers of Vauluisant and the monks of Saint-Denis-en-France, in this fashion: The brothers of Vauluisant surrendered to them the lands which are in the territory of Châtenay[-sur-Seine]. They [the monks of Saint-Denis] quit to the brothers their claim over the lands which are within the finage of Bernières, and will not demand them in the future. For the land that is next to the marl pit (marneria), the brothers of Vauluisant will annually pay 8 d. to them. Said brothers will hold the remaining lands which are outside of the aforesaid finage just as they had previously been accustomed. The complaint (querela) concerning the tithes which they demanded from the brothers of Vauluisant is left in controversy, so that they may demand (in the sense of filing a legal protest) it, if they should wish. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 98r-v Script E. B. Original lost. Related Charters: 362, 365, 374. Confirmat abbas et conventus Sancti Dionisii compositionem Berneriarum [H]ugo, Dei gratia Beati Dionisii abbas, et totus eiusdem ecclesie conventus, omnibus ad quos littere iste pervenerint salutem. Noverit universitas vestra quod super querela que inter nos et fratres Valle Lucide versabatur, ass[ensu] utriusque partis, medi[ante] G., decano Pruvinensi, co[mpo]sitio facta est in hunc [modum]: quod fratres Vallis Lucide nobis [ter]ras que sunt in territorio [de] Castaneto dimiserunt. Nos autem predictis fratribus terras que sunt infra finagium Berneriarum liberas et quietas clamavimus, nichil deinceps reclamaturi. Pro terra autem que est iuxta malleria[m], fratres Vallis Lucide o[c]to denarios nobis reddent. [Ce]teras vero terras que extr[a] finagium predictum sunt, predicti fratres tenebunt, sicut hactenus tenere consueverunt. Super illis autem decimis {98va}quas nos a predictis fratribus exigebamus, relictum est in controversiam, ita quod nos ea reclamare poterimus, cum voluerimus. 367 [1215 n. st.] 1214, January 3. Saturday. No location. Master Philippe, officialis of the Sens curia, indicates that Hugues and Anselm de Lescheriis confirmed the annual payment of 8 sextarii of grain from the measuring dues (minagium) at Provins which Jean de Resone and Geoffroy, his brother, are said to have given to Vauluisant in perpetual alms, saying that the grain was held in fief from them. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 98v Script E. B. Original lost. 1951181, approximate beginning of Léon's abbacy, GC v.9, col. 399. 1197, death of Count Henri II of Champagne, whose chancellor was Deacon G. (#365). I suspect that the date of this document is closer to 1197 than 1181, see note attached to #362. 388 Hugo et Ansellus approbant legatum Iohannis de Reson de minagio Pruvini [O]mnibus presentes litteras inspecturis, Magister Philippus, curie Senonensis officialis, in Domino salutem. Noverint universi quod Hugo et Ansellus de Lescheriis, in curia Senonensis [con]stituti, octo sextarios bladi [ann]ui redditus, quos Iohannes de [Re]sone et Gaufridus, frater [eiu]s, milites, dicebantur in minagio Pruvinense ecclesie Vallis Lucentis in perpetuam elemosinam donavisse, laudaverunt, dicentes de feodo suo esse bladum illud. Actum anno Gratie Mo CCo Quartodecimo, die Sabbati post Circuncisionem Domini. 368 1224, December. No location. Master Michel, officialis of the Sens curia, makes known that Milo de Montpotier, son of the deceased Houduin Pinart, gave in perpetual alms to the church of Vauluisant whatever he had in Montpotier, in movables and immovables. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 98v Script E. B. Original lost. aDat quicquid habet apud Montem Poterii [O]mnibus presentes litteras inspecturis, Magister Michael, officialis curie [Se]nonensis, in Domino salutem. Noverint universi quod Milo de Montibus lo Poteer, filius defuncti Hodoini Pinart, in nostra presentia constitutus, dedit in perpetuam elemosinam ecclesie Vallis {98vb}Lucentis quicquid habebat apud dictam villam, videlicet Montes lo Potier, tam in mobilibus rebus quam in immobilibus. Datum anno Domini Mo CCo Vicesimo Quarto, mense Decembri. a. dat]Iohannes dat ex corr. A. 369 1225, May. No location. Guiard, archdeacon of Troyes, indicates that Dominus Girard de Marnay, miles, and Domina Ida, his wife, gave to the church of Vauluisant their possessions, namely a dwelling and surrounding lands at Foujon, their entire territory of Fontenelles, and Pierre de Foujon, their man, for an annual pension of 5 modii of grain (3 barley, 2 oats), 2 rolls of bread a day, and the usufruct of 100 sheep. Domina Ida also confirmed and conceded the aforesaid donations. Renaud de Marpiniaco, from whom Fontenelles moved in fief, divested himself of the feudal lordship of that territory and invested the church of Vauluisant, and also confirmed the donation. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fos. 98v - 99r Script E. B. Original lost. Ind: Roserot II:868. Translation: Appendix C. De pensione que solvitur Girardo militi de Marnai et Ide uxori eius [U]niversis presentes litteras inspecturis, Guiardus, archidiaconus Trecensis, salutem in Domino. Noverit universitas vestra quod Dominus Girardus de Marnaio, in nostra presentia constitutus, recognovit se dedisse in perpetuam elemosinam ecclesie Vallis Lucentis suum herbergagium de Fouiou, cum terris eidem herberiagio adiacentibus, et unam peciam terre quam emit a filio Silvestri de Quinciaco sitam iuxta Mont Morvois, et 389 totum territorium suum de Fontenellis, quod movebat de feodo Renaudi de Marpiniaco, et Petrum de Fouiou, hominem eiusdem Girardi. Domina, siquidem, Ida, uxor eiusdem Girardi, in nostra presentia constituta, predictas donationes laudavit et con-{99ra}-cessit. Renaudus etiam de Marpiniaco, in nostra presentia constitutus, de cuius feodo movebat dictum territorium de Fontenellis, de eodem feodo se devestivit et investivit ecclesiam Vallis Lucentis de eo, et ipsum feodum penitus quittavit, et predictam donationem laudavit. In retributionem predicte donationis, viri venerabiles, Aubertus, abbas Vallis Lucentis, et eiusdem monasterii conventus dederunt et concesserunt predictis Domino Girardo, militi, et Domine Yde, uxori eius, quinque modios bladi ad mensuram de Nogento, duos, videlicet, siliginis et tres avene, singulis annis, quamdiu vixerunt predicti Girardus et Yda, apud Bernerias percipiendos et duas michas singulis diebus percipiendas. Dederunt etiam predicti abbas et conventus eisdem Girardo et Yde usum fructuum centum ovium quas eis tradiderunt, ita quod cum alter eorum obierit, medietas predictarum ovium cum suo augmento, scilicet, tam in ovibus quam in agnis, et una predictarum micharum et medietas similiter {99rb}predicti bladi ad ecclesiam Vallis Lucentis redibit, alteram medietatem tenebit ille qui superstes erit toto tempore vite sue. Post cuius obitum, totum bladum et micha prenominata et oves cun suo augmento, pro ut determinatum est, ad predictam ecclesiam sine diminutione qualibet redibunt. Fiduciaverunt etiam in manu nostra predicti Girardus et Yda quod predictas donationes et conventiones bona fide tenebunt et observabunt et quod, neque per se neque per alium, super his movebunt vel moveri facienta querelam. In cuius rei memoriam, presentes litteras scribi et sigilli nostri munimine ad petitionem utriusque partis fecimus roborari. Actum anno Domini Mo CCo Vicesimo Quinto, mense Maio. a. facient]faciant ex corr. A. 370 1225, September. No location. Master Michel, officialis of the Sens curia, declares that Robert de Alno, miles, and Bancelina, his wife, gave to the church of Vauluisant all their goods, movables and immovables after their death. They may not give, nor to bequeath, nor to alienate them to someone (or thing) else in prejudice to the aforesaid church, promising that they would firmly adhere to all the above.196 A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 99r-v Script E. B. Original lost. Robertus de alno miles dat omnia que habet post mortem suam [O]mnibus presentes litteras inspecturis, Magister Michael, curie Senonensis officialis, in Domino salutem. Noverint universi quod Robertus de Alno, miles, et Bancelina, uxor eius, in presentia nostra constituti, dederunt ecclesie Vallis Lucentis, post de-{99va}cessum eorum, se et omnia bona sua, tam mobilia quam immobilia. Et ea alicui alii, neque dare, neque legare, nec alio modo in preiudicium eiusdem ecclesie amodo alienare valebunt, fide prestita promittentes se hec omnia supra dicta firmiter servaturos. In cuius rei memoriam et testimonium, presentem cartam, ad petitionem ipsorum, sigillo 196The Latin from which this is taken rather literally makes this last clause seem somewhat less awkward, but not entirely. 390 Senonensis curie fecimus roborari. Actum anno Gratie Mo CCo Vicesimo Quinto, mense Septembri. 391 371 1203 (o. st.). No location. Jean, abbot of Jouy, makes known that there was a dispute (contentio) held between the abbot and brothers of Vauluisant and Constance Pignoret de Nogent over the mill of Courcelles (in Bernières) of which Vauluisant owned a third share and Constance Pinoret had the remaining two-thirds. Finally, that Constance, renouncing the complaint and his possession, conceded to the abbot and brothers to have in perpetuity whatever rights he claimed in the mill, and, divesting himself of the mill, and investing the abbot with it in the presence of Abbot Jean and other prud'hommes, he surrendered it to be possessed in perpetuity in its entirety by right, as from alms and from purchase. His wife, Bancelina, and brothers, Pierre Broee and Cochin, confirmed this. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 99v Script E. B. Original lost. Ind: Roserot I:427. Related Charters: 371, 379. Compromissio in abbatem Ioiaci de Molino de Corcellis [Frater] Iohannes, dictus abbas Ioiacensis, omnibus ad quos littere presentes pervenerint salutem in omnium Salvatore. Universitati vestre notum fieri volumus quod erat contentio inter abbatem et fratres Vallislucentis, ex una parte, et [[et]] Constantium Pinoretum de Nogento, ex alia, super molendino de Corcellis, cuius pars tercia erat dictorum fratrum, relique due memorati Constancii, ut dicebatur. Et tandem isdem Constantius, querele et possessi-{99vb}-oni renuntians, quicquid in iamdicto molendino iuris clamabat supradicto abbati et fratribus in perpetuum concessit habendum, et, nobis presentibus aliisque viris prudentibus de molendino, se devestiens et de illo, abbatem et fratres memoratos investiens, libere et quiete, tam in elemosina quam emptione, molendinum ex integro iure perpetuo possidendum quittavit. Hoc autem laudavit uxor eius, Bancelina, et fratres eius, Petrus Broee et Cochinus. In cuius rei memoriam, ad petitionem partium, presentes litteras scribi et sigilli nostri impressione muniri fecimus. Actum anno Domini Mo CCo Tercio. 372 1209 (o. st.). No location. Ida, abbess, and the convent of the Paraclete, make known that a dispute (querela) was held between themselves and the abbot and convent of Vauluisant over the things of Girard, priest of Saint-Aubin, who was buriend in the cemetary of Vauluisant. Finally, both parties promised to adhere to the judgment made by Jean de Chalautre and Hugues de Gelannes, priests. These priests made it such that, for the salvation of peace, the abbot and convent of Vauluisant paid to the abbess and convent of Paraclete the clothes of the aforementioned Girard, 30 s. provinois and one glossed psalter, so that the dispute is fully pacified and settled in perpetuity. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fos. 99v - 100r Script E B. Original lost. Related Charters: 38-9, 105, 204, MC41. Compromissio de rebus Girardi presbiteri de Sancto Albino [E]go Ida, abbatissa, et conventus de Paraclito, universis litteras istas visuris salutem. Noverit universitas vestra quod super rebus defuncti Girardi, presbiteri de Sancto Albino, redditi nostri, qui in cimiterio ecclesie Vallis Lucentis est sepultus, querela vertebatur 392 inter {100ra}nos et conventum ecclesie nostre de Paraclito, ex una parte, et abbatem et conventum ecclesie Vallis Lucentis, ex alia. Et tandem super eadem querela facta est ab utraque parte compromissio in Iohannem de Calesta et Hugonem de Gelanis, presbiteros, ut quicquid illi de querela illa statuerent, utraque pars ratum haberet et firmiter teneret. Predicti vero presbiteri, consilio secum habito, fecerunt, pro bono pacis, quod abbas et conventus ecclesie Vallis Lucentis reddiderunt nobis et conven[[ven]]tui ecclesie nostre de Paraclito vestes pretaxati Girardi, et triginta solidos Pruvinenses, et unum psalterium glosatum, et ita omnes querele que super rebus defuncti Girardi habebantur inter utramque ecclesiam, sine ulla reclamatione, sunt in perpetuum et pacificate penitus et sopite. In cuius rei memoriam, litteras istas scribi et sigillorum nostrorum fecimus attestatione muniri. Actum anno Domini Mo CCo IXo. 373 1225 (o. st.), January. No location. Gautier, deacon of Traînel, indicates that Giles, miles, and Elisabeth, his wife, recognized that they gave in perpetual alms to the church of Vauluisant a third of a certain meadow in the finage of [la Motte]-Tilly. They recognized that they sold the other two parts for 12 l. Giles and his wife swore that they would not claim anything from this donation and sale, and that they would not bother the church in the future over the meadow, but carry the legal warranty. Elisabeth quit to the same church all rights that she had in the meadow, whether dower rights or any other sort, spontaneously, by her own will, and not coerced. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 100r Script E. B. Original, AD Yonne, H 725. 10.0 x 10.3 cm. Seal of Gautier, deacon of Traînel. Gilo miles vendidit duas partes prati apud Tileium [O]mnibus presentes litteras inspecturis, Galterus, decanus {100rb}de Triangulo, salutem in Domino. Noverint universi quod Gilo, miles, et Elysabet,a uxor eius, in presentia nostra constituti, recognoverunt se dedisse in elemosinam perpetuam ecclesie Vallis Lucentis terciam partem cuiusdam prati infra finagium de Tiliacob siti. Reliquas vero duas partes eiusdem prati eidem ecclesie, precioc duodecim librarum se recognoverunt vendidisse. Fiduciaverunt siquidem ipsi Gilo, miles, et uxor eius predicti quod in predictis donatione et venditione de cetero aliquid, neque per se neque per alios, reclamabunt et quod in posterum ecclesiam iamdictam non vexabunt super prato nominato,d sed legitimam garantiam portabunt ecclesie memorate. Elysabete vero prenominata omni iuri quod habebat in ipso prato, iure dotalicio sive qualibet alia ex causa abrenuntiavit et in perpetuum ipsi ecclesie pacifice quitavit, sponte sua et propria voluntate, non coacta. Actum anno Domini Millesimo Ducentesimo Vicesimo Quinto, mense Ianuario. a. Elysabet]Elisabez B. d. nominato]prenotato B. b. Tiliaco]Teliaco B. e. Elysabet]Elisabez B c. precio]pretio B. 374 [1184 - 1204]197 No location. 1971184-97, Hugues V Foucaut's abbacy; 1197-1204, Hugues VI de Milan's abbacy. 393 Hugues, abbot of Saint-Denis[-en-France], and the convent of the same church, note that they conceded and approve (concedimus et ratam habemus) the exchange which their dear brother, Ber[nard], prior of Marnay[-sur-Seine], made with the monks of Vauluisant, of their land at Chapelle-Godefroy which pertained to their house at Marnay for 6 jugeres (ox-team lands) of their cultivated land from thirty contiguous movis. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 100r-v Script E. B. Original lost. Related Charters: 362, 365-6, 397. Approbatio abbatis et conventus Sancti Dionisii {100va}de commutatione terre de Capella [H]ugo, Dei gratia Beati Dionisii abbas, et eiusdem ecclesie conventus, omnibus ad quos littere iste pervenerint salutem. Universitati vestre notum facimus quod commutationem terre nostre de Capella, que ad domum nostram de Marniaco pertinebat, pro sex iugeribus terre nostre culture de trente movis contiguis, quam dilectus frater noster, Ber[nardus], prior de Marniaco cum monachis Vallis Lucentis fecit concedimus et ratam habemus eamque, sigilli nostri impressione firmamus. 375 1224, October. No location. Geoffroy, deacon of Saint-Quiriace de Provins, indicates that Dominus Garin, miles of Chalautre-la-Grande, gave and conceded in alms to the brothers of Vauluisant, of the Cistercian Order, 12 arpents of land at desub Noeis Derei Chepel, 2 arpents of the meadows at Coram Liours and a vineyard of the deceased Eudes de Aula. All these things his sons, namely, Dominus Hugues, miles, and Garnier, canon of Saint-Quiriace de Provins, confirmed. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 100v Script E. B. Original, AD Yonne, H 757. 13.5 x 15.2 cm. Related Charters: 334, 339, 352, NC37. Garinus de Calestra dedit duodecim arpenta terre de assensu filiorum suorum [E]go Gaufridus, Beati Quiriaci Pruvinensis decanus, omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis, in Domino salutem. Noverint universi quod Dominus Garinus, miles de Calestria Magna, dedit et concessit in perpetuum fratribus Vallis Lucentis, Cisterciensis Ordinis, in elemosinam duodecim arpenta terre sita desub Noeis Derei Chepel,a et duo arpenta prati sita Coram Liors, et vineam que fuit defuncti Odonis de Aula. Et hec omnia laudaverunt filii eius, {100vb}scilicet Dominus Hugo, miles, et Garnerius, canonicus Sancti Quiriaci Pruvinensis. Quod ut ratum et firmum maneat, sigilli mei presentes litteras munimine feci roborari. Actum anno Gratie Millesimo Ducentesimo Vicesimo Quarto, mense Octobri. a. Noeis Derei Chepel]Noeis Darei Chapel B. 376 1203 (o. st.). No location. Brother Pierre, minister (abbot) of the church of Montier-la-Celle, and M., archdeacon of Troyes and episcopal procurator, report that in their presence, by authority of the pope, a case was disputed between the brothers of Vauluisant and Constance Pignoret de 394 Nogent over the mill of Courcelles (in Bernières), of which a third belonged to the brothers and the remaining two-thirds belonged to Constance. This case was settled in this way: the brothers and Constance came together in the presence of Blanche, countess of Troyes, and swore to adhere to the judgment of Jean, abbot of Jouy. Following the mandate of the countess of Troyes, on the assigned day, the abbot had called together both parties and fully understood the arguments put forth on this matter. When Jean should have given his judgment, the aforesaid Constance, renouncing the complaint (querela), quit to the brothers whatever rights that he claimed in the abovesaid mill and. in the presence of the abbot and other venerable and discrete men, divesting himself of the mill and investing the brothers with it, conceded to them the mill in its entirety freely and peacefully to possess in perpetuity by right of the title of sale. His wife, Bancelina, his brothers, Pierre Broee, and Cochin, and his sister, Pulchranata, confirmed this.. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 100v - 101r Script E. B. Original lost. Related Charters: 371, 379. De querela molini de Corcellis cui Constantius Pinoret abrenunciavit [F]rater P[etrus], Cellensis ecclesie humilis minister et M., Trecensis archidiaconus, episcopalium procurator, omnibus ad quos littere presentes pervenerint in Domino salutem. Universitati vestre notum fieri volumus quod, auctoritate apostolica coram nobis, agebatur causa inter fratres Vallilucentis, ex una parte, et Constantium Pignoretum de Nogento, ex alia, super molendino de Corcellis, cuius pars tercia erat dictorum fratrum, relique due memorati Constantii, ut dicebatur. Que causa in hunc modum pacificata est: videlicet, quod in presentia Blanche, illustris Trecensium comitisse, pro querela ista iamdicti fratres et prefatus Constantius convenientes, de consilio et voluntate eius, in venerabilem virum I[ohannem], {101ra}abbatem Ioiaci, compromiserunt ut quicquid ille diceret vel ordinaret super causa illa ipsi firmiter observarent. Abbas vero iuxta mandatum domine comitisse, die statuta, partibus convocatis et rationibus hinc inde propositis plenius intellectis, cum arbitrium suum proferre super querela iamdicta deberet, sepedictus Constantius, querele renuntians, quicquid iuris in molendino supradicto reclamabat fratribus quittavit, et abbate presente et aliis venerabilibus et discretis viris astantibus, de molendino se devestiens et fratres de illo investiens libere et quiete, emptionis titulo et iure, molendinum legati ex integro iure perpetuo possidendum ipsis concessit. Hoc autem laudavit uxor eius, Bancelina et fratres eius, Petrus Broeea et Cochinus, et soror eius, Pulchranata. Quod nos gratum habentes et auctoritate nobis commissa ratum esse volentes, litteras presentes scribi et sigillorum nostrorum impressionibus muniri fecimus. Actum anno incarnati Verbi Mo CCo Tercio. 377 1186 (o. st.). Provins. Marie, countess of Troyes, notes that while he was still alive, Milo [II] de Nogent gave the land of Châtenay[-sur-Seine] to the church of Vauluisant in alms for the soul of his brother, Jean, and for his soul. After the death of Milo, Elisabeth, his mother, and Heloïse, his wife, approved this donation, conceding it to the brothers to be possessed in peace in perpetuity. Marie and her son, Henri [II], also confirmed this. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 101r Script E. B. Original lost. a. Benton, 86f. After A. Related Charters: 149, 173, 394-5, 409. 395 Milo de Nogent dedit terram de Castaneto {101rb}[E]go Maria, Trecensis comitissa, notum facio presentibus et futuris quod Milo de Nogento, dum adhuc viveret, pro anima fratris sui, Iohannis, et pro sua, in elemosinam dedit fratribus de Valle Lucentea terram suam de Chastaneto. Post decessum autem ipsius Milonis, Elysabeth, mater eius, et uxor eius, Heluis, donationem istam approbaverunt, eam ipsis fratribus perpetua pace possidenda concedentes. Ego etiam et karissimus filius meus, Henricus, rem hanc laudavimus. Et hoc ego, ut ratum teneatur, litteris annotatum sigillo meo confirmavi, testibus: Guidone de Dampetri, Guidone de Germenon, Petro de Burgo, Machario de Chata Launo, Gaufrido Eventato, Girardo Eventato, Ertaudo Camerario, Milone de Pruvino, Petro de Sancto Germano. Actum Pruvini, anno incarnati Verbi Mo Co LXXXo VIo. Data per manum Haici, cancellarii. Nota Wllermi. a. Lucente]Lucide a. 378 [ca. 1190]198 No location. Elisabeth de Nogent (d. 1190), once domina of Nogent, makes known that she bought a meadow from Raoul, miles of Villuis (Vilois), in the area of Bernières; She conceded and gave this meadow to God and the church of Notre-Dame of Vauluisant after her death for the benefit of her soul and the souls of her husband, children, father and mother, and all her ancestors, under the condition that, as long as she should live, the conversi of Bernières will work there, cut grass and gather it together and make hay, and she will have the grass be taken to her own purposes (ego herbam adducere faciam ad opus meum) as long as she should live. After her death, the conversi will openly possess the meadow as their own. The aforesaid Raoul and Maria, his wife, their daughters and heirs, confirmed this gift in alms. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 101r-v Script E. B. Original lost. Ind: Evergates, p. 190. Donum Domine Elysabet de Nogent pratum de Berneriis {101va}[N]otum sit, tam existentibus quam futuris, quod ego, Elysabet de Nogento, dicta quondam domina Nogenti, emi pratum in prataria de Bernieres de Radulpho, milite de Vilois; hoc pratum concessi et dedi Deo et ecclesie Beate Marie Vallis Lucentis post obitum meum, pro anima mea, et mariti mei, et liberorum meorum, necnon et patris matrisque mee, et omnium antecessorum meorum, tali namque modo: quod conversi de Bernieres pratum istud servabunt et herbam facient falciare et congregabunt et ego herbam adducere faciam ad opus meum quamdiu vixero. Post decessum vero meum, conversi pratum ut proprium suum possidebunt. Elemosinam istam laudaverunt predictus Radulphus et Maria, uxor sua, et filie sue, et heredes sui. Et quia hoc ratum esse volo sigilli mei munimine confirmo. Huius vero donationis et confirmationis testes sunt: 198Evergates, p. 190, lists 1190 as the date of her death, but cites only her last appearance in a vidimus of an 1190 document where she is referred to as domina of Nogent. Nevertheless, this document refers to her as the quondam (sic) domina de Nogent. Since we also have from Evergates, ibid. that by 1199 the castellany of Nogent-sur-Seine was in the hands of the count, this document can be dated with some confidence to the few years around 1190. 396 Magister Fulco, et Domnus Petrus, et Domnus stephanus, capellani Paraclitensis; et Walte-{101vb}-rus, capellanus de Fontenemacum; et multi alli. 379 [ca. 1220]199 No location. Adam, deacon of Pont[-sur-Seine],makes known that Thibaut Carum Tempus (CherTemps) gave in alms to the church of Vauluisant his house at Nogent and some 28 d. cens: 17 at Fontaine-Mâcon which Reinaud Moce pays from a house in which he lives and from a manse (masura) that he holds; 9 d. cens which Reinaud Filoche owes for the house of Noigny and 1 d. cens which Emengard pays for the land next to the vineyard of the deceased Constance Pinoret and 1/2 d. cens paid by Erard de Ponte. Adam Berengar, prepositus of Nogent, Moreta and Hurenburdis, sisters, confirmed this donation. The same Adam gave 8 d. cens from the already noted house (of Thibaut) to the church of Vauluisant. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 101v Script E. Fragment. B. Original lost. Related Charters: 371, 376. Theobaldus Carum Tempus dat domum censum apud Nogentum et alibi sita [E]go A[dam], decanus de Pontibus, notum facio, tam presentibus quam futuris, quod Theobaldus Carum Tempus, in presentia mea constitutus, domum suam sitam apud Nogentum, et decem et septem denarios census apud Fontenemacum annui redditus, quos Reinaudus Moce de domo in qua manet et de masura tenetur, persolvere, et novem denarios census, quos Renaudus Filoche debet de domo de Noigni, et unum denarium census, quem Ermengardis solvit de terra iuxta vineam defuncti Constantii Pinore, et [[u]]unum obolum census quem solvit Erardus de Ponte, ecclesie vallis lucentis in perpetuum possidendos in elemosinam donavit. Hanc donationem laudaverunt Adam Berengarius, prepositus Nogenti, Moreta, soror sua, et Herenburdis, sorores. Iterum iam prefatus Adam octo denarios census supra iam prenominatam domum annui redditus prefate ecclesie donavit. Quod ut ratum et inconcussum.... 380 [1146, December 25 - 1147, April 20] [Traînel, in the house of Domnus Anselm de Traînel.]200 Henri de Traînel, son of Bartholomé, gave to Norpaud, abbot, and the monks of Vauluisant whatever he had in the territory of Bernières and whatever was held from him in fief, namely every piece of his property and every fief that others held from him in whatever way. The wife of Henri, by the name of Ermengard, confirmed this gift made to the abbot and church of Vauluisant.. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 102r Script A. B. Original lost. Ind: Roserot I:162, II:1144. 199This approximate date is based solely on the appearances of Adam, deacon of Pont, in this cartulary. He shows up in documents from late 1220 to early 1223. 200The date and location derive from #383, which appears to be the last in a series of four charters executed at the same time and place. 397 {102ra Script A}Donat Henricus de Triannio quicquid habebat in finagio Berneriarum In nomine sancte et individue Trinitatis. Notum sit omnibus fidelibus Christianis, tam presentibus quam futuris, quod Henricus de Triagnio, filius Bartholomei, dedit Norpaldo, abbati Vallis Lucentis et monachis in ibi Deo serventibus quicquid habebat in territorio Berneriarum, et in plano et in bosco, et in aquis et in pratis. Quicquid etiam de feodo suo erat eis dedit, videlicet et omne proprium suum et omnem feodum quem alii de ipso quocumque modo tenebant. Hoc domnum abbati et aecclesie Vallis Lucentis factum laudavit uxor predicti Henrici, nomine Ermengardis, et filii eius Ansellus atque Bartholomeus. Huius doni testes fuerunt: Domnus Ansellus de Triagnio et filii eius, Ansellus, Garnerus, Garinus; Otrannus de Plasseio; Radulfus Buissuns et filii eius, Philippus et Arnulfus; Garnerius de Fusseio; Philippus Bibens Sequanam; Petrus Iotarz; Stephanus, frater eius; Teobaldus de Veneseio; Iocelinus Talus; Ioscelinus, frater Anselli Vastantis Segetem; Felix Belez; Rainaldus Foaldus. 381 [1146, December 25 - 1147, April 20] [Traînel, in the house of Domnus Anselm de Traînel.]201 Houduin, son of Houdevuin de Bernières, gave to Norpaud, abbot, and the monks of Vauluisant whatever he had in the territory of Bernières and whatever was held from him in fief, namely every piece of his property and every fief that others held from him in whatever way. His Mother, Beatrix, and his brothers, Garnier and Girard, confirmed this gift made to the abbot and church of Vauluisant. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 102r Script A. B. Original lost. Ind: Roserot I:162 Item de eodem Notum sit omnibus fidelibus Christianis, tam presentibus quam futuris, quod Holduinus filius Holdevuini de Berneriis dedit Norpaldo, abbati Vallis Lucentis, et monachis in ibi Deo serventibus quicquid habebat in territorio Berneriarum, et in plano et in bosco, et in aquis et in pratis. Quicquid etiam de feodo suo erat eis dedit, videlicet et omne proprium suum et omnem feodum quem alii de ipso quoque modo tenebant. Hoc donum abbati et ecclesiae vallis lucentis factum laudavit mater sua, Beatrix nomine, et fratres sui, Garnerius et Girardus. Huius doni testes fuerunt: Domnus Ansellus de Triagnio et filii eius, Ansellus, Garnerus, Garinus; Otrannus de Plasseio; Radulfus Buissuns et filii eius, Philippus et Arnulfus; Garnerius de Fusseio; Philippus Bibens Sequanam; Petrus Iotarz; Stephanus {102rb}frater eius; Teobaldus de Veneseio, Iocelinus Talus, Iocelinus frater Anselli Vastantis Segetem; Felix Belez; Rainaldus Foaldus. 201The date and location derive from #383, which appears to be the last in a series of four charters executed at the same time and place. 398 382 [1146, December 25 - 1147, April 20] [Traînel, in the house of Domnus Anselm de Traînel]202 Felix Capra de Traînel gave to Norpaud, abbot, and the monks of Vauluisant whatever he had in the territory of Bernières. His sons, Guiard and Milo, confirmed this gift made to the abbot and church of Vauluisant. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 102r Script A. B. Original lost. Related Charter: 171. De eodem Notum sit omnibus fidelibus Christianis, tam presentibus quam futuris, quod Felix Capra de Triagnio dedit Norpaldo, abbati Vallis Lucentis, et monachi in ibi Deo serventibus quicquid habebat in territorio Berneriarum, et in plano et in bosco, et in aquis et in pratis. Hoc donum abbati et ecclesie Vallis Lucentis factum laudaverunt filii eius, Guiardus atque Milo. Huius doni testes fuerunt: Domnus Ansellus de Triagnio et filii eius, Ansellus, Garnerus, Garinus; Otrannus de Plasseio; Radulfus Buissuns et filii eius, Philippus et Arnulfus; Garnerius de Fusseio; Philippus Bibens Sequanam; Petrus Iotarz; Stephanus, frater eius; Teobaldus de Veneseio; Iocelinus, frater Anselli Vastantis Segetem; Felix Belez; Rainaldus Foaldus. 383 1146[, December 25 - 1147, April 19].203 Traînel, in the house of Domnus Anselm de Traînel. Domina Freeburs, daughter of Bartholomé de Traînel, gave to Norpaud, abbot, and the monks of Vauluisant, whatever she had in the territory of Bernières. Pierre Iotarz, her husband, and her sons, Guy and Ellebaud, and Marie, her daughter, and Freerus, husband of Marie, confirmed this gift made to the abbot and church of Vauluisant. All these (presumably the last three charters as well) were done at the residence of Domnus Anselm de Traînel. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 102r-v Script A. B. Original lost. Ind: Roserot I:162, II:1144. Item de eodem Notum sit omnibus fidelibus Christianis, tam presentibus quam futuris, quod Domina Freeburs, filia Bartholomei de Triagnio, dedit Norpaldo, abbati Vallis Lucentis, et monachi in ibi Deo servientibus quicquid habebat in territorio Berneriarum, et in plano et in bosco, et in aquis et in pratis. Hoc donum abbati et ecclesie Vallis Lucentis factum laudavit Petrus Iotarz, maritus eius, et filii eius, Guido et Ellebaudus, et Maria, filia sua, et Freerus, maritus ipsius Marie. Huius doni testes fuerunt Domnus Ansellus de Triagnio et filii eius Ansellus, Garnerus, Garinus; Garnerius de Fusseo et Ansellus, frater eius; 202The date and location derive from #383, which appears to be the last in a series of four charters executed at the same time and place. 203The date is given as 1146, however the epact, 17, pertains to 1147. Normally, the epact was computed on January 1 (Giry, p. 151.). To be safe, I have assigned December 25 as the earliest time that the epact would have been computed. The latest possible date that any style of dating would have for the year 1161 is April 19, 1147, the day before Easter. 399 Ellebaudus de Plasseio et Otrannus, frater eius; Henricus, filius Bartholomei, frater predicte Domine Freeburgis; Ansellus Vastans Segetem et Iocelinus et Ibertus, fratres eius; Havuinus de Ferru et filii eius, Rigaudus et Garnerius; Teobaldus de Veneseio; {102va}Radulfus Buissuns; Gaucherius et Gaufridus, frater Ferrei, filii Milonis Sancti; Hugo de Bleveio; Garnerus de Avenz; Rainaldus Foaldus. Hoc factum est totum apud Triagnium, in domo Domni Anselli de Triagnio, anno ab incarnatione Domini M C XL VI, indictione IX, concurrente I, epacta XVII, regnante Rege Lodovico et Ierosolimam cum expeditione ituro, presidente Senonensi ecclesie Hugone archiepiscopo. Et ut hoc ratum et inconcussum omni tempore haberetur, precibus eorum qui hoc donum fecerunt, signatum atque firmatum est sigillo Hugonis, Senonis archiepiscopi, et sigillo Henrici, Trecensis episcopi. 384 [1142 - 1163]204 No location. Confirmed at Traînel. Hugues de Gumery gave in alms to the church of Vauluisant everything that he had in lands, meadows, waters and woods at Bernières. His wife, Luce, and brothers, Diet and Jobert, confirmed this gift. Jocelin, the father of Hugues, also confirmed this at Traînel. In order that this be held faithfully, Domnus Anselm de Traînel carried the warranty (manucepit). A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 102v Script A. B. Original lost. Ind: Roserot II:668. Related Charter: 385, 393, 400. Hugonis de Gumereio Notum sit omnibus fidelibus Christianis quod Hugo de Gumereio donavit in elemosinam ecclesie Vallis Lucentis omnem partem quam apud Bernerias habebat, et in terris et in pratis, et in aquis et in silvis. Hoc donum laudavit uxor sua, nomine Lucia, et fratres sui, Dietus et Iosbertus. Huius rei testes sunt: Domnus Ansellus de Triagnio; Seguvinus, capellanus; Radulfus Boisons; Henricus de Doniono; Henricus, nepos eius; Hugo de Maireio; Alelmus, prepositus de Villa Nova; Garnerius de Plaierio; Vitalis Crassus. Hoc etiam donum laudavit Iocelinus, frater predicti Hugonis apud Triagnium. Huius laudationis iterum testes fuerunt: Donnus Ansellus de Triagnio; Henricus de Doniono; Garnerius de Fosseio; Iterus, filius Milonis Boisons; Philippus, filius Radulfi Boisons; Holduinus de Berneriis; Garnerius, frater eius. Hanc denique rem ut bene et fideliter teneretur, Domnus Ansellus de Triagnio manucepit. Et [et] ut hoc ratum et inconcussum omni tempore habeatur, precibus predicti Hugonis, sigilli inpressione Domini Hugonis, Senonensis archiepiscopi, signatum atque firmatum est. 2041142-68, Hugues' Archiepiscopacy, Gams; 1163, the last date for Script A Charters. 400 385 [1142 - 1163]205 No location. Jobert (ego) gave in alms to the church of Vauluisant, for the redemption of his soul and those of his parents, whatever he had in the confines (in finibus) of Bernières. He also gave the part that his brother, Jocelin, had in Bernières, for which part he gave to his brother whatever he (Jobert) had at Traînel and Souligny except for Felix of Etienne Wastellarius. Jobert made his brother, Diet, confirm this gift. Afterwards, his brother, Jocelin, confirmed this. Similarly, Hugues, his brother, confirmed this. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 102v Script A. B. Original lost. Ind: Roserot II:668. Related Charter: 384, 393, 400. {102vb} Iosberti fratris Dieti In nomine sancte et individue Trinitatis. Ego Iosbertus donavi in elemosinam pro redemptione anime mee et parentum m[e]orum ecclesie Vallis Lucentis quicquid habeam in finibus Berneriarum, et in plano et in bosco, et in pratis et in aquis. Partem etiam fratris mei, Iocelini quam habebat in Berneriis dedi eidem ecclesie Vallis Lucentis, pro qua parte fratris mei donavi illi quicquid habeam apud Triagnium et apud Sullineium, excepto Felice Stephani Wastellarii. Hoc donum laudare feci fratrem meum, Dietum. Huius doni mei et laudationis fratris mei, Dieti, testes fuerunt: Domnus Ansellus de Triagnio; Garnerius et Garinus fratres eius; Otrannus de Plasseio; Ansellus Vastans Segetem; Garnerius, frater eius; Garnerius et Berneriis; Dietus de Doniono et Henricus, filius eius; Petrus Iotardus; et alii multi. Hoc postea laudavit etiam predictus Frater Meus, Iocelinus, cuius laudationis testes fuerunt: Domnus Garnerius de Triagnio; Ansellus Vastans Segetem; Petrus de Turnella; Radulf[us] Boisuns; Iterus Boisuns; Felix Capra; Bovo de Triagnio; Philippus Bibens Secanam. Hoc donum similiter laudavit Hugo, frater meus, attestante Domno Ansello de Triagnio; Garnerio, fratre suo; Otranno de Plasseio; Hugone de Maireio; Felice Capra; et Milone, filio suo; Teobaldo de Veneseio. Et ut hoc domnum meum ratum et inconcussum omni tempore haberetur, illudque predicta ecclesia vallis lucentis in omni progenie tranquilla pace possideret, sigillo Domni Hugonis, Senonen[s]is archiepiscopi, precibus meis, signatum atque firmatum est; necnon et sigillo Domni Anselli de Triagnio, in cuius presentia hoc donum feci. 386 1161 (o. st.). Traînel. Daimbert, the son of Girard-le-Chien, gave to the church of Vauluisant, for the love of God and the remission of his sins, whatever he had in lands and meadows in the confines (in finibus) of Bernières, with his brother, Girard, confirming and conceding. Moreover, it should be noted that whatever he gave, he held in fief from the church of Vauluisant. Acted in the presence of Domnus Anselm de Traînel. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fos. 102v - 103r Script A. B. Original lost. Related Charter: 411. 2051142-68, Hugues' Archiepiscopacy, Gams; 1163, the last date for Script A Charters. Nevertheless, the similarity of this list of witnesses with those in #380-3 gives rise to the suspicion that this was made immediately before the Second Crusade. 401 De Deinberto filio Girardi Quia labilis humana memoria diutius difficile retinet, quod facile discit, presenti scripto presentibus ac po-{103ra}-steris Christi fidelibus mandare curavimus quod Deinbertus, filius Girardi Canis, dedit, pro Dei amore et remissione peccatorum suorum, ecclesiae Vallis Lucentis quicquid habebat, in terris et in pratis, in finibus Berneriarum, laudante et concedente fratre eius Girardo. Notandum autem quod quicquid dedit tenebat de ecclesia Vallis Lucentis in feodo. Huius donationis testes fuerunt: Henricus de Duniun; Felix Capra; Milo, filius eius; Hugo de Gumereio; Arnulfus Busun; Deinbertus Iobatia; Odo Albus; Galterus, presbiter. Hoc factum est apud Triagnium, in presentia domni Anselli de Triagno, anno ab incarnatione Domini Millesimo Co LXo Io, indictione IX. Et ut hoc ratum et inconcussum omni tempore haberetur, precibus eius qui hoc donum fecit signatum atque firmatum est sigillo Domni Hugonis, Senonensi archiepiscopi. 387 [1145 - 1151]206 No location. Manasses de Villemaur, the archdeacon of Troyes, at the request of Rainard, abbot of Cîteaux, gave to the church of Vauluisant whatever rights he had in the parish of Bernières. In order that this be held firmly and unshaken for all time, he asked his bishop, by the name of Henri, to affix the impression of his seal. The witnesses of this gift were: Guillaume, abbot of Saint-Martin-des-Aires, Milo de Canleio, canon of Troyes, Guerric, monk of the aforesaid bishop Henri, and another monk, Girard, chaplain of the bishop, and Otrannus, a wealthy burgher. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 103r Script A. B. Original lost. Ind: Roserot I:162. Manasses de Villa Mauri Notum sit omnibus sancte Dei ecclesie filiis quod Manasses de Villa Mauri, archidiaconus Trecensis, rogatu Rainardi abbatis Cisterniensis, dedit ecclesie Vallis Lucentis quicquid iuris habebat in parrochia Berneriarum. Et ut ratum et incocussum haberetur omni tempore, episcopum suum, Henricum nomine, ut sigilli sui inpressione firmaret rogavit. Huius doni testes fuerunt: Guillelmus, abbas Sancti Martini; Milo de Canleio, canonicus Trecensis; Guiricus, monacus predicti episcopi, Henrici; et alius monachus, Girardi, episcopi capellanus; Otrannus dives burgensis. 388 [1145 - 1169]207 No location. The complaint (querela) that Domina Sybille de Pars[-les-Romilly] made concerning the lands of Bernières with the monks of Vauluisant was settled in this way: Sybille quit the same dispute in peace and conceded the land concerning which the dispute had arisen to 2061145, beginning of Henri, bishop of Troyes' episcopacy, Gams (and not Henri, bishop of Auxerre, Manasses, archdeacon of Troyes refers to him as episcopum suum, and all the witnesses are from the diocese of Troyes); 1151, the death of Rainard, abbot of Cîteaux, Jongelin, Notitia Abbatarum Ordinis Cistertiensis per Orbem Universem. 2071145, beginning of Henri's episcopacy, Gams; 1163, last date of Script A charters. Roserot provides 1147-68. 402 the church of Vauluisant to have and possess in perpetuity. Her sons, Pierre and Godefroy, and her daughters, Havildis and Eustacie, confirmed this. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 103r Script A. B. Original lost. Ind: Roserot II:1091. De Domna Sibilla Notum sit omnibus fidelibus Christianis quod querela quam Domina Sibilla de Pars habebat de terris Berneriarum cum monachis de Valle Lucente sedata est hoc modo: quod eandem querelam predicta Sibilla in pace dimisit et terram de qua querela orta fuerat concessit aecclesiae Vallis Lucentis habendam et perpetuo possidendam. Hoc laudaverunt filii sui, Petrus {103rb}et Godefridus, et filie eius, Havildis et Eustacia. H[uius] rei testes fuerunt: Teobaldus Ridellus, Pagan[us] de Pars, et Hugo de Pars, et Iordanis. Et ut hoc ratum et inconcussum omni tempore habeatur, precibus predicte Sibille de Pars, sigilli inpressione Domini Henrici, Trecensis episcopi, signatur atque firmatur. 389 [1145 - 1163]208 No location. Henri, bishop of Troyes (ego) gave and released to his brothers, the monks of Vauluisant, all the tithes which pertained to the priest (presbytery, presbiteratum) of the parish of Bernières, and states that the tithe will be released from the lands that the monks should cultivate in whatever way in that parish and wherever else in his espicopate (episcopatus), and they may freely accept receive [from others] the tithe [on those lands] and obtain it with his and God's blessing. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 103r Script A. B. Original lost. Ind: Roserot I:162. Related Charter: 392. De decima berneriarum Henricus episcopus In nomine sancte et individue Trinitatis, et in honore beatissime Dei genitritis Marie perpetue virginis. Ego, Henricus, Dei gratia Trecensis episcopus,a dono et dimitto fratribus nostris, monachis de Valle Lucenti, omnem decimam que pertinet ad presbiteratum parochie Berneriarum, et ipsam parochiam et ubicumque in episcopatu nostro, de terris qua quomodo coluerunt decima eis dimissa fuerit, libere eam accipiant et cum Dei ac nostra benedictione obtineant. Hoc ut inconcussum et semper a generatione in generationem indubitanter notum habeatur, litteris traditum sigilli nostri impressione confirmatur. a. episcopus]episcopi A. 390 [1145 - 1169]209 Vauluisant. Confirmed at Bernières, village called "à-Saint-Aubin." 2081145, 2091145, beginning of Henri's episcopacy, Gams; 1163, last date of Script A charters. beginning of Henri's episcopacy, Gams; 1163, last date of Script A charters. 403 Freherius de Nogent (ego) gave to the church of Vauluisant whatever it can acquire in whatever way, or has already acquired, in all the meadows belonging to his men at Bernières alone (dumtaxat apud Bernières). He recognized this gift at Bernières. His wife, Marie, confirmed at the village called ad-Saint-Aubin. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 103r-v Script A. B. Original lost. Related Charters: 398, 405. De Freheri de Noianto Ego, Freherus de Noianto, dedi ecclesie Vallis Lucentis in elemosinam quicquid eadem ecclesia quo quomodo adquirere poterit, vel iam adquisivit, in omnibus pratis hominum meorum dumtaxat apud Bernerias. Huius doni facti apud Vallem Lucentem, testes extiterunt: Iterus, venator; Teobaldus de Veneseio; Rigaldus, sororius meus. Hoc iterum donum recognovi apud Bernerias, atque recognoscendo coram his testibus ibi confirmavi: Petro, videlicet, de Turnela; Stephano Ridello; Hugone Poapain; Petro de Gelanno. Hoc etiam laudavit uxor mea, nomine Maria, apud villulam que dicitur ad Sanctum Albinum. Cuius laudationi interfurunt ac ipsius laudationis testes extiterunt: Galcherius, frater meus, Trecensis canonicus; Rogerus de Sancto Albino; Galteris de Colreio; Robertus Buord; Petrus filius Guiardi; Hugo Butela. {103va}Et ut hoc ratum et inconcussum omni tempore habeatur, precibus meis, sigillo Domini Henrici, Trecensis episcopi, confirmare feci. 391 1161 (o. st.). Provins. Henri, count palatine of Troyes, notes that, for the remedy of his soul and the souls of his ancestors, Diet de Traînel gave in alms to the church and brothers of Notre-Dame de Vauluisant whatever he had at Bernières, and conceded this to be possessed in perpetuity in his (the count's) presence. Since those things which Diet possessed in Bernières were held in fief from him, Diet asked the count to give his assent and confirmation (laudamentum) to this gift, which Henri then gave. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 103v Script A. B. Original lost. a. D'Arbois de Jubainville, Trésor, p. 284.210 b. Benton, 61k. After a. Ind: Lalore, Traînel, no. 53. (Lists this at 99v), D'Arbois de Jubainville, Histoire, v. 3, p. 342, no. 93. Dietus de Triangulo dedit Valli Lucenti quicquid habat apud Berneriarum [In nomine] sanctea et individue Trinitatis.b Ego, Henricus, Trecensum comes palatinus, existentium memorie et futurorum posteritati notum fieri volo quod Dietus de Triangulo quicquid apud Bernerias habebat dedit aecclesiae Beate Marie Vallis Lucentis et fratribus ibidem Deo servientibus, pro remedio anime sue et antecessorum suorum, in elemosinam, et perpetuo possidendum ante presentiam meam concessit. Et quoniam ea que ipse Dietus in territorio berneriarum possidebat de feodo meo erant, me rogavit ut huic dono assensum et laudamentum preberem; quod et laudavi et sigilli mei auctoritate confirmari precepi. Huius rei testes sunt: Ansellus de Triagnio,c Garnerius frater eius, Matheus Lotoringus, Gaufridus Broslardus, Drogo de Pruvino, Guillelmus marescallus. Actum est hoc anno incarnati Verbi Mo Co LXo Io, Ludovico regod Francorum 210I have been unable to locate this text. 404 regnante, Senonensi archiepiscopo existente, traditum apud Pruvinum per manum Guillelmi, cancellarii. Guillelmus, notarius, scripsit. a. sancte]sancte sancte A. d. rego]rege b. b. In . . . Trinitatis om. b. c. Triagnio]Triangulo b. 392 [1145 - 1151]211 No location. Henri, bishop of Troyes (ego) gave and released to his brothers, the monks of Vauluisant, all the tithes which pertained to the priest (presbytery, presbiteratum) of the parish and to that parish, adding in addition and conceding that the tithe will be released from the lands that the monks should cultivate in whatever way in that parish and wherever else in his see (episcopatus), and they may freely accept receive [from others] the tithe [on those lands] and obtain it with his and God's blessing. The list of witnessess and the agency of Abbot Rainard in #387 suggests that this may have been part of a sequence of surrenders given at one time. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 103v Script A. B. Original lost. Related Charter: 389. Donum Henrici Trecensis episcopi conceditur decima Berneriarum In nomine sancte et individue Trinitatis et in honore beatissime Dei gentricis, Marie perpetue virginis. Ego Henricus, Dei gratia Trecensis episcopus,a dono et dimitto fratribus nostris monachis de Valle Lucenti omnem decimam que pertinet ad presbiteratum parochie Berneriarum et ipsam parochiam, addens insuper et concedens ut et in eadem parochia et ubicumque in episcopatu nostro de terris quas quoquomodo coluerint decima eis dimissa fuerit libere eam accipiant et cum Dei ac nostra benedictione obtineant. Hoc ut inconcussum et semper a generatione in generationem {103vb}notum habeatur, litteris traditum sigilli nostri inpressione confirmatur. Testes sunt: Domnus Hugo, Autisioderensis episcopus; Domnus Rainardus Cisterniensis, Guido Pontiniacensis, Stephanus de Regniaco, Alanus de Ripatorio, abbates. a. episcopus]ept. ex corr. A. 393 1161[, December 25 - 1162, April 16].212 Traînel. Diet, son of Eudes Rufus, gave to Pierre, abbot, and the monks of Vauluisant whatever he had in the territory of Bernières and whatever was held from him in fief, namely every piece of his property and every fief that others held from him in whatever way. He also conceded every all rights and dominion which he had there. Hugues de Gumery and Jocelin, his brothers, confirmed this gift made to the abbot and church of Vauluisant. 2111145, beginning of Henri, bishop of Troyes' episcopacy, Gams ; 1151, the death of Rainard, abbot of Cîteaux, Jongelin, Notitia Abbatarum Ordinis Cistertiensis per Orbem Universem. 212The date is given as 1161, however the epact, 3, is that for 1162. Normally, the epact was computed on January 1 (Giry, p. 151.). To be safe, I have assigned December 25 as the earliest time that the epact would have been computed. The latest possible date that any style of dating would have for the year 1161 is April 15, 1162, the day before easter. 405 The wife of Diet, Elisabeth, daughter of Henri de Donjon, also confirmed this. Effected by the hands of Anselm and Garnier de Traînel. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fos. 103v - 104r Script A. B. Original lost. Related Charters: 384, 385, 400. (Note that the form is modeled after #383) Dietusa filius Odonis dat quicquid habebat apud Bernerias in bosco et plano Notum sit omnibus fidelibus Christianis, tam futuris quam presentibus, quod Dietus,b filius Odonis Rufi dedit Petro, abbati Vallis Lucentis et monachis in ibi Deo servientibus quicquid habebat in territorio Berneriarum in plano et in bosco, in aquis et in pratis. Quicquid etiam de feodo suo erat eis dedit, videlicet, et omne proprium suum et omne feodum quem alii de ipso quocumque modo tenebant. Omne etiam ius et dominium quale ibi habebat concessit. Hoc donum abbati et ecclesie Vallis Lucentis factum laudaverunt Hugo de Gumereio et Iocelinus, fratres eius. Huius rei testes fuerunt: Dominus Ansellus de Triagnio et Garnerius, frater eius, per manus quorum factum fuit hoc donum; Henricus de Duniun et Ansellus, filius eius; Felix Capra et Milo, filius eius; Ansellus Gasteblez; Ernulfus Bussun; Iterus de Malo Nido; Henricus filius Dieri; Petrus Crassus; Garnerius de Plaiotro; Stephanus de Villa Nova; Bartholomeus, nepos Domni Henrici; Piscis et Arnulfus, servientes Domini Garnerii. Hoc dum etiam laudavit uxor istius Dieri, Elisabet, filia Henrici de Duniun, teste: patre eius, Henrico, et Bartholomeo, filio eius; Galtero, capellano; Hugone de Gumereio; Henrico, filio Domni Dieri; Arnulfo Buissun. Hoc totum factum est apud Triagnium, anno ab incarnatione Domini Mo Co LXo Io, indictione IX, concurrente VI, epacta III, regnante Lodovico, rege Francorum, presidente Senonensi ecclesie Hugone, archiepiscopo. Et ut hoc ratum et inconcussum omni {104ra}tempore haberetur, precibus eius qui hoc donum fecit signatum atque firmatum est sigillo Hugonis, Senonensis archiepiscopi, et sigillo Henrici, Trecensis episcopi. a. Dietus]Dietos ex corr. A. b. Dietus]Dietos ex corr. A. 394 [1148 - 1152]213 No location. "Let it be known to all faithful Christians, in the present and the future, that Milo de Nogent[-sur-Seine], going on crusade, recognized to Norpaud, abbot of Vauluisant, that he had no customary rights in the waters of Bernières from the place where it leaves the Seine to the place where it enters the Seine, and from the woods of Mahaut to the Seine, nor did his men of Nogent, and if at some time they had fished those waters, they did so by sin and injury (cum peccato et iniuria). And the aforesaid Milo commanded his daughter, Elisabeth, to hold these things faithfully and without deceit to the monks of Vauluisant. Erard, chaplain of Nogent, Etienne Ridellus and Adam de Monteiun were present at this recognition. And he further recognized that the monks of Vauluisant ought to have usage rights in the woods of Saint-Denis until Noam Crevandi, (the marsh of Crevandus), namely dead wood for all their necessities and live oak for constructing buildings. Arard (Gerard in #395?), chaplain of Nogent, Adam de Monteiun and Girard, 2131148, Milo's death, see note infra; 1152, death of Count Thibaut II of Champagne. The act described here took place around 1146-7. 406 the son-in-law (gener) of Milo recognized this thing before Count Thibaut [II of Champagne]." Witnesses. Sealed by Count Thibaut at the request of Girard.214 A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 104r Script A. B. Original lost. Ind: Roserot I:322, II:1036. Related Charters: 149, 173, 377, 395, 409. Milonis de Noianto qui recognovit ius monachorum in aqua de Berneriis Notum sit omnibus fidelibus Christianis, tam presentibus quam futuris, quod Milo de Nuianto, iturus ierosolimam, cognovit Norpaldo abbati Vallis Lucentis quod in aqua Berneriarum a loco quo exit de Seccana usque ad locum quo intrat Seccanam, et a foresta Mahuldis de Capella usque ad Seccanam, nullam habebat consuetudinem, neque homines de Noianto, et si aliquando illam aquam piscati fuerant, cum peccato et iniuria fecerant. Et hoc precepit predictus Milo filie sue, Elisabet, ut hanc rem fideliter et sine dolo monachis de Valle Lucenti teneret. Huic cognitioni interfuerunt: Arardus, capellanus de Noianto, Stephanus Ridellus et Adam de Monteiun. Et insuper cognovit quod usuarium debebant habere monachi de Valle Lucenti in nemore Sancti Dionisii usque ad Noam Crevandi, mortuum, videlicet nemus, ad omnia necessaria, et vivam quercum ad edificia facienda. Hanc rem ante comitem Teobaldum recognoverunt Arardus, Capellanus de Noianto; et Adam de Monteiun; et Girardus, gener predicti Milonis. Hoc cognovit ante Comitem Theobaldum quod nichil habebat in illa re, et promisit monachis fideliter tenere. Huius rei testes fuerunt: Erlebaudus, elemosinarius comitis; Gauterus de Berneio; et Rogerus, prepositus de Noianto. Et ut hoc ratum et inconcussum omni tempore haberetur, precibus predicti Girardi, sigillo comitis Theobaldi signatum est atque firmatum. 395 [1148 - 1169]215 No location. 214 Note that Milo himself does not appear to have been the active force in this deed. Evergates, p. 189, notes that Milo de Nogent went on crusade in 1147 and "probably died" during the expedition. But cf. Odo of Deuil, de profectione Ludovici VII in orientem, ed. and trans. Virginia Gingerick Berry, New York, 1948, pp. 112-13, in summarizing a rout of the Turks at the river Maeander led by Count Henry the Liberal of Champagne, Theodoric of Flanders and William of Mâcon, "dante nobis Deo Victoriam sine damno, nisi Milo de Nogentiaco in flumine suffocatus obisset"/"yet God gave us a victory without any loss except for Milo of Nogent, who drowned in the river." Further support that the two Milo de Nogents are one and the same comes from the facts that St.-Denis-en-France was at least a suzerain of Nogent-sur-Seine (Roserot, p. 1032), and that Milo de Nogent was a member of the castellan class. The strong connection between Nogent-sur-Seine and St.-Denis would help justify the identity of the two Milo's; tthe crusader narrative in question takes the form of a letter from the St.-Denis monk Odo de Deuil to his abbot, Suger. Owing to his role as a lord operating in one of the areas where some of St. Denis' admittedly vast holdings were located, Milo would probably not be unfamiliar to the convent of St. Denis, indeed, perhaps the most familiar lord of a town called Nogent. Finally, the high local nobility is about the lowest social rank that Odo de Deuil deems worthy of mentioning by name, precluding lesser-known Milo de Nogents from one of the other Nogents in the region. This sequence of events suggests that the charter above is a hasty attempt on the part of the monastery to solidify (or construct) a verbal gift after the decease of the donor. 2151148, death of Milo de Nogent; 1169, end of Henri's episcopacy, Gams. The tenor of this document, however, leads me to suspect that it dates from around the year 1150, i.e., about the same time as #394. 407 The waters of Bernières are free and the dominus of Nogent[-sur-Seine] has no rights in them, nor do his men. Dominus Milo recognized this liberty before his death, and also recognized that the church of Vauluisant had his usage rights in the woods of Saint-Denis from Noam Creventis and above. Dominus Girard, and Elisabeth, his wife, the duaghter of Milo, recognized and confirmed this. It is also said that if anyone interferes with this liberty (interfaceret) in those waters, the dominus of Nogent will hold justice in this way: If a clamor is raised against him, the malefactor will either pay damages (emendare faceret) or deny by oath. If he should fail in this, the wrong-doer will be excommunicated. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 104r Script A. B. Original lost. Related Charters: 149, 173, 377, 394, 396, 409. De aqua Berneriarum que est libera monacharum Notum sit omnibus fidelibus Christianis quod aqua Berneriarum libera est et nichil iuris dominus Noianti habet in ea, neque homines sui. {104rb}Hanc libertatem aquae cognovit dominus Milo ante obitum mortis suae. Cognovit etiam Dominus Milo quod usuarium suum habebat ecclesia Vallis Lucentis in nemore Sancti Dionisii a Noa Creventis et superius. Hoc ipsum cognovit Dominus Girardus et Helizabet, uxor sua, filia predicti Milonis, et hoc uterque laudavit. Dictum est etiam quod si quis in illa aqua interfaceret, dominus Noianti iusticiam teneret hoc modo: quod si clamor ad eum fieret, vel emendare faceret vel negando iurare. Et si in hoc deficeret, salva sua pace, malefactor excommunicaretur. Huius rei testes sunt: Domnus Campanianus, decanus; Gerardus, presbiter Noianti; Garinus, presbiter Sancti Albini; Martinus, presbiter de Cresencheio; Stephanus Ridellus; Adam de Monte Eun; Rainaldus Foaldus; Garinus Malus Filiaster; Rainaldus, prepositus Noianti; Rogerus, frater eius; Stephanus, maior Noianti; Garinus Mala Bucca; Guiardus, prepositus; et Gofridus, serviens. Et ut hoc ratum et inconcussum omni tempore habeatur, precibus Domni Girardi Noianti et Helizabet, uxoris suae, signatum atque firmatum est sigillo Domni Henrici, trecensis episcopi. 396 1161 (o. st.) No location. A disagreement (dissensio) arose between Godefroy, son of Mahaut de ChapelleGodefroy, and Pierre, abbot of Vauluisant, over a certain little piece of land for extracting marl and a meadow among the meadows of Bernières, which his mother gave to Vauluisant, and he himself confirmed. Therefore, for the arranging of an agreement, the aforesaid abbot sent two monks, Girard and Haericus, to Dominus Girard de Nogent, by whose hand a concord is made in this way: That Godefroy confirmed and conceded the marl pit (marneriam) and the meadow with it. He also added and conceded in alms to the same church whatever the same church held from his rights and feudal lordship (quicquid sui iuris et feodi), so that from then on he will make no demand (reclamatio) for it. He confirmed all this things that he gave by his faith to Dominus Girard, and Dominus Girard placed himself as a surety, so that if Godefroy at any time should wish to bother the church, he (Girard) will be the defender (adiutor) of that church. Done in the second year in which abbot Pierre held the church. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 104r-v Script A. B. Original lost. 408 Ind: Evergates, p. 189, Roserot I:322. Related Charters: 395, 408. Godefridi de Capella. Dissensio de prato et marleria quomodo sit sopita Notum sit omnibus fidelibus quod dissensio orta est inter Domnum P[etrum], abbatem de Valle Lucenti et Godefridum, filium Mahuldis de Capella, de quadam particula terre ad extrahandam marlam et de prato quodam quod est inter prata Berneriarum, que mater sua dederat aecclesiae Vallis Lucentis et ipse laudaverat. Ad pacem ergo componendam misit predictus abbas duos monachos, Girardum, scilicet, et Haericum, ad Dominum Girardum de Nugento, per cuius manum facta est concordia hoc modo: quod iste Godefridus laudavit et concessit {104va}[pred]ictam marneriam ecclesie Vallis Lucentis libere possidendam et pratum predictum cum ea. Addidit etiam et in elemosinam concessit eidem aecclesiae quicquid eadem aecclesia sui iuris et feodi eo die tenebat, ita libere ut deinceps nullam faceret reclamationem. Haec omnia idem ipse fide sua quam dedit Domino Girardo confirmavit et Dominus Girardus se posuit in obsidem; eo pacto quod si predictus eodem ecclesiam aliquo tempore vellet vexare, Dominus Girardus adiutor esset ecclesie. Factum est hoc secundo anno quo tenebat abbas P[etrus] ecclesiam, anno ab incarnatione Domini Mo Co LXo Io, indictione IX. Huius rei testes sunt: Domnus Girardus, ut dictum est, et uxor eius, Elisabeth; Erardus, capellanus de Nugento; Renaudus Prepositus; Petrus de Turnela; Aitordus; Willelmus de Sancto Albino. 397 [1127 - 1163]216 No location. 1. Robert Bohort de Saint-Aubin gave to the church Vauluisant in alms all the meadows the he had on the banks (in riveria) of Bernières. His wife, Alaidis, and sons, Eudes, Herbert, Milo, Erard and Martin, and daughters, Dulcia, Maria and Emeline, confirmed this. Roger de Saint-Aubin, Gillebert and Guillaume, his brothers-in-law and Ascelinus, nephew of Robert Bohort, carried the warranty. 2. Thibaut Carrio sold to the church of Vauluisant one weir (gordum) at Bernières. His wife, by the name of Ursa, Rainaud and Morrelus, his sons, and Belosa, his daughter, confirmed this. 3. The monks of NotreDame de Pont[-sur-Seine] owe Vauluisant an annual cens of 5 s. and 1/2 d. (obolus). 4. the monks of Marnay[-sur-Seine] owe Vauluisant an annual cens of 7 d. 5. Vauluisant owes an annual cens to: the monks of Pont[-sur-Seine], 4 d.; the monks of Marnay[-surSeine], 3 1/2 d.; Renaud Foadus, 6 d.; Eudes de Gelannes, 2 d.; Harduin de Marnay[sur-Seine], 2 d. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 104v Script A B. Original lost. Related Charter: 374, 410, 413. De Roberto Bohort de Sancto Albino qui dedit prata Sciant presentes et futuri quod Robertus Bohort de Sancto Albino dedit ecclesie Vallis Lucentis in elemosinam omnia prata quae habebat in riveria de Berneriis. Hoc laudavit uxor sua, Alaidis, et filii sui Odo, Herbertus, Milo, Erardus et Martinus et filie suae, Dulcia, Maria, et Emelina. Huius doni et laudationis testes fuerunt: Garinus, presbiter; Rogerus de Sancto Albino; Rainaldus Davioth; Iosleinus de Noianto; Gotrannus de Sancto Albino; Guiboudus de Quinciaco et Ernaudus, frater eius. Hanc rem etiam 2161163, mentioned in Alexander III's confirmation, NC1. 409 manucepit Rogerus de Sancto Albino, Gillebertus et Guillelmus, sororii sui, et Ascelinus, nepos predicti Roberti Bohort, ut si aliquando aliqua calumpnia insurgeret, ipsi hanc eandem rem predicte aecclesiae acquitarent. Item: Sciendum quod Theobaudus Carrio vendidit aecclesiae Vallis Lucentis gordum unum apud Bernerias. Hoc laudavit uxor sua, Ursa nomine, Rainaldus {104vb}et Morellus, filii sui, et Belosa, filia sua, teste: Holduino de Villers, Stephano Saligero. Item: Sciendum est quod monachi Sancte Marie de Pontibus debent aecclesiae Vallis Lucentis annuali scensu duos solidos et obulum. Item: monachi de Marnaio debent ecclesie Vallis Lucentis annuali scensu VII nummos. Item: ecclesia Vallis Lucentis debet predictis monachis de Pontibus annuali scensu IIII denarios; monachis de Marnaio, III denarios et obolum; Rainaudo Foado, VI nummos; Odoni de Gelannis, II nummos; Harduino de Marnaio, II nummos. 398 [1127 - 1163]217 No location. Confirmed at Traînel. Freherius de Nogent gave to the church of Vauluisant whatever rights he had in the tithe of Bernières. His wife, Marie, confirmed this. Freherus confirmed this again at Traînel, in front of Anselm, dominus of Traînel, and Garnier, his brother, so that Garnier carried the warranty that Freherus would faithfully dispose himself to the monks (nobis, suggesting a monastic voice to this and possibly other anonymous charters). A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 104v Script A. B. Original lost. Related Charters: 390, 405. Freherius de Noianto dedit parcem de decima Notum sit omnibus sancte Dei ecclesie filiis quod Freherus de Noianto dedit ecclesie Vallis Lucentis quicquid iuris habebat in decima berneriarum. Hoc laudavit uxor sua, Maria. Testes huius rei fuerunt: Hector de Noianto et Stephanus Turcus. Hoc iterum laudavit idem Freherus apud Triagnium ante Ansellum, dominum eiusdem ville, et Garnerium fratrem eius, ita quod idem Garnerius hoc manucepit quod Freherus illud donum fideliter nobis acquitaret. Testes iterum fuerunt: Domnus Otrannus de Plasseio et Radulfus Boisons, Petrus de Turnela et Donnus Bovo de Triagnio. 399 [1127 - 1163]218 No location. Dominus Geoffroy Ridel gave in alms to the church of Vauluisant the land that he had at Bernières. His wife, Cornelia, son, Etienne, and daughter confirmed this. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 104v Script A. Text overruns its boundaries and continues at bottom of folio. B. Original lost. De Gaufrido Ridel qui dedit terram . . . 2171163, 2181163, last date of Script A charters. mentioned in Alexander III's confirmation, NC1. 410 Notum sit omnibus, tam presentibus quam futuris, quod Dominus Galfridus Ridel dedit ecclesie Vallis Lucentis in elemosina terram quam habebat apud Bernerias. Hoc etiam laudavit uxor eius, Cornelia, et filius eius, Stephanus, et filia. Huius doni et laudationis testes fuerunt: Teobaudus Ridels; Herbertus Graviers; Felix de Ponto et Albertus, frater eius; Grimaldus de Ponto; Theobaldus, filius Remigii; {bottom of folio}Galterus de Cantamerle; Garnerius de Ervan; Stephanus Ridels; Gaufridus de Barbise; Petrus . . .; Milo, prepositus. 411 400 [1127 - 1163]219 No location. Dominus Garnier de Traînel was a fidejussor (sworn to undertake) to the abbot of Vauluisant that he would make the brother of Diet, who (Diet?) was across the sea, confirm the gift that Domnus Diet made to the church of Vauluisant. And that Dominus Garnier had rear-fidejussores: Anselm Gâtebléd and Hugues de Gumery, who should answer to him.220 A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fos. 104v - 105r Script A. B. Original lost. Related Charters: 384, 385, 393. (?) Notum sit omnibus quod Dominus Garnerius de Triagnio fideiussor fuit abbatis Vallis Lucentis quod fratrem Dieri, qui ultra mare erat, facere laudare donum quod fecit Domnus Dietus {105ra}ecclesie Vallis Lucentis et ipse Dominus Garnerius habuit reto fideiussores, Ansellum Vastantem Segetem, Hugonem de Gumereio, qui inde ei responderent. 401 [1127 - 1161]221 Mahaut de Chapelle[-Godefroy] gave in alms to the church of Vauluisant a certain little piece of land for extracting marl and a road which runs from that land to the grange of Bernières, and added to this gift, giving a meadow among the the meadows of Bernières. Her son, Godefroy, confirmed all this. Elisabeth, the daughter of Mahaut, also confirmed this. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 105r Script A. B. Original lost. Related Charter: 396. Quis dedit terram de marneria Notum sit omnibus fidelibus Christianis quod Mahuldis de Capella dedit in elemosinam ecclesie Vallis Lucentis quandam particulam terre ad extrahendam marlam et viam quae ab eadem terre usque ad terram grangie Berneriarum, et addidit, dans eidem ecclesie 2191163, last date of Script A charters. Nevertheless, if my speculations contained infra are correct, and this document is the basis for #393, then the dates could be something like 1147-61. 220This summary is the best I can get given my limited understanding of the charter. If one takes a considerable conjectural leap and assumes that the Diet in this document is the same as in #393, that is, Diet de Donjon, and therefore the brother of Hugues de Gumery, Jobert and Jocelin (the first two surrendered their portions in Bernières in #384-5), then the following sequence of events can be seen to have transpired: Diet gave his property to Vauluisant and left for Jerusalem, possibly on the Second Crusade, before he could secure the laudatio of one of his brothers, Jocelin (Jobert presumably died between the making of the earlier charters and this one). Garnier de Traînel was then delegated (by this charter) to secure the confirmation of Jocelin. Once this was done, the charter (#393) was completed in the year 1161, although it may have already been partially drawn up in the style of #380-3, the paradigmatic pre-Second Crusade Bernières donation charter. The agency of Garnier's securing the laudatio of Jocelin would explain the clause "per cuius manus quorum factum fuit hoc donum," appended to Garnier and Anselm de Traînel's names as witnesses in #393, as well as the presence of Hugues de Gumery and Anselm Gâtebléd, but the absence of Jocelin. Of course, all this is not said assertively, but tentatively. 221Before #396 (1161). 412 pratum quoddam inter prata Berneriarum. Hoc totum laudavit Godefridus, filius eius. Huius doni et laudationis testes fuerunt: Arardus, presbiter de Noianto; Rainaldus, presbiter de Capella; Freherus de Sancto Albino; Petrus de Machues; Garinus Malfilastre; Rainaldus, prepositus; Rogerius, frater eius; Garinus Caiphas; Rainaldus Pellicon. Hoc etiam laudavit Elizabeth, filia predicte Mahuldis, testante: Arardo, iamdicto presbitero; et Garino, capellano de Sancto Albino; Rainaldo, capellano de Capella; Garino Caipha; Constantio de Capella; Everardo, nepote eius; et aliis multis. 402 [1127 - 1163]222 No location. Maurice de Marnay[-sur-Seine] gave in alms to the church of Vauluisant whatever he possessed in lands and meadows in the confines (in finibus) of Bernières, with his sons, Remy, Everamus, and Emmaurus, and his sister, Marie, confirming. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 105r Script A. B. Original lost. Mauricius de Marneio dedit omnia que possidet in finibus Berneriarum Sciendum est quod Mauricius de Marneio dedit in elemosinam aecclesiae Vallis Lucentis quicquid possidebat in finibus Berneriarum, tam in terris quam in pratis, laudantibus filiis suis, Remigio, Everamo, Emmauri, et sorore eo, Maria. Huius rei testes sunt: Hugo, cementarius; Galterius, frater eius; Godefridus de Capella et Martinus de Capella; Robertus Vicinus. 403 [1127 - 1163]223 Nogent, in the curia of Domnus Berard (the same as Erard mentioned above?), chaplain of Nogent, next to the church. Reinaud, Dreux, Hugues Michel, and Diet, sons of the baron of Bernières gave in alms to the church of Vauluisant whatever lands and meadows they had in the confines (in finibus) of Bernières, with their sister, Eramburgis, confirming. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 105r Script A. B. Original lost. Notum sit omnibus fidelibus quod Reinaudus, et Drogo, et Hugo Michael et Dierus, filii baronis de Berneriis, dederunt in elemosina ecclesie Vallis Lucentis quicquid habebant in finibus Berneriarum in terris et in pratis, laudante sorore eorum, Eramburgi. Factum est hoc in curia Domni Berardi, decani de Nogento, iuxta ecclesiam, plurimis assistentibus eodem Berardo: {105rb}Hectore, milite; Garino, clerico; Ad. . . decani; Fromundo, fratre decani, Guiardo, . . . [fa]mulo Andrea de Correclam. 2221163, 2231163, mentioned in Alexander III's confirmation, NC1. mentioned in Alexander III's confirmation, NC1. 413 404 [1148 - 1163]224 No location. Geoffroy, son of Seguin de Nogent, gave to the church of Vauluisant in alms a certain small piece of land at the vineyard of Godefroy (at Bernières). His wife, Elisabeth, confirmed this. Arard de Nogent carried the warranty (manucepit). A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 105r Script A. B. Original lost. Gaufridus filius Seguini de Nogento dedit patem terre prope vineam Godefridi Notum sit omnibus quod Gaufridus, filius Seguini de Noianto, dedit aecclesiae Vallis Lucentis in elemosinam quandam particulam terre que apud vineam Godefredi. Huius rei testes sunt: Arardus, presbiter, Girardus de Noiant, de cuius feodo terra illa erat; qui Girardus hoc etiam laudavit. Hoc laudavit etiam uxor eius, Elizabet, teste: Rainaudo, presbitero de Fonte Macon; Waremberto de Font Macon; Girardo de Postangi; Frehero de Sancto Albino; Fulchero de Provino; Petro dea Mazues. Hanc rem manucepit Arardus de Noiant, ut contra omnem calumpniam illam ecclesie Vallis Lucentis acquitaret. a. de]de de A. 405 [1127 - 1163]225 No location. Regina, daughter of Freherus[-de-Saint-Aubin], gave to Vauluisant a certain meadow which lies among the meadows of Bernières, with her two brothers, Geoffroy and Geoffroy, confirming. Roger and Pierre de Saint-Aubin carried the warranty (manuceperunt). A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 105r Script A. B. Original lost. Related Charters: 390, 398. Regina filia Freheri dedit particulam prati inter prata Bernerii Sciendum est quod Regina, filia Freheri, dedit ecclesie Vallis Lucentis pratum quoddam quod iacet inter prata Bernerii, laudantibus hoc duobus fratribus suis, Gaufrido et Gaufrido, teste: Rainaudo, presbitero de Capella; Rogerio de Sancto Albino; Guillelmo, sororio eius; Petro de Sancto Albino et Andrea de Coreclaim. Quod etiam Rogerus et Petrus de Sancto Albino manuceperunt ut illud eidem ecclesie Vallis Lucentis semper adquitarent. 406 [1159 - 1163]226 Traînel, in the house of Dominus Garnier de Traînel. Hugues, archbishop of Sens, and Henri, bishop of Troyes, indicate that Garnier, son of Salo de Mitel, conceded in alms to Pierre, abbot, and the brothers of Vauluisant whatever he had, in plains and woods, in meadows and waters, in the territoy of Bernières. He also conceded whatever rights he had in the same territory. Salo, the father of Garnier, Guilla, his mother, his brothers, Salo, Robert and Pierre, confirmed 2241148, death of Milo de Nogent. 1163, mentioned in Alexander III's confirmation, NC1. mentioned in Alexander III's confirmation, NC1. 2261159, earliest date for Pierre's abbacy; 1163, last date of Script A charters. 2251163, 414 this gift made to the abbot and church of Vauluisant. Domnus Hugues du Mériot, the brother of Domna Guilla, Garnier's mother, also confirmed this gift. Garnier swore in the hand of Dominus Garnier de Traînel that he would carry the warranty for this gift in all courts (curie). The sisters of Garnier, Comtesse and Adewisa, confirmed this gift. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 105r-v Script A. B. Original lost. De Garnerio filio Salonis Ego, H[ugo], Senonensis archiepiscopus, et ego, Henricus Trecensis episcopus, existentium memoriae et futurorum posteritati notum fieri volumus quod Garnerius, filius Salonis de Mitel, concessit in elemosinam Petro, abbati Vallis Lucentis, et fratribus in ibi Deo servientibus quicquid habebat in territorio Berneriarum, in plano et in bosco, in pratis et in aquis. Concessit etiam quicquid iuris habebat in eodem territorio. Hoc donum abbati et aecclesiae Vallis Lucentis factum laudaverunt Salo, pater eiusdem Garnerii, et Guilla, mater eius, fratres quoque eius Salo, {105va}Robertus, Petrus. Domnus etiam Hugo de Mareio laudavit, Frater Domne Guille, matris eiusdem Garnerii. Factum est hoc totum apud Triagnium in domo Domini Garnerii de Triagnio, in cuius manu predictus Garnerius fide firmavit super hoc dono quod fecit se in omnibus curiis guarantisiam portaturum. Omnium predictorum testes sunt qui interfuerunt: Domnus Ansellus de Triagnio; Domnus Garnerius, frater eius; Dominus Otrannus; Gominus Gauterius de Boeio, cantor Trecensis ecclesie; Iterus de Malonido; Ansellus, filius Henrici del Duniun; Guido filius Anselli Gasteblez; Richerus Apostolicus; Milo, prepositus de Pontibus et Benedictus; Petrus Crassus. Hoc etiam donum laudaverunt sorores eiusdem Garnerii, Cometissa et Adewisa. Huius laudationis testes fuerunt: Hulduvinus Serels, presbiter de Chalete; Garnerius, villicus; Buchardus, prior de Lasalcete; Bernerius de Lasalcete et Guiardus li merciers; Everardus de Mortemer; Ricardus, decanus Provini; Bartholomeus, camerarius archiepiscopi. Et ut ratum et inconcussum omni tempore haberetur, rogatu eiusdem Garnerii sigillorum nostrorum attestatione firmavimus. 407 1164 (o. st.). Traînel. Harduin and Marie, his sister, and Roger Morellus, the husband of Marie, conceded in alms, for their souls and the souls of their parents, to Pierre, abbot, and the monks of Vauluisant whatever rights that they had in meadows and lands in the confines (in finibus) of Bernières. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 105v Script B.7. B. Original lost. {Script B.7}Harduinus et Rogerus quitant terras Berneriarum In nomine sancte et individue Trinitatis. Ego Hugo, Senonensis archiepiscopus, volo et presentes et futuros rei geste in meo tempore certam habere noticiam, quia, scilicet, Arduinus et Maria, soror eius, et Rogerus Morellus, maritus eiusdem Marie, conscesserunt Petro, abbati Vallis Lucentis et monachis ibidem Deo servientibus in elemosina, pro animabus suis et parentum suorum, quicquid iuris habebant in finibus Berneriarum, tam in pratis quam in terris. Quod ut ratum in temeratumque permaneat, sigilli mei attestatione firmari precepi. Hoc autem factum est apud Triagnum, in presentia Domini Garnerii anno ab incar-{105vb}-natione Domini Mo Co LXo IIIIo, 415 plurimis assistentibus, ex quibus hii sunt qui infra subscribuntur in testimonum: Galterus, capellanus de Triagno; Ilbertus, canonicus; Garnerius de Plaerre; Hugo, filius eius; Arnulfus de Plaerre; Hugo de Meri; Raaldus; Stephanus de Villa Nova; Alelmus de Villa Nova; Milo, filius eius; Arnulfus; Petrus Crassus; Garnerius de Suleni. 408 1164 (o. st.). Provins. Henri, count palatine of Troyes, notes that the contention that was held between the church of Vauluisant and Girard de Nogent was ended in his presence in this fashion: Girard conceded all those lands, free and discharged, which the same church had arrogated from his men, namely: the land which Renaud, his prepositus, had given in alms to the same church, and [the lands] which Geoffroy de Fontaine-Mâcon, his prepositus, and which Sirellus and Garin Guinemandus, brothers, also the land of Garin pelart and Thibaut Carrio and Houdoin, his stepson (filiaster) [gave in alms to the church of Vauluisant]. He ended and quit his claim to the complaint (querela) which he had made against the same church concerning the land of Garin Maufiliastre (bad stepson). Further, he confirmed and conceded whatever the aforesaid church held from his fiefs, namely the fief of Jean de Blivia at Courgenay, the fief of Guillaume Challo at Pouy, and also a certain meadow and land where marl is extracted at Chapelle[-Godefroy] which Godefroy de Chapelle held from him in fief and whatever of his fiefs the aforesaid church had acquired, wherever and whatever, from the lands of his men. Further, concerning the pasturing of animals, it is stated that the brothers freely accept the pastures of Dominus Girard in Bernières and at Nogent and elsewhere wherever his justice is. Similarly, the men of Nogent accept the pastures of Bernières, except meadows and crops. He also conceded to Vauluisant a road from Bernières to Fontaine-Mâcon. His wife, Elisabeth, and son, Milo, confirmed and approved all these things. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fos. 105v - 106r Script B.7 (slightly lighter ink than 407). B. Original lost. a. Benton, 64h. After A. Ind: Roserot II:1036. Related Charters: 154, 395-6. Girardi de Nongento. Compositio de terris Bernerum Approbate consuetudinis est et equitatis officio convenit ea que inter ecclesiasticas secularesve personas sollempniter et concorditer acta sunt, ne processu temporum in oblivionem deveniant aut alicuius infringantur calumpnia fidei committere litterarum. Eapropter Ego, Henricus, Trecensium palatinus comes, universis presentibus et futuris notum facio contentionem que inter ecclesiam Vallislucentis eta Girardum de Nogento versabatur, in presentia mea Pruvini, terminatam esse hoc modo: siquidem predictus Girardus Petro, abbati, et ecclesie Vallislucentis solutas et quietas concessit omnes terras illas quas ab hominibus eius eadem ecclesia comparaverat, terram, scilicet, quandam quam Reinaldus, prepositus eius, eidem aecclesiae in elemosinam dederat; et Gaufridusb de Fontemacon, prepositus eius, et Sirellus et Guarinus Guinemandus, fratres; terram etiam Garini Pelart et Teobaldi Carrion et Hulduini, filiastri sui. Querelam etiam illam quam adversus eandem ecclesiam habebat de terra Garini Maufillastre penitus omisit et clamavit quietam. Porro quicquid de casamentis suis predicta tenebat ecclesia, casamentum, scilicet, Iohannis de Blivia apud Curgenetum; casamentum Guilelmi Challoc apud Poseium; pratum etiam quoddam et terram unde extrahitur marla apud 416 Capellam, quam de casamento suo tenebat Godefridus de Capella; quecumque etiam casamenta sua et ubicumque et quascumque terris hominum suorum ubiubi predicta aecclesia {106ra}acquisierat, eidem aecclesiae laudavit et concessit. Necnon et de pascuis coram me statutum fuit quod fratres Berneriarum pascua Domini Girardi libere acciperent, et apud Bogentum, et alibi ubicumque sua esset iusticia. Et homines de Nogento similiter acciperent pascua Berenariarum, exceptis pratis et segetibus. Concessit etiam eidem aecclesiae viam que tendit a Berneriis usque ad Fontem Macon. Hec omnia approbaverunt et laudaverunt Elisabeth, uxor ipsius Girardi, et Milo, filius eius. Quod audierunt Garinus de Sancto Albino, tunc temporis decanus; Eirardus, capellanus Nogenti; Reinaldus de Signoforti; Gaufridus, tunc Nogenti prepositus. Ut hec autem omnia memoriter teneantur et in statu suo rata perseverent, litteris commendata sigilli mei impressione confirmare etd communire curavi. Cuius rei testes sunt: Ansellus de Triangulo, buticularius; Haicuis de Planciaco; Guillelmus, scriba; Theobaldus de Finus; Laurentius, clericus comitisse; Petrus Bursaldus; Drogo de Pruvino; Petrus, frater eius; Nevelo de Cathalauno; Girardus Eventatus; Guillelmus, marescallus; Iosbertus de Pruvino. Actum est hoc anno incarnati Verbi Mo Co LXo IIIIo. Traditum per manum Guillelmi, cancellarii. a. Vallislucentis et]Vallislucentis solutas et ex corr. A. c. Guilelmi Challo]Guilelmi de Challo add. a. b. Gaufridus]Gaurinus a. d. et om. a. 409 1183 (o. st.). No location. Marie, countess of Troyes, makes known that the dispute (querele) that had arisen between the church of Vauluisant and Dominus Milo de Nogent was finished in her presence in the following manner: Milo and Jean, his brother, not yet having children, conceded and confirmed to the church of Vauluisant, free and discharged, whatever the church had that was held in fief from them and the holdings (tenetura) of all their men, which the same church of Vauluisant had acquired by gift or purchase in the territories of Bernières and Nogent and in all other places. They also conceded the land of Dominus Aitor at Pouy which the same church held. They conceded the right of usage in the woods of Saint-Denis and rights of easement everywhere in their power. They also conceded to the monks their grange of Bernières [granted] freely and peacefully with Brullius (a serf/conversus?), certain of his holdings, and a road which runs from the marl pit of Bernières to Fontaine-Mâcon and to the edge of their land. They approved and confirmed the road from the gate of deceased Dielus as well as all previous charters on Bernières. The river called La Grande-Seine, they conceded freely and peacefully to the monks from one end of Bernières to the other without participation or use of any other persons. Similarly, they conceded the woods of Bernières, which, if they want, they can assart and make meadows. Elisabeth, their mother, and Heloise, Milo's wife, confirmed and conceded all these points. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 106r Script C. B. Original lost. a. Benton, 83d. Ind: D'Arbois de Jubainville, Histoire, v. 3, no. 331; Roserot II:1033, 1036, 1039. Related Charters: 149, 173, 377, 394-5. 417 Milonis de Nongento et Iohannis fratris eius quitantium quicquid de casamento eorum vel hominum eorum adquisierat ecclesia Vallis Lucentis In nomine sanctae et individue Trinitatis. Ego, Maria Trecensis comitissa, notum facio universis Christianis presentibus et futuris quod querele que exorte erant inter ecclesiam Vallis Lucentis et Dominum Milonem de Nongento, in presentia mea, Deo volente, finite sunt. Siquidem predictus Milo et Iohannes, frater eius, nondum liberos habentes solutum et quietum concesserunt et laudaverunt ecclesie Vallis Lucentis quicquid de eorum casamento et tenetura omnium hominum suorum eadem ecclesia, dono vel emptione, adquisierat in territorio Berneriarum et Nongenti et {106rb}in omni alio loco . . . [in pas]cuis, in aquis, in nemoribus ad faciendam quodcumque predicta ecclesia voluerit. Concesserunt quoque terram Domini Aitora apud Poseium ecclesie Vallis Lucentis, quam tenet eadem ecclesia; usuarium etiam in nemore Sancte Dionisii et haisantias suas in omni potestate sua; grangiam quoque Berneriarum liberam et quietam cum Brullio et ceteris teneturis suis; et viam que tendit a marleria Bernerarum usque ad Fontem Macon et usque ad finem terre eorum; viam etiam que tendit ad portum defuncti Dielis. Et tenorem omnium cartarum de Berneriis ratum et firmum approbarunt et laudarunt. Ripam quoque Magne Sequane liberam et quietam concesserunt ecclesie Vallis Lucentis, a principio teritorii Berneriarum usque ad finem, et omnes aquas Berneriarum liberas et quietas, sine calumpnia, et absque participatione et usuariob omnium hominum. Similiter, concesserunt ecclesie Vallis Lucentis omnia nemora Berneriarum libera et quieta, sine usuario et participatione aliorumc quorumlibet hominum.d Quae nemora Berneriarum fratres Vallis Lucentis, si voluerint, sartabunt et prateabunt. Agros quoque Berneriarum, et pascua et prata, si voluerint, arabunt vel prateabunt. Hec omnia laudavit et concessit Helisabeht, mater prescriptorum militum, cum Eluissa, uxore Milonis, Iohannis vero nondum uxorem duxerat. Hec omnia audierunt Adam, capellanus Nongenti; Garinus, prepositus; Aerardus, frater eius; Ioslanus. Et ut hoc scriptum ratum omni tempore habeatur, sigillo meo muniri precepi.e Huius rei testes sunt: Henricus filius meus, comes Trecarum, defensor et manutentor presentis cartae; Guido de Mallano, frater Wlelmus, elemosinarius; Girardus Eventatus et frater eius, Gaufridus; Milo de Ternantis; Artaudus. Actum est hoc anno incarnati Verbi Mo Co LXXXo IIIo. a. Aitor]Artor a. d. hominum]homium a. b. usuario]usuarium a. e. Et ut . . . precepi om. a. c. aliorum]alorum a. 410 1172 (o. st.). No location. Guillaume [de Champagne], the archbishop of Sens and papal legate, records that Roger, abbot of Cormery, and the entire convent of that monastery, gave to the church of Vauluisant whatever their obedience of Pont[-sur-Seine] possessed in the lands of Bernières, namely, lands under cultivation or fallow, meadows, pastures, waters, cens, mill area or whatever. They conceded this to be possessed perpetually, under this condition: that the brothers of Vauluisant shall pay 10 s. cens to the aforesaid obedience, and that the obedience be released of another 4 s. cens which it was accustomed to pay the brothers of Vauluisant. The monks of Cormery accepted from the brothers of Vauluisant 115 l. for this concession. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 106v Script C. B. Original lost. Ind: Roserot I:162, II:1170. Related Charters: 93, 397, 413. 418 {106va}[Rogerio Cormar]iacensis abbas vendit terras et prioratus Pontium Willelmus, Dei gratia Senonensis archiepiscopus et apostolicae sedis legatus, omnibus ad quos littere iste pervenerint in Domino salutem. Noverit universitas vestra quod Rogerius, Cormariacensis abbas, totusque eiusdem monasterii conventus dederunt ecclesie de Valle Lucente quicquid obedientia illorum de Pontibus habebat in territorio Berneriarum, terris, scilicet, cultis et incultis, pratis, pascuis, aquis, censu, area molendini seu quibuslibet. Perpetualiter possidendum concesserunt, ea videlicet conditione: quod fratres Vallis Lucentis X solidos census prefate obedientie annuatim persolvant, dimissis insuper IIII solidos census quos obedientia de Pontibus nominatis fratribus per annum reddere solebat. Acceperunt Cormariacenses monachi a fratribus de Valle Lucente pro hac concessione C et XV libras. Ut ergo hec donatio rata et inconcussa in posterum permaneat, presentem paginam in testimonium scribi precepimus et sigilli nostri auctoritate roborari. Actum anno ab incarnatione Domini Mo Co LXXIIo, astantibus nobis Hildeguino Thesaurario; Magistro Petro et Magistro Roberto lumber; Radulfo et Rodberto, capellanis; Gilone, canonico Carnotensi; Rogerio, notario; et aliis pluribus. 411 1177 (o. st). No location. Anselm de Traînel makes known that Daimbert-le-Chien and Girard, his brother, abandoned the complaint (querela) that they had made against the house of Vauluisant over a piece of land at Livanne. The same Daimbert-le-Chien, Girard, his brother, Havuydis, the wife of Daimbert, Seguin, his son, and Nazaria and Agatha, his daughters confirmed this. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 106v Script C. B. Original, AD Yonne, H 710. 9.0 x 17.1 cm. Ind: Lalore, Traînel, no. 102. Related Charter: 386. Daimberti Canis et Girardi fratris eius quitant terram Ego Ansellus de Triagnio notum facio universis presentibus et futuris quod Daimbertusa Canis et Girardus,b frater eius, querelam quandam quam habebant erga domum Vallis Lucentis de terra, videlicet, una que erat apud Luveniam dimiseruntc ecclesie Vallis Lucentis in pace. Hoc laudavit ipse Daimbertusd Canis et Girardus, frater eius, Havuydis,e uxor Daimberti,f Seguinus, filius eius, Nazaria et Agatha, filie eius. Huius rei testes sunt: Iterius de Malni; Hugo, prepositus de Villa Nova; Gurricusg de Corgeneio; Ebrardus de Lalleio; Radulfus, maior de Fusseio; petrus, filius eius; Milo, prepositus de Villa Nova. Quod ut ratum et inconcussum {106vb}omni tempore habeatur, sigillo meo signatum est, anno ab incarnatione Domini Mo Co LXXo VII. a. Daimbertus]Daymbertus B. Daimbertus]Daymbertus B. Gurricus]Guerricus B. b. Girardus]Gyrardus B. c. dimiserunt]dimise A. d. e. Havuydis]Hauvuydis B. f. Daimberti]Daymberti B. g. 412 [1176 - 1185]227 No location. Guy, the archbishop of Sens, makes to be known that, for the redemption of their souls, Fromundus, the brother of Ochin, Thibaut, son of Fromund, and Robert, Ochin's son, quit 2271176, beginning of Guy's archiepiscopacy; 1185, last date of Script C Charters. 419 to the church of Vauluisant all complaints (querelae) that they had made over fields or meadows in Bernières. Eudes, the priest of Nailly, testified that Colunba, the daughter of Fromundus confirmed and quit to the church of Vauluisant, for the name of Christ, whatever his father had confirmed. Thibaut, deacon of Troyes, also testified that Emengard, the wife of Ochin, and her sons, Fromundus and Nigel, and also her daughters, Archenburgis and Marie, conceded whatever complaint they had over the lands or meadows of Bernières. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 106v Script C. B. Original lost. Fromundi fratris Ochini quitantis querelas Ego Guido, Dei gratia Senonensis archiepiscopus, notum fieri volo presentibus et futuris quod Fromundus, frater Ochini, et Teobaldus, filius eius, Robertusque, filius predicti Ochini, omnes querelas quas habebat in territorio Berneriarum, sive in agris sive in pratis, pro redemptione animarum suarum, ecclesie Vallis Lucentis quitaverunt. Huius rei testes sunt: Domnus Stephanus, abbas Sancti Remigii Senonensis; Gaufridus, precentor; Simon, archidiaconus; Magister Adam de Castronatonis. In presentia etiam mea, Odo, sacerdos Nailleiaci, testificatus est quod Colunba, filia predicti Fromundi, laudavit et quitavit ecclesie Vallis Lucentis, pro Christi nomine, quicquid pater eius laudaverat. Hoc audierunt et testes sunt: Adam et Iohannis, laterifices; Godefridus; Robertus, frater Emeline; Petrus. In presentia quoque mea Teobaldus, decanus Triagnii, testificatus est quod Emengardis, uxor prefati Ochini, et filii eius, Fromundus et Nigellus, filie quoque eius, Archenburgis et Maria, quicquid querele habebant, in terris vel in pratis Berneriarum, pro peccatis suis ecclesie Vallis Lucentis quietum et liberum concesserunt. Huius quitationis testes sunt: Iordanus, capellanus triagnii; Gaufridus de Fonte Machum; Ramaudus de Capella. Et ut hoc ratum inconculsumque omni tempore permaneat attestatione sigilli mei muniri precepi. 413 1172 (o. st.). Cormery, in the chapter house. Roger, abbot of Cormery, and the entire convent of that monastery, (nos) gave to the church of Vauluisant whatever their obedience of Pont[-sur-Seine] possessed in the lands of Bernières, namely, lands under cultivation or fallow, meadows, pastures, waters, cens, mill area or whatever. They conceded this to be possessed perpetually, under this condition: that the brothers of Vauluisant shall pay 10 s. cens to the aforesaid obedience, and that the obedience be released of another 4 s. cens which it was accustomed to pay the brothers of Vauluisant. The brothers of Vauluisant gave the abbot and convent of Cormery 115 l. for this concession, which the latter applied to the freeing (liberationem from debt?) of their church. This concession was made with the counsel and testimony of the most holy men, Guillaume, archbishop of Sens and Mathé, bishop of Troyes, who both confirmed it. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fos. 106v - 107r Script C. B. Original lost. Related Charters: 93, 397, 410. Venditio terre prioratus Pontium Quoniam vario temporum discursu sibi invicem succedunt hominum nationes, et dum generationi succedit generatio, infinita rerum preteritarum preterit recordatio, cum rei sibi 420 commendatae fidele perhibeat testimonium, pro fidei conservatione decreverunt maiores nostri actus dignos memoria litterarum apicibus commendare. Cum igitur eorum super hoc imitanda sint exempla presenti cartule inscribere dignum duximus quam ego, Rogerius, per Dei gratiam {107ra}Cormaricensis ecclesie humilis minister, totusque eiusdem monasterii conventus, dedimus ecclesiae de Valle Lucenti quicquid obedientia nostra de Pontibus habebat in territorio Berneriarum, terris scilicet cultis, pratis, pascuis et incultis, aquis, censu, area molendini sue quibuslibet. Perpetualiter possidendum concessimus, ea videlicet conditione: quod fratres prefate ecclesie X solidos census prescripte obedientie annuatim persolvant, dimissis insuper quatuor solidis census quos domus nostra de Pontibus eisdem per annum reddere solebat. Pro hac autem concessione, dederunt nobis, abbas et conventus prefate ecclesie, C et XV libras denariorum, quos ad predicte domus nostre liberationem ex integro apposuimus. Hec autem concessio facta est, consilio et testimonio sanctissimorum virorum Willelmi, Senonensis archiepiscopi, et Mathei, Trecensis episcopi, qui hoc pariter laudaverunt, et sigilli nostri munimine in capitulo nostro confirmata. Quisquis autem hanc violare presumpserit, cum Dathan et Abiron pereat quos vivos terra absorbuit.a Huius rei testes fuerunt: Ego, abbas Rotgerius; Alanus, prior et sacrista; Petrus, prior de Talsiniaco; Petrus, prior de Lupannio; Hubertus, prior de Aziaco; Radulfus, prior de Pontibus; Gosfredus, hospitalarius; Ricardus, cellerarius; Aimericus, cantor; Radulfus Diabolus; Rotbertus Vogrinus, Radulfus Sarracenus; Gosfredus de Berri; Aimericus de Sancto Iovino; Iohannes de Poligne; Petrus Pestos; Iohannes Normant; Iohannes Girart; Turpinus; Gosfredus de Sancto Iovino; Guillelmus Bener; Guillelmus Carnotensis; Matheus de Villana; Salomon; omnisque conventus. De parte fratrum Vallis Lucentis: Frater Nigellus, monachus Vallis Lucentis, qui in capitulo nostro predicte donationi et concessioni nostrae interfuit; de famulis: Rainaudus Bener; Aimericus de Rupibus. Actum est anno Mo Co LXXo IIo ab incarnatione Domini, Ludovico rege Francorum; Henrico autem rege Anglorum et duce Normannorum et Aquitanorum, et comite Andegavorum et Britannorum. a. Most likely a reference to Deuteronomy 11:6, "et Dathan atque Abiram filiis Heliab qui fuit filius Ruben quos aperto ore suo terra absorbuit cum domibus et tabernaculis et universa substantia eorum quam habebant in medio Israhelis." Although the original incident is recounted in Numbers 16, the verb absorbo is only used in the Vulgate in connection with Dathan and Abiram in Deuteronomy. 414 1164 (o. st.). No location. Henry, bishop of Troyes, the contention which was held between the church of Vauluisant and Girard de Nogent was ended in the presence of Henri, count palatine of Troyes, and Provins, in this fashion: Girard conceded all those lands, free and discharged, which the same church had arrogated from his men, namely: the land which Renaud, his prepositus, had given in alms to the same church, and [the lands] which Geoffroy de Fontaine-Mâcon, his prepositus, and which Sirellus and Garin Guinemandus, brothers, also the land of Garin pelart and Thibaut Carrio and Houdoin, his stepson (filiaster) [gave in alms to the church of Vauluisant]. He ended and quit his claim to the complaint (querela) which he had against the same church concerning the land of Garin Maufiliastre (bad stepson). Further, he confirmed and conceded whatever the aforesaid church held from his fiefs, namely the fief of Jean de Blivia at Courgenay, the fief of Guillaume Challo at Pouy, and also a certain meadow and land where marl is extracted at Chapelle[-Godefroy] which Godefroy de Chapelle held from him in fief and whatever of his fiefs the aforesaid church had acquired, wherever and whatever, from the lands of 421 his men. Further, concerning the pasturing of animals, it is stated that the brothers freely accept the pastures of Dominus Girard in Bernières and at Nogent and elsewhere wherever his justice is. Similarly, the men of Nogent accept the pastures of Bernières, except meadows and crops. He also conceded to Vauluisant a road from Bernières to Fontaine-Mâcon. His wife, Elisabeth, and son, Milo, confirmed and approved all these things. A. Vauluisant Cartulary, fo. 107r-v Script C. B. Original lost. a. D'Arbois de Jubainville, Histoire, v. 3, p. 348, no. 125; Trésor, p. 288-90.228 Girardus de Nongento terras quitat qui fuerunt hominum suorum {107rb}Ego Henricus, [episcopusa Trecen]sis presentibus et posteris notum [facio quod] contentionem que inter ecclesiam Vallis Lucentis et Girardum de Nongento versabatur, in presentia principis nostri, Henrici, illustris Trecensium comitis palatini, Pruvini terminata esse hoc modo: siquidem predictus Girardus Petro, abbati, et ecclesie Vallis Lucentis solutas et quietas concessit omnes terras illas quas ab hominibus eius eadem ecclesia comparaverat, terram, scilicet, quandam quam Remaldus, prepositus eius, eidem ecclesie in elemosinam dederat; et Gaufridus de Fonte Mancon, prepositus eius; et Sirellus et Garinus Guinemandus, fratres; terram etiam Garini Pelart et Teobaldi Carrion et Huduini, filiastri sui. Querelam etiam illam quam adversus eandem ecclesiam habebat de terra Garini Maufillastre, penitus omisit et clamavit quietam. Porro quicquid de casamentis suis predicta tenebat ecclesia, casamentum, scilicet, Iohannis de Blivia apud Curgenetum, casamentum Guillelmi Challo apud Poesium, pratum etiam quoddam et terram unde extrahitur marla apud Capellam, quam de casamento suo tenebat Godefridus de Capella,b quecumque etiam casamenta sua et ubicumque et quascumque terras hominum suorum ubiubi predicta ecclesia acquisierat, eidem ecclesie laudavit et concessit. Necnon et de pascuis utrobique statutum fuit quod fratres Berneriarum pasua Domini Girardi libere acciperent, et apud Nogentum, et alibi ubicumque sua esset iusticia. Et homines de Nogento similiter acciperent pascua Berneriarum, exceptis pratis et segetibus. Concessit etiam eidem ecclesie viam que tendit a Berneriis usque ad Fontem Mancon. Hec autem omnia approbaverunt et laudaverunt Elisabeth, uxor ipsius Girardi, et Milo, filius eius. Quod audierunt Garinus de Sancto Albino, tunc temporis decanus; Girardus, capellanus Nogenti; Reinaldus de Signo Forti; Gaufridus, tunc Nogenti prepositus. Quem autem hec omnia sicut scripta sunt cognitioni nostre relata et in presentia nostra recogni-{107va}[tum est] . . .te prefati pn. . . de hoc ipso negotio sigillo eius communitate ad maiorem ecclesie predicte protectionem. Nos quoque presens negocium nostris apicibus annotari et sigillo nostro communiri, rogatu ipsius girardi, curavimus sub legitimarum personarum testimonio quorum supposita sunt nomina: Manasses de Villa Mauro; Guerricus Falco et Magister Girardus, ecclesie nostre archidiaconi; Frater Otto, capellanus noster; Stephanus Lupus et Magister Willelmus, cancellarius Comitis Henrici, concanonici ecclesie nostre; Magister Bernardus et Petrus li Bugres, clerici et commensales nostri. Actum est hoc anno incarnati Verbi Mo Co LXo IIIIo a. the reference to ecclesie nostre at the end of the text associates this document with the bishop of Troyes. b. Capella]Cacapella A. 228I have been unable to locate this text. 422 415 [ca. 1176229] No location. An ecclesiastic notes that Harduin, abbot of Larrivour and his entire chapter have released to Pierre, abbot, and all the brothers of Vauluisant, their house of Chevroy with all its appendages, as well as the house and whatever else they had in Sens from Anchery le Boucher or anyone else. If, however, they have other rights, or other property pertaining to the same house, they conceded and unanimously confirmed them to Vauluisant to be held in perpetuity. This transaction is under the following condition: that the woods which are called Servins and certain censualia pertaining to the aforesaid house be released to Vauluisant for the same price by which Larrivour acquired them, that is, 650 marks of fine silver in the weight of Troyes. A. Vauluisant Cartulary Fragment, Paris, Archives Nationales, AB XIX, 1734, recto. B. Original lost. {ra}. . . <N>overint omnibus ad quos littere iste pervenerint, in Domino salutem. Quod rerum gestarum memoriam dampniosa erat et confundit oblivio litterum comm. . . dignevimus quod dilectus frater noster, Hardevuynus, abbas de Ripatorio, totumque eiusdem domus capitulum, Petro, venerabili abbati Vallis Lucentis, et omnibus eiusdem domus fratribus universisque eorum successoribus dimiserunt domum suam de Chevereio cum omnibus appendiciis eiusdem domum, terris, videlicet, et pratis, et nemoribus, et pascuis; domum quoque, et quicquid Anscheria carnificis vel aliunde Senonis habebant. Si qua sunt etiam alia iuris sui suique proprietatis ad eandem domum pertinentia, eis quiete et pacifice perpetuo possidenda concesserunt et unanimiter laudaverunt, ea quidem conditione: quod nemus quod vulgo dicitur cervins ceteraque censualia ad predictam domum pertinentia sub eodem precio quo illi de Ripatorio ea acquisierunt eis dimiserunt pro omnibus sescentas quinquaginta marcas fini argenti ad pondus Trecensis recipientes. Ne ergo processu temporum aut pravorum perversitate huius venditionis pactio impediri possit vel turbri eam presentis scripti attestatione et sigilli nostri auctoritate confirmavimus, statuentes et sub anathemate inhibentes ne quis hinc nostre confirmationis pagine in aliquo obviare presumat. Conservantibus autem pax perpetua et requies sempiterna. Amen. a. Anscheri]Ancheri ex corr. A. 416 1176 (o. st.). Foissy, in the chapel of the priest of the nuns. Troyes, in Count Henry's house. Harduin, abbot of Larrivour and his entire chapter write to Pierre, abbot, and all the brothers of Vauluisant, that they have conceded and unanimously confirmed their house of Chevroy, which was remote from them and closer to the house of Vauluisant, with all its appendagest, as well as the house and whatever else they had in Sens from Anchery le Boucher or anyone else. If, however, they have other rights, or other property pertaining to the same house, they conceded and unanimously confirmed them to Vauluisant to be held in perpetuity. This transaction is under the following condition: that the woods which are called Servins and certain censualia pertaining to the aforesaid house be released to Vauluisant for the same price by which Larrivour acquired them, that is, 650 marks of fine silver in the weight of Troyes. 2291176, date of other charters pertaining to the sale of the grange. 423 A. Vauluisant Cartulary Fragment, Paris, Archives Nationales, AB XIX, 1734, recto. B. Original lost. Harduinii, abbati de Ripatorio, et tocius conventus de vendicitione Chevroi... Ego Arduinus, dictus abbas de Ripatorio, totumque nostrum capitulum Petro, dilecto et venerabili abbati de Valle Lucenti, et omnibus eiusdem domus fratribus universisque eorum successoribus in perpetuum. Quoniam vario temporum discursu sibi invicem hominum succedunt nationes, infinita rerum preteritarum [pret]erit recordatio. Cum vero littera rei sibi commendate fidele perhibeat . . . {rb}quapropter eorum imitanda sint presenti cartulae inscribere dignum duximus quod nos [dimissimus] domum nostram de Chevreio, que a nobis remota erata et domui vestre viciniorum cum omnibus appenditiis suis, terris, videlicet, pratis, nemoribus, pascuis; domum quoque et quicquid ex dono Anscheri carnificis vel aliunde Senonis habebamus. Si qua sunt etiam alia nostri iuris nostreque proprietatis ad eandem pertinentia vobis quiete pacifice perpetuo possidenda concedimus et unanimiter laudamus, ea siquidem condicione: quod nemus quod vulgo Cervins dicitur ceteraque censualia ad predictam domum pertinentia sub eodem precio quo ea adquisivimus vobis dimittimus pro omnibus sescentas marcas et .L. fini argenti ad pondus Trecensis recipientes. Ne autem processu temporum aut pravorum perversitate huius nostre venditionis pactio impediri vel turbari valeat, presenti scripto eam munire et univeristatis nostre sigillo roborare curavimus. Huius rei testes sunt: Matheus, Trecensis episcopus; Henricus, Trecensis comes palatinus; Alanus, eiusdem domus olim abbas, postmodum Autisiodorensis episcopus;230 Johannes quoque prior et Jacobus cellararius; Girardus, abbas Cellensis; Guiterius, abbas Sancti Lupi; Vitalis, abbas Sancti Martini; Magister Girardus, Trecensis archidiaconis; Domnus Gaucherius et frater Johannes de Possessa, monachi Clarevallenses; Ansellus et Garnerius, frater eius, de Triagnello; Ertaudus, camerarius Henrici comitis. Actum est hoc primo in presentia Domini Mathei, Trecensis episcopi, apud Fosseium in capella sacerdotum sanctimonialium eiusdem loci. Postea vero in presentia Henrici, illustris comitis Trecensium, et in domo sua Trecis, anno ab incarnatione Domini Mo. Co. LXXo. VIo. 417 [ca. 1176231] No location. Guillaume[-aux-Blanches-Mains], archbishop of Sens, legate of the Apostolic See, makes known that Harduin, abbot, and the entiry chapter of Larrivour, released to Pierre, abbot and the brothers of Vauluisant, their house of Chevroy, with all its appendages, as well as the house and whatever else they had in Sens from Anchery le Boucher or anyone else. If, however, they have other rights, or other property pertaining to the same house, they conceded and unanimously confirmed them to Vauluisant to be held in perpetuity. This transaction is under the following condition: that the woods which are called Servins and certain censualia pertaining to the aforesaid house be released to Vauluisant for the same price by which Larrivour acquired them, that is, 650 marks of fine silver in the weight of Troyes. 230 Alain, bishop of Auxerre, had resigned his see in 1167 and retired to Clairvaux. See Constance Brittain Bouchard, Spirituality and Administration: The Role of the Bishop in Twelfth-Century Auxerre, Cambridge, Mass., 1979, pp. 71-72. 2311176, date of other charters pertaining to the sale of the grange, Guillaume transfers to Reims in August, Gams. 424 A. Vauluisant Cartulary Fragment, Paris, Archives Nationales, AB XIX, 1734, recto-verso. B. Original lost. Guillelmi Archipiscopi Senonensis test. de Chevreio Guillelmus, Dei gratia Senonensis archiepiscopus, apostolice sedis legatus, omnibus ad quos littere iste pervenerint in Domino salutem. Quoniam rerum gestarum memoriam dampno[sia erat et confundit oblivio litterum comm. . . dignevimus. . . quod dilectus filius noster, Hardevuynus, abbas de Ripatorio, totumque eiusdem domus capitulum, Petro, venerabili ab-]{va}-bati Vallis Lucentis, et omnibus eiusdem domus fratribus, universisque eorum succesoribus dimiserunt domum suam de Chevreio cum omnibus appenditiis eiusdem domus, terris, videlicet, et pratis, nemoribus et pascuis; domum quoque et quicquid ex dono Anscheri, carnificis, vel aliunde Senonis habebant. Si qua sunt etiam alia iuris sui sueque proprietatis, ad eandem domum pertinencia eis quiete et pacifice perpetuo possidenda concesserunt et unanimiter laudaverunt. Ea quidem conditione: quod nemus quod vulgo dicitur Cervins, ceteraque censualia ad predictam domum pertinentia sub eodem precio quo illi de Ripatorio ea adquisierunt eis dimiserunt pro omnibus sescentas et quinquaginta marcas fini argenti ad pondus Trecensis recipientes. Ne ergo processu temporum aut pravorum perversitate huius venditionis pactio impediri possit vel turbari, eam presentis scripti attestatione sigilli nostri auctoritate confirmavimus, statuentes et sub anathemate inhibentes ne quis hinc nostre confirmationis pagine in aliquo obviare presumat salva semper in omnibus sedis apostolice auctoritate. Data per manum Alexandri, cancelarii nostri. 418 1176 (o. st.). Troyes. Henri [I], count palatine of Troyes, makes known that Harduin, abbot of Larrivour, and the entire chapter of that house, released to Pierre, abbot of Vauluisant, and to the brothers of that house, and to all their successors, their house of Chevroy, with all the appendages to that house, namely, lands, meadows, woods and pastures, also their house at Sens, and whatever else they there had from the gift of Anchery le Boucher, or from any other source. If, however, they have other rights, or other property pertaining to the same house, they conceded and unanimously confirmed them to Vauluisant to be held in perpetuity. This transaction is under the following condition: that the woods which are called Servins and certain censualia pertaining to the aforesaid house be released to Vauluisant for the same price by which Larrivour acquired them, that is, 650 marks of fine silver in the weight of Troyes. A. Vauluisant Cartulary Fragment, Paris, Archives Nationales, AB XIX, 1734, verso. B. Original, AD Yonne, H 765. 18.0 x 17.1 cm. Seal of Count Henri. a. Quantin II, pp. 288-29, no. 270. After D. b. Benton, 76n.7 Ind: D'Arbois de Jubainville, Histoire, v. 3, p. 371, no. 261. Related Charters: 169, NC8. Henrici Trecensis comitis Ego Henricus, Trecensium comes palatinus, notum facio presentibus et futuris quod Arduinus,a abbas de Ripatorio,b totumque eiusdem domus capitulum, Petro, abbati Vallis Lucentis, et omnibus eiusdem domus fratribus universisque eorum successoribus dimiserunt domum suam de Chevereio cum omnibus appenditiisc eiusdem domus terris, videlicet, pratis, nemoribus et pascuis; domum quoque et quicquid ex dono Anscheri carnificis vel aliunde Senonis habebant. Si qua sunt etiam alia iuris sui sueque 425 proprietatis ad eandem domum pertinentia, eis quiete et pacifice perpetuo possidenda concesserunt et unanimiter laudaverunt. Ea quidem conditione: quod nemus quod vulgo dicitur Cervins ceteraque censualia ad predictam domum pertinentia sub eodem preciod quo illi de Ripatorio ea [acquisierunt eis dimiserunt; pro reliquis omnibus sexcentas et quinquaginta marcas fini argenti ad pondus Trecense recipientes. Ne autem processu temporum aut pravorum perversitate huius]{vb} venditionis pactio [impediri possit vel turbari pre]senti scripto cum sigilli mei impressione eam confirmare curavi. Affuerunt autem huius rei testes: Dominus Ansellus de Triagnello, Garnerius, frater eius, Willelmus, marescallus, Hugo Eventatus, Gaufridus Eventatus, Girardus Eventatus, Ertaudus, camerarius. Actum Trecis, Anno incarnati verbi Mo. Co. LXXo. sexto. Data per manum Stephani cancellarii. Nota Willelmi.e a. Arduinus]Harduinus B. b. Ripatorio]Rippatorio B. d. precio]pretio B. e. Nota Willelmi om. A. c. appenditiis]appendiciis B. 419 1176, [ca. September 14]. Cîteaux, at the Chapter General. Alexander, abbot of Cîteaux, Guillaume, abbot of La Ferté, Henri, abbot of Clairvaux, Henri, abbot of Morimund (no abbot of Pontigny listed), indicate that Harduin, abbot of Larrivour, with the advice of his brothers and the assent of his chapter sold his grange of Chevroy with all its appendages, and whatever they had at Sens from the donation of Anscheri to Pierre, abbot, and the brothers of Vauluisant for 650 marks of fine silver in the weight of Troyes. A. Vauluisant Cartulary Fragment, Paris, Archives Nationales, AB XIX, 1734, verso. B. Original lost. Alexandri Cistertiensis Willelmi Firmitatis Henrici Clarevallis confir. capituli generalis Alexander, Dei gratia abbati Cistertiensis, Willelmus de Firmitate, Henricus Clare Vallis, Henricus Morimundensis, omnibus ad quos littere iste pervenerint, salutem in Domino. Noverit universitas vestra quod Arduinus, abbas de Ripatorio, consilio fratrum suorum et assensu tocius capituli sui, vendidit grangiam unam que dicitur Chevreium cum omnibus appenditiis suis et quicquid ex dono Anscheri Senonis habebant Petro, abbati Vallis Lucentis, et fratribus eiusdem domus pro sescentis et .L. marcis fini argenti ad pondus Trecense. Actum est hoc in generali capitulo Cisterciensi, anno ab incarnatione Domini Mo. Co. LXXo. sexto. Quod ut ratum omni tempore habeatur, sigillorum nostrorum attestatione roboravimus. 420 1178 (o. st.) Sens, the archiepiscopal curia. Guy, archibishop of Sens, wishes to be made known that Pierre de Courlon surrendered to Pierre, abbot, and the brothers of Vauluisant whatever he had in the woods that are called Servins, except for 2 s. cens which he retained for himself in the plains which are outside the woods and under this condition: that he may not sell [the cens] to anyone, except the church of Vauluisant. Moreover, the monks ought annually to pay him 1 modius of wheat in the measure of Sens, which should be neither choice (electius) nor dirty (sordidius), but mediocrely praiseworthy, and 20 s. provinois. For that wheat and 20 s., Moreover, Pierre will be paid on the day after the feast of Saint Remy (i.e., October 426 2) at Chevroy. If the brothers of that place should not wish to pay him or his representative, they may send it to him until the octave of the feast of Saint Remy (October 8) without penalty. In the woods [of Servins], he retained nothing for himself, except the usage rights of woods for only his own fire, or for rebuilding his own houses, so that he may not give or sell these rights to another, except to only one heir of his, the son or daughter whom he should prefer. Moreover, the brothers are permitted to uproot throughout. Indeed, he is not permitted to give in alms or sell to anyone the aforesaid income (modiatione) of wheat and cens of 20 s, except to the church of Vauluisant. His wife, Ermengard, confirmed this. Dominus Seguin de Provins, from whom Pierre held in fief, confirmed this in the hand of the lord archbishop. A. Vauluisant Cartulary Fragment, Paris, Archives Nationales, AB XIX, 1734, verso. B. Original, AD Yonne, H 765. 31.6 x 26.1 cm. Seal of Guy, Archbishop of Sens. Related Charters: 30, MC18. In nemore cervin. Petrus de Corloum quicquid habebat quitat IN NOMINE SANCTE ET INDIVIDUE TRINITATIS.a Ego Guido, Dei gratia Senonensis Archiepiscopus, existentium memorie et futurorum posteritati notum fieri volo quod Petrus de Corloun dimisit Petro, abbati, et fratribus Vallis Lucentis quicquid habebat in nemore quod dicitur Cervins, exceptis duobus solidis census, quos sibi retinuitb in planitiis, que sunt extra nemus et tali conditione: quod nulli vendere poterit, nisi aecclesiae Vallis Lucentis. Monachi autem annuatim debent ei reddere unum modium frumenti ad mensuram Senonis, quod nec electius erit nec sordidius, sed mediocriter laudabile, et viginti solidos Pruvienses. Petrus autem, pro frumento isto mittet et pro viginti solidis, die crastina Sancti Remigii et apud Chevreium ei solvetur. Quod si fratres eiusdem loci ei vel nuntio suo reddere noluerint,c usque ad octavas [Sancti Remigii sine aliqua calumpnia ei mittent. In predicto autem nemore, nichil sibi retinuit, preter usuarium tantum lignorum ad proprium ignem, vel ad proprias domos reficiendas, ita tamen quod nec alteri dare poterit nec vendere, nisi uni tantum heredi suo, filio vel filie cui maluerit. Fratres autem ubique rumpere libere poterint. Predictam vero modiationem frumenti et censum viginti solidos nulli dare poterit in elemosinam vel vendere, nisi aecclesiae Vallis Lucentis. Hoc laudavit uxor eius, Ermengardis. Actum est hoc in curia nostra et in presentia nostra apud Senones, anno ab incarnatione Domini Millesimo Co LXXo Octavo, astantibus Hugone, nepote nostro, thesaurario Altisiodorensi et archidiacono Senonis; Abbate Sancti Petri Vivi, Magistro Petro de Sancto Cloaudo; et Philippo, sacerdote, nepote suo; Magistro Haerico; Magistro Petro, cancellario; Bartholomeo, senescaldo Senonis; Salone de Mallaio; Milone de Ternantis; Milone de Chalamaisun; Hulduino de Basochis; Odone de Sancto Preiecto vel Prierio. Hoc etiam laudavit Dominus Seguinus de Prunio in manu domini archiepiscopi, de cuius feodo predictus Petrus tenebat, Simon quoque, filius eius, et alii filii sui, Simon, Dudo, Milo, Iohannes, Otrannus, Astantibus: Odone, decano; Gaufrido, precentore; Hugone, thesaurario Altisiodorensi; Magistro Aerico; Magistro Adam; Magistro Radulfo; Bartholomeo, senescaldo. Et ut ratum intemeratumque permaneat, sigilli nostri attestatione firmari precepi.] a. IN NOMINE ... TRINITATIS om. A. c. noluerint om. A. b. retinuit]retinuat ex corr. A. 427 APPENDIX E PROBABLE CARTULARY CHARTERS MC1 1161 (o. st.). No location. Clarembaud de Villemaur (ego) conceded and confirmed to Pierre, abbot, and the monks of Vauluisant whatever they held from the patrimony of his father (Eudes de Villemaur) and whatever his father confirmed to them to have by right and freely possess in perpetuity. A. Original, AD Yonne, H 706 10.3 x 21.1 cm. Seal of Henri, bishop of Troyes. B. Vauluisant Cartulary, Cérilly section. (?) Related Charters: 185, 298. Notum sit omnibus fidelibus tam futuris quam presentibus quod ego, Clarenbaldus de Villamauri, concessi et laudavi iure habendum et libere imperpetuum possidendum Petro, abbati Vallis Lucentis et monachi ibi deo servientibus quicquid tenebant de patrimonio patris mei et quicquid pater meus eis laudaverat. Huius rei testes sunt: Drogo Strabo et Godefridus filius eius, Milo de Regneio, Giraldus de Fous, Theobaldus Waruls, Gibuinus prepositus. Facta sunt haec apud Villam Maurum, in domo domni Drogonis, anno ab incarnatione Domini, Millesimo Centesimo Sexagesimo Primo, indictione nona. Et ut hoc ratum et inconcussum omni tempore haberetur, precibus meis signatum est sigillo Domni Henrici, Trecensis episcopi. MC2 1161, May 1. Vénizy. Hugues, archbishop of Sens notes that Jobert Mabile and Dreux de Godefroy, milites (or Dreux of Godefroy, miles) of Vénizy, conceded and confirmed to the church and monks of Vauluisant whatever rights they had at Cérilly and Séant (Bérulles today), and in the confines (in finibus) of the woods (silvis), in the woods les Alleux and Notre-Dame[-deSéant]. The [monks] of Vauluisant gave 40 l. the same knights. Pierre, [son ?] of Geoffroy Barbeaux, from whom these things were held in fief recognized this before the archbishop and confirmed by his (the archbishop's) hand. A. Original, AD Yonne, H 706 8.0 x 13.7 cm. B. Vauluisant Cartulary, Cérilly section. Related Charters: 283, 323. In nomine Domini nostri, Ihesu Christi, Ego, Hugo, Dei gratia Senonensis archiepiscopus, notum fieri volumus, tam presentibus quam futuris, quia Iosbertus Mabile et Drogo Godefridi, milites de Venesio, concesserunt et laudaverunt ecclesie Vallelucentis et monachis ibi Deo servientibus omni iuri quod ipsi habebant apud Seriliacum, et apud Seantem, et in finibus earum silvarum, in nemoribus de Alodiis et 428 Sancte Marie, tam in planis quam in boscis, et in decimis et terragiis dictorum locorum. Vallislucentes vero dederunt eisdem militibus quadraginta libras . . . testes sunt: Symon, tessaurus; Iobertus de Ioneio; Hugo, prepositus regis . . . presbiter de Seante; Quintimilius, famulus archiepiscopi. Hec dona laudaverunt Petrus . . . Gaufridi Barbali, de cuius feodo erant, et . . . ante archiepiscopus recognovit et per manum ipsius eisdem monach[is] confirmavit ita quod testes fuerunt isti iamdicti. Hoc autem actum est anno ab incarnatione Domini Mo Co LXIo, kalendas May apud Venesium. Et [ut hoc ratum] et inconcussum omni tempore habeatur, sigilli nostri attestacione firmari precepi. . MC3 1186 (o. st.). No location. Matthé, bishop of Troyes, indicates that Robert de Paisy[-Cosdon] gave in alms to the church of Vauluisant, for the remedy of his soul and the souls of his parents, the usage of pasture of acorns and grass on all his woods that are around the Forêt d'Othe, from the creek Lamboee until Rigny[-le-Ferron] and [from?] Seaint to Boeurs and to the Vanne. He also gave dead wood for burning. He also a conceded a sixth part of the woods of Saint-Julien and Mont-Moyenne, the half of both woods is his. His wife, Luce, Eudes, his brother, Domina Hélie, Eudes' wife, her son, Robert, and daughters (these are Hélie's son and daughters from a previous marriage, probably to Eudes, brother of Herbert, miles of Payns, cf. #332), Elysabeth and Florence, Robert's sister, Beatrice, and her sons Jean and Hugues, and Pierre de Château-Hutton. her nephew, all confirmed this. A. Original 1, AD Yonne, H 706. 24.2 x 11.5 cm. Seal of Mattheus, Bishop of Troyes. CIROGRAPHUM across right margin. B. Original 2 lost. C. Vauluisant Cartulary, Cérilly section. (?) Related Charters: 308, 332. Quoniam vario temporum discursu sibi invicem hominum succedunt nationes et dum generationi succedit generatio infinita rerum preteritarum preterit recordatio cum littera rei sibi commendate fidele perhibeat testimonium pro fidei conservatione decreverunt maiores nostri actus dignos memoria litterarum apicibus commendare. Cum igitur eorum super hoc imitanda sint exempla, ego, Matheus, Dei gratia Trecensis episcopus, presenti cartule inscribere dignum duximus quod Robertus de Paseio dedit ecclesie Vallis Lucentis in elemosinam, pro remedio anime sue et parentum suorum, usuarium pasture in glandibus et in herba in omnibus nemoribus suis que vicina sunt Otte, que sunt a Riveria Lamboee usque ad Regniacum, et Seiant usque Burs usque etiam Vannam; mortuum etiam nemus ad conburendum; in nemore autem Sancti Iuliani, cuius medietas sua est, sextam partem concessit. Similimodo, in nemore quod dicitur Mons Medius cuius [[iti]]idem medietas sua est, sextam partem concessit. Hoc laudavit Domina Luca, uxor Roberti; et Odo, frater Roberti; Domina quoque Helya, uxor Odonis; et filius eius, Robertus; filie quoque Elysabeth et Florentia; soror quoque Roberti, Beatrix; et filii eius, Iohannes et Hugo; nepos etiam ipsius Petrus de Castello Witonis. Huius rei testes sunt: Alexander Pruvini; Reinaldus, decanus Sancti Medardi; Nicolaus, sacerdos Sancti Benedicti; Estodus de Brier; Laurentius, socius suus; Andreas, serviens episcopi; Petrus, villicus de Aat. Actum est hoc anno Mo Co LXXVIo ab incarnatione Domini. Et ut hoc ratum et inconcussum omni tempore habeatur, sigilli nostri inpressione dignavimus. 429 MC4 1193 (o. st.). Sens. Garnier, bishop of Troyes, declares that Brother Raoul, procurator of the brothers of the Knighthood of the Temple in France (Frantia), and the brothers of house of Coulours, in his presence and the presence of his superior, Guy, archbishop of Sens, conceded to the brothers of Vauluisuant to have that which they were previously accustomed to hold in his land, in pastures as in other rights of easement. A. Original, AD Yonne, H 709. 10.4 x 22.6 cm. B. Vauluisant Cartulary ?, Cérilly section. Related Charters: 221, 270-73, 305, 333, NC26. Garnerius, Dei gratia Trecensis ecclesie episcopus humilis, omnibus ad quos littere iste pervenerint in Domino Salutem. Noverit universitas vestra quod Frater Radulfus, procurator fratrum Milicie Templi in Frantia, et fratres domus Templi de Colooirs, in presentia venerabilis patris nostri, Guidonis, Senonensis archiepiscopi et nostra, fratribus Vallislucentis habendum concesserunt id quod in terra sua prius habere consueverant, tam in pascuis quam in aliis aaisantiis. In huius rei memoriam, presentem paginam scribi et sigilli nostri munimento roborari. Actum Senonis, anno [in]carnati Verbi Millesimo Centesimo Nonagesimo Tercio. MC5 1213, July. No location. Master Philippe, officialis of the Sens curia, indicates that Eudes, called le Grand, recognized that he conferred in perpetual alms to the church of Vauluisant, 9 d. and 4 boisselli of oats cens that he annually received at Rigny, from properties listed below. A. Original, AD Aube, 10 H 1. 8.7 x 17.2 cm. Related Charters: 250, 252. Magister Philippus, curie Senonensis officialis, omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis in Domino salutem. Noverint universi quod, constitutus in presentia nostra, Odo, dictus Magnus, recognovit se novem denarios et quatuor boissellos avene censuales quos apud Regniacum annuatim percipiebat; videlicet tres denarios et unum boissellum avene in masura in qua sedet granchie Lucie, relicte Bertholomei; In masura Huberti, prepositi, sita super fontem, unum denarium et unum boissellum avene; in masura Iaqueti sita iuxta eandem masuram Huberti, unum denarium et unum boissellum avene; in prato relicte Ioberti Belvete sito ante molendinum, duos denarios; et in terra Petri Brutin sita ad crucem; unum denarium ecclesie Vallis Lucentis in elemosinam perpetuam contulisse. Quod autem coram nobis recognitum est, ad petitionem partium sine preiudico alterius, sub sigillo curie Senonensis testificamur. Actum anno gratie M CC Te[r]ciodecimo, mense Iulio. MC6 1218, September. No location. G[eoffroy], abbot of Saint-Jacques de Provins, makes known that Artaud de Châtelet recognized that he sold to the monks of Vauluisant his lands at Saint-Martin-leVillefranche [le-Chennetron] at the rate of 60 s. for each arpent which the domini of the 430 censive confirm to them. He also recognized that he sold to said monks 18 s. annual cens which he held in the same village and three entire customs (tres integras coutumas) with implements (cum fornamentis) for 90 l. He recognized that he gave in alms his homestead (herbergagium) with all its surroundings (porprisa), but that he sold one arpent of land below those surroundings for 60 s. A. AD Yonne, H 762. 11.0 x 22.7 cm. B. Vauluisant Cartulary, 1229 edition, Saint-Martin section. Related Charters: 335, 337, 341-43, 345, MC7, NC34. Ego, G[aufridus], abbas Beati Iacobi Pruvinensis, notum facio omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis quod, constitutus coram nobis, Artaudus de Castello recognovit se vendidisse, fide sua mediante, monachis Vallis Lucentis terras quas habebat apud Sanctum Martinum de Vilefranchien, ita quod de quolibet arpento quod Domini censivarum predictis monachis laudaverunt, habuit sexaginta solidos Pruvinenses. Recognovit etiam se vendidisse dictis monachis decem et octo solidos annui census quos habebat in dicta villa et tres integras coutumas cum fornamentis pro nonaginta libris. Herbergagium vero suum cum tota porprisia recognovit se dedisse dictis monachis in elemosinam, excepto quod de uno arpento terre quod situm est infra porprisiam,a sexaginta solidos Pruvinenses habuit. Super hac autem venditione et elemosine collatione, dictus Artaudus fidem dedit corporalem de debita garanteia portanda. Similiter, hanc vendicionem et elemosine collationem, Ermeniardis, uxor dicti Artaldi, et Michael, eorum filius, voluerunt et laudaverunt, fiduciantes quod, per se vel per alios, de cetero non reclamabunt, fideiussores etiam existentes de recta garanteia portanda. Actum anno Domini Mº CCº Octavo Decimo, mense Septembri. a. porprisiam]porprisium ex corr A. MC7 1218, September. No location. Etienne, deacon of Notre-Dame de Val-Provins, makes known that Artaud de Châtelet recognized that he sold to the monks of Vauluisant his lands at Saint-Martin-leVillefranche [le-Chennetron] at the rate of 60 s. for each arpent which the domini of the censive confirm to them. He also recognized that he sold to said monks 18 s. annual cens which he held in the same village and three entire customs (tres integras contumas) with implements (cum fornamentis) for 90 l. He recognized that he gave in alms his homestead (herbergagium) with all its surroundings (porprisa), but that he sold one arpent of land below those surroundings for 60 s. A. Original, AD Yonne, H 762. 13.9 x 21.6 cm. B. Vauluisant Cartulary, 1229 edition, Saint-Martin section. Related Charters: 335, 337, 341-43, 345, MC6, NC34. Stephanus, ecclesie Beate Marie in Valle Pruvini decanus, omnibus presentibus et futuris ad quos littere iste presentes pervenerint in Domino salutem. Noverint universi quod coram nobis constitutus, Artaldus de Castello recognovit se vendidisse, fide sua mediante, monachis Vallis Lucentis terras quas habebat apud Sanctum Martinum de Villa Franchien, ita quod de quolibet arpento quod Domini censivarum predictis monachis laudaverunt, habuit sexaginta solidos Pruvinensium. Recognovit etiam se vendidisse dictis monachis decem et octo solidos annui census quos habebat in dicta villa et tres integras constumas cum fornamentis pro nonaginta libris. Herberiagium suum cum tota 431 porprisia recognovit se dedisse dictis monachis in elemosinam, excepto quod de uno arpento terre quod situm est infra porprisiam, sexaginta solidos Pruvinensium habuit. Super hac autem venditione et elemosine collatione dictus Artaldus fidem dedit corporalem de debita garantia portanda. Similiter, hanc venditionem et elemosine collationem, Ermengardis uxor dicti Artaldi et Michael, eorum filius, et Michael Orsiaus, frater ipsius Artaldi, voluerunt et laudaverunt, fiduciantes quod, per se vel per alios, de cetero non reclamabunt, fideiussores etiam existentes de recta garantia portanda. Actum anno Domini Millesimo Ducentesimo Octavo Decimo, mense Septembri. MC8 [1142 - 1152]1 No location. Hugues, archbishop of Sens, notes that Hildevuin de Brahetes and his wife, Aveline, and Milo, their son, gave to the brothers of Larrivour whatever they had in the placewhich is called Chevroy. Guiard, son of Erlebaudus [de Plessis], and Agnes, his wife, from whom (Agnes) that land was held in chief, confirmed this gift. Similarly, Guiard, son of Guiard des Ormeaux (or des Ormes), and his mother, Bertha, confirmed this gift. Gautier de Chantemerle and his wife also gave to the brothers whatever they had in Barrault, namely a quarter of those woods. Eustachie, daughter of Anselm Biselameine, from whom that thing was held in fief, confirmed this. Tancred de Bray[-sur-Seine] saying that that part of the woods pertained to his dominion, confirmed that gift. A. Original, AD Yonne, H 765. 9.4 x 25.1 cm. B. Vauluisant Cartulary, Servins section. Related Charters: MC9, MC10, MC13, MC40. Ego Hugo, Dei gratia Senonensis archiepiscopus, notum facio cunctis presentibus et futuris quod Hildevuinus de Bragetis et uxor eius, Avelina, et Milo, filius eorum, dederunt fratribus de Arripatorio quicquid habebant in loco qui dicitur Caveret. Testes fuerunt huius rei: Galterus, presbiter, et Mainardus, frater eius, nepotes eiusdem Hildevuini; Herlebaldus de Plaseio et Otrannus, frater eius; et Elisendis, domina Triagnelli. Hoc donum laudaverunt ex sua parte Giardus, filius Herlebaldi, et Agnes, uxor eius, ad cuius capud terra illa pertinebat. Inde sunt testes: Herlebaldus de Plaseio et Otrannus, frater eius. Similiter, hoc donum laudaverunt ex sua parte, Guiardus, filius Giardi de Ulmellis, et mater eius, Berta. Testes sunt: Garnerius de Fussi, Petrus de Turnella, Fulco de Lalli et Elisendis, domina Triagnelli. Galterus2 de Cantumerlaa et uxor eius _____ dederunt item supradictis fratribus quicquid habebat in nemore Raald, quartam partem, scilicet, illius nemoris. Testes huius rei fuerunt: Otrannus de Plaisset et Rainaldus de Vilouvis, frater eius; et Rainaldus de Ferrus, sororius ipsius Galterii. Hoc donum laudavit Eustachia, filia Anselmi Biselameine, ad cuius feodum res ipsa pertinebat. Testes inde sunt: Otrannus de Plaisset; Rainaldus, frater eius; Guiardus de Cunpenni; Daimbertus de Ternantis. Tancredus de Braio, dicens partem illam nemoris ad suum dominium pertinere, laudavit illud donum, assentientibus omnibus fratribus suis. Testes fuerint Comes Theobaldus; Gosfridus Esventatus; Galo de Braio; Herbertus 11142, beginning of Hugues' archiepiscopacy; 1152, death of Count Thibaut II. Hélissende's husband, Anselm de Traînel, disappears from the documents after 1146 (Lalore, p. 185). Therefore, is Anselm's absence is a result of his death or departure on crusade, and Hélissende's presence explained by her regency, then the date can be further narrowed to 1146 - 1152. 2Galterus is apparently filled in later in a slightly darker ink. His wife remains a blank space on the parchment. 432 Ruffus; Daimbertus de Ternantis. Hec omnia, ut rata forent et perpetua manerent, litteris mandare et sigilli nostri auctoritate firmare curavimus. a. Cantumerla]Cantumeraila del. MC9 [1142 - 1168]3 No location. Hugues, archbishop of Sens, wishes to make known that Milo de Brahetes, with the assent of his mother, Avelina, gave in alms to the brothers of Larrivour the usage rights for acorns and meadows for their animals in the woods of Champeus. A. Original, AD Yonne, H 765. 6.1 x 14.8 cm. Seal of Hugues, archbishop of Sens. B. Vauluisant Cartulary, Servins section. Related Charters: MC8. Ego Hugo, Senonensis archiepiscopus, notum fieri volo presentibus et futuris quod Milo de Braettes, assensu matris sue Aveline, dedit in elemosinam fratribus de Ripatorio usuarium in glande et in pascuis animalium in nemore de Champeus. Et ut in perpetuum ratum et firmum habeatur, sigilli nostri auctoritate volui4 roborari. MC10 [1142 - 1168]5 No location. Hugues, archbishop of Sens, makes known that Bohemund de Bray[-sur-Seine] gave and conceded to hold in perpetuity the land of Maupertuis to the brothers of Larrivour, and promised to carry the warranty. His wife, sons, and three brothers, Tancred, Artusius and Burchard, cleric. Witnesses and sureties (obsides) of this gift: Geoffroy l'Eventé, Deimbert de Ternant, Erlebaudus and Otrannus, brothers. A. Original, AD Yonne, H 765. 12.2 x 13.9 cm. B. Vauluisant Cartulary, Servins section. Related Charters: MC8, MC11, MC13, MC15, MC23, MC26, MC40, MC43, NC5. Ego Hugo Dei gratia Senonensis archiepiscopus, notum fatio cunctis presentibus et futuris quod Buamundus de Braio donavit in presentia nostra atque in perpetuum habere concessit fratribus de Ripatorio terram de Malo Pertuso et contra omnes homines se garentiam ferre promisit. Hoc donum laudaverunt uxor et filii eius et tres fratres sui Tancretus et Artusius et Burcardus clericus. Huius doni testes sunt et obsides: Gaufridus eventatus, Dembertus de Ternantis, Erlebaudus et Otrannus fratres. Quod ut ratum esset litteris mandare et sigillo nostro muniri fecimus. 31142-68, Hugues' archiepiscopacy, Gams. character much like a T, perhaps in a later hand, is appended to the end of volui. 51142-68, Hugues' archiepiscopacy, Gams. 4a 433 MC11 [1142 - 1168]6 No location. Hugues, archbishop of Sens, states that Hugues l'Eventé gave to Notre-Dame de l'Arrivour and the monks living there the land of the Valley of Valors in length, just as the old road divides between Valors and Courmont through the hill between the woods and plains until Servins, and in width until Barrault, so that nevertheless the thickets (haia) will remain between the land of Saint-Etienne and Valors. From this he will have every hear a half-modius of wheat and a holf-madius of oats from the harvest (de moisione) paid on All Saints' Day (November 1); also this is held that he shall never be allowed to give this grain in alms, except to the aforesaid church and house of Chevroy. If at some time he would like to sell (the income) and the house of Larrivour offers to give as much as the other (the one he would like to sell to), he will not sell it to another. He made his wife and children confirm this and he wand his heirs will carry the warranty. A. Original 1, AD Yonne, H 765. 14.5 x 15.5 cm. CIROGRAFÛ in right margin. Seal of Hugues, archbishop of Sens. B. Original 2 lost. C. Vauluisant Cartulary, Servins section. Related Charters: MC10, MC15, MC23, NC5. Ego Hugo, Dei gratia Senonensis archiepiscopus, notum omnibus esse volo, et presentibus et futuris, quod Hugo Esventatus dedit Sancte Marie de Arripatorio et monachis ibidem habitantibus terram de Valle de Valors sicut vetus via dividit inter Valors et Cormol per collem inter nemus et planum usque ad Cervins de longo et de transverso usque ad nemus Raaldi; sic tamen quod haia remanebit inter terram Sancti Stephani et Valors. Inde quoque habebit per singulos annos dimidium modium frumenti et dimidium modium avenae de moisione in festo Omnium Sanctorum; hoc etiam tenore: quod nunquam de predicta annona facere poterit elemosinam nisi predictae ecclesie et domui de Chavereia; quod et si eam aliquando vendere voluerit, et domus Arripatorii tantum quantum alteri dare voluerit, non vendet alteri. Hoc autem uxorem suam et liberos laudare fecit et garantiam [p]ortabit ipse et heredes sui. Concessum est hoc ex utraque parte in [presentia] nostra atque ut ratum maneret et firmum, sigilli nostri impressione [mu]niri fecimus. MC12 [1151-1168]7 No location. Hugues, archbishop of Sens, makes known that the dispute (querela) which had been aired for some time between the church of Larrivour and the church of Vertilly over the tithing of Barrault was freely conceded by his counsel and assent. Jocelin, miles of Vertilly, freely surrendered to the same brothers (of Larrivour), through the hand of the archbishop, the dispute that he had in the same tithing. In addition, he conceded to them the usage rights of grass wherever (the usage rights) were in the plains and woods of his rights. Guillaume, his brother, confirmed this. His wife, Indesmoz, confirmed this separately. A. Original, AD Yonne, H 765. 10.1 x 14.8 cm. B. Vauluisant Cartulary, Servins section. 61142-68, 71151, Hugues' archiepiscopacy, Gams. beginning of Etienne's abbacy, GC v. 12, p. 121; 1168, end of Hugues' archiepiscopacy, Gams. 434 Ego, Hugo, Dei gratia Senonensis archiepiscopus, notum omnibus esse volo et presentibus et futuris quoniam(qm) querela illa quae inter ecclesiam de Arripatorio et ecclesiam de Vertilli super decimatione de Bosco Raaut dudum fuerat ventilata, eidem aecclesiae de Arripatorio, consilio nostro et assensu, libere concessa est. Noverint etiam omnes quod Ioscelinus, miles de Vertilli, querelam quam habebat in eadem decimatione eisdem fratribus, per manum nostram, libere dimisit; insuper et concessit eis usuarium herbae ubicumque esset in plano et in bosco sui iuris. Hoc laudavit Guillelmus, frater eius. Et uxor sua, Indesmoz et infantes eius. Uxor etiam Ioscelini, Elysabet, hoc ipsum laudavit et laudationi eidem affuerunt ex parte mulieris, Mauricius, presbiter de Meselfos; Otrannus de Plasseio; Milo de Braetis. Testes sunt huius rei: Stephanus, abbas Sancti Remigii; Willelmus, prepositus; Odo, decanus; Gaufridus, archidiaconus; Irbertus, canonicus, et alii plures. Ut autem hoc stabile esset et ratum, sigilli nostri auctoritate fecimus roborari. Datum per manum Fromundi, notarii et capellani nostri. MC13 [1151 - 1168]8 Sens. Hugues, archbishop of Sens, makes known that Geoffroy Bollenus conceded and gave to the church of Notre-Dame de Larrivour in alms and for the remission of his sins the land of the plains of Servins which he held from Hugues de Véron for 12 d. cens which they will annually pay to the same Hugues on the feast of the Exaltation of the Cross (September 14). And if on that day, he should not have this 12 d., then . . . . Emeline, sister of Geoffroy Bollenus, and her children and Damerona, his wife, confirmed and willed this. Hugues de Véron, whose cens it is, also confirmed. Moreover, Erlebaudus de Plessis and his sons, Guiard, Thierry and Geoffroy, confirmed and willed this. Erlebaudus de Plessis and Thibaut, prepositus of the king, were the fidejussores and sureties (obsides) that they will carry the warranty. A. Original, AD Yonne, H 765. 22.8 x 16.7 cm. Seal of Hugues, archbishop of Sens. B. Vauluisant Cartulary, Servins section. Related Charters: MC8, MC10, MC21, MC40. Ego Hugo, Dei gratia Senonensis archiepiscopus, notum omnibus fieri volo, et presentibus et futuris, quod Gaufridus Bollenus terram de planis de Cervins quam tenebat de Hugone de Verone ad XII denarios de censu concessit et donavit in elemosina et in remissione peccatorum suorum Beatae Mariae de Arripatorio et domui de Cheveroia, ita quod monachi loci eiusdem predictos XII denarios annuatim reddent eidem Hugoni de Verone in festo Sanctae Crucis de Septembri. Et si die ipso non habuerit censum, requiret illum et accipiet sine occasione. Laudavit hoc et voluit Emelina, soror eiusdem Gaufridi Bulleni, et infantes eius et Damerona, uxor ipsius. Laudavit etiam ipse Hugo de Verone, cuius est ille census. Laudavit quoque et voluit hoc Erlebaudus de Plasseio et filii eius, Guiardus, Terricus et Gaufridus. Actum est hoc Senonis, in presentia nostra, adsistentibus ecclesiae nostre quibusdam personis et aliis multis, tam clericis quam laicis: Stephano, abbate Sancti Remigii, per cuius manum factum est negocium illud; Willelmo, archidiacono; Simone, thesaurario; Odone, decano; Matheo, precentore; Fromundo, capellano et Stamp. archidiacono; Girardo, Trecense Archidiacono et Gautero de Boi, cantore eiusdem ecclesiae; Erlebaudo de Plasseio; Teobaudo preposito regis; et Bauduino filio Ulrici. Preterea, ipse Erlebaudus et Teobaudus idem prepositus regis fideiussores sunt et obisdes quod garantiam iure portabunt de hoc in curia nostra adversus omnes. Ut 81151, beginning of Etienne's abbacy, GC v. 12, p. 121; 1168, end of Hugues' archiepiscopacy, Gams. 435 autem hoc ratum maneret et stabile, sigilli nostri auctoritate fecimus commun[i]ri. Fromundus, notarius, scripsit. MC14 [1152 - 1167]9 No location. Hugues, archishop of Sens, wishes it to be known that Jean le Gros de Michery surrendered to the house of Larrivour all disputes that he said he had with the same house. He gave and conceded to the brothers of the same house to have freely and perpetually the usage rights in the woods of Campeus, in acorns and pastures of animals. Moreover, in all his woods, in the plainy and the woodsy parts, he gave and conceded to them the usage rights for feeding their animals in the pastures of grass. He gave Milo de Boi and Evrard de Saint-Pregts as fidejussores over these agreements, that he would firmly and faithfully perpetually maintain these agreements. A. Original, AD Yonne, H 765. 12.3 x 32.9 cm. Missing a large piece. B. Vauluisant Cartulary, Servins section. Ego Hugo, Dei gratia Senonensis archiepiscopus, notum fieri volo, tam presentibus quam futuris, quod Iohannes Crassus de Missere domum de Ripatorio super omnibus querelis, quas cum eadem domo se habere dicebat, in pace et quiete dimisit. Fratribus vero eiusdem domus dedit et concessit usuarium libere et perpetuo habendum in nemore de Campes in glande et pascuis animalium. Preterea in omnibus aliis nemoribus suis, tam planis quam nemorosis, dedit et concessit eis usuarium ad eorum alenda animalia in pascuis herbarum. Super his autem conventionibus fideiussores dedit Milonem de Boi et Evrardum de Sancto Preer, quod firmiter et fideliter easdem pactiones perpetuo conservaret. Huius rei testes sunt: Alanus, [Auti]siodorensis episcopus, in cuius presencia compositio hec et concessio facta extitit; Rainaudus Richardi10 etiam; et Magister presbiter . . . ci autissiodorensis. Gernerius capellanus de Compegneio; Girardus, miles de Rumille; Iohannes frater Evrardi de Sancto Preer. [Ut] autem compositio hec et concessio rata imperpetuum et firma habeatur, sigilli nostri . . . scripti patrocinio communimus. MC15 1155 (o. st.). Chapter of the Sens Cathedral. Hervée, prepositus, and the entire convent of the church of Sens make known that they have unanimously conceded to the the church of Larrivour and Harduin (second person singular), abbot, and his successors, to peacefully possess in perpetuity the arable land which is between Plessis of Hugues l'Eventé and the woods of Saint-Etienne, before the grange of Chevroy (Cavarie) which (land or grange?) looks (respicit) towards Pailly, with, nevertheless a certain agreement interceding, that Harduin will pay every year 2 sextarii of wheat and 2 of spring grain at Sens in their (the convent of the church of Sens) cellar on the feast of Saint Remy (October 1). A. Original, AD Yonne, H 765. 20.4 x 21.8 cm. B. Vauluisant Cartulary, Servins section. Related Charters: MC10, MC11, MC16, MC23, NC5. 91152-67, 10The Alanus' episcopacy, Gams. text renders this as one word: Rainaudrichardi, where the ascender of the d in Rainaud is slashed. 436 In nomine sanctae et individue Trinitatis. Ego, Herveus, prepositus, totusque Senonens aecclesiae conventus, tam futuris quam presentibus, notum facimus quod terram arabilem quae est sita inter plesseium Hugonis Esventi et nemus Beati Stephani ante granchiam Cavarie, quae etiam versus Palliacum respicit, aecclesiae Arripariensi et tibi, Harduine, venerabilis eiusdem aecclesiae abbas,11 tuisque successoribus in perpetuum quiete et pacifice possidendam unanimiter concedimus, ea siquidem intercedente pactione: quod singulis annis in festivitate Sancti Remigii duos sextarios frumenti duosque tremesii Senonis in cellario nostro persolveritis. Hoc autem, ut ratum habeatur, presentes pagine scripto muniri et sigilli nostri auctoritate roborari fecimus, subscriptis personarum aecclesiae nostrae nominibus et fratrum nostrorum qui eiusdem rei actores extiterunt et testes. Actum publice in capitulo nostro, anno ab incarnatione Domini Millesimo Centesimo Quinquaginta Quinto, pontificatus autem archiepiscopi nostri Hugonis IIIIo X. Herveus, prepositus; Odo, decanus [[decanus]]; Willelmus, archidiaconus; Symon, thesaurarius; Symon, cellerarius; Rainaldus, Pruvinensis archidiaconus; Gosbertus, sacerdos; Robbertus et Theo diaconi; Gosebertus et Symon, subdiaconi; Matheus, precentor et cancellarius, scripsit. MC16 1163 (o. st.). Sens, the cathedral chapter.. Guillaume, prepositus of the church of Sens, and the entire chapter, make known that they conceded to the abbot of Larrivour (second person singular) and his successors, the tithe of half of Barrault which pertained to the right of their church, so that if the woods should end up in a church of an order other than the Cistercian, or in lay hands, the full tithe according to the old law shall be paid to their chapter.12 A. Original 1, AD Yonne, H 765. 34.7 x 15.1 cm. Right Margin: CIROGRAFUM. B. Original 2 lost. C. Vauluisant Cartulary, Servins section. Related Charter: MC15. IN NOMINE SANCTE ET INDIVIDUE TRINITATIS. Ego, Willelmus, Senonensis ecclesie prepositus, totumque capitulum, tam futuris quam presentibus, notum facimus quod decimam medietatis nemoris Rahaldi que ad ius ecclesie nostre spectabat tibi venerabilis abbas de Ripatorio tuisque successoribus ea conditione liberam et quieta amodo concedimus quatinus si ad alterius ordinis quam Cisterciensis ecclesiam, vel in manum laicam, forte predictum nemus redierit, eiusdem nemoris plenaria decima secundum ius antiquum capitulo nostro reddatur. Ne autem longinquitate temporis aut pravorum hominum inquietudine hec nostra concessio valeat perturbari, presentes scripti munimine et universitatis nostre sigillo roborare curavimus astantibus ecclese nostre fratribus quorum nomina subscripta sunt: Odo, decanus; Simon, thesaurarius; Simon, cellerarius; Diaconi: Robertus, Teo, Ilbertus, Magister Petrus; Subdia[co]ni: Simon, Ernaldus, Guido, Odo, Gualterius et alii quam plures. Actum in capitulo et sub cirografo conscriptum, anno ab incarnatione Domini Mo Co LXo IIIo. Matheus, precentor et cancellarius, scripsit. 11abbas is abbreviated abbs here, thereby excluding a dative reading, so I have rendered it and venerabil. in the nominative case. 12It should also be noted that the presence of Simon, thesaurarius of Sens in this document (1163) conflicts with what is found in Obituaires de la Province de Sens, I:1, p. 12, which states that his death occurred on January 13, 1160. 437 At #418. At #420 MC17 1176 (o. st.). Troyes MC18 1178 (o. st.) Sens, the archiepiscopal curia. MC19 1180 (o. st.). Sens, in the Pontifical Palace. Mathé, bishop of Troyes, indicates that the case (causa) that was disputed between the church of Vauluisant and Foulques de Vareilles over the plains of certain woods called Servins was committed to him by the lord pope and he has finally terminated it, with the assent of both parties, in this fashion: Foulques entirely forswore the aforesaid disputes, conceding, for the remedy of his soul and the souls of his parents, to the church of Vauluisant to possess in perpetuity the plains of of the woods of Servins, with his wife, Elisabeth, their children, Henri and Hermesende, and his brother, Pierre, confirming the plains. The same Foulques had from this 10 l. from the charity of the aforesaid church and his wife had one cow as a laus (gift for laudatio). Similarly, their children had their laudes [given by Vauluisant]. A. Original, AD Yonne, H 765. 16.7 x 24.1 cm. B. Vauluisant Cartulary, Servins section. Related Charters: 177-9, 195, 223, 320. Matheus, Dei gratia Trecensis episcopus, omnibus sancte matris aecclesiae filiis ad quos littere iste pervenerint, salutem in Domino. Universitati vestre notum facimus quod causam nobis a domino papa commissam quae inter aecclesiam Vallis Lucentis et Fulconem de Varellis, militem, super planis cuiusdam nemoris quod dicitur Cervins vertebatur, finaliter, ex communi assensu utriusque partis, terminavimus in hunc modum: predictus Fulco, in presentia nostra et assessorum nostrorum, prelibate querele penitus abrenuntiavit; plana eiusdem nemoris quod dicitur Cervins, pro remedio animae suae et parentum suorum, prefate ecclesie Vallis Lucentis perpetuo possidenda concedens; laudante plane uxore sua, Helisabeth, et liberis ipsorum, Henrico et Hermensende, et Petro, fratre eius. Verumptamen idem Fulco habuit exinde decem libras de caritate predictae aecclesiae et prenominata uxor eius, unam vaccam pro laude. Similiter et liberi eorum habuerunt suam laudem. Quod ut ratum et firmum habeatur, presentis pagine testimonio et sigilli nostri auctoritate confirmavimus. Huius rei testes sunt: Stephanus, Sancti Remigii Senonensis, Milo, Meleunensis abbates; Odo, decanus Senonensis; Galterus, Drogo, Trecensis Archidiaconi, Rogerus, presbiter Sancti Mauricii; Bartholomeus, senescaldus archiepiscopi; Hugo, prepositus regis; Dainbertus, bucherus; Petrus, maior Archiepiscopi; Gaufridus, miles de Serginis; Theobaldus, cantor Pruini. Actum Senonis in domo nostra Pontificali, anno ab incarnatione Domini Millesimo Centesimo Octogesimo. 438 MC20 1184 (o. st.). No location. Guy, archbishop of Sens, makes known that Humbert de Courlon sold to the church of Vauluisant 6 arpents of meadows on the banks of the Yonne [for] 18 l. money of Paris, so that nevertheless the brothers of Vauluisant will annually pay to Humbert and his successors 6 d. provinois cens for those meadows. Confirmations: Pierre, cleric of Bachy, Norbert, his brother, and Elisabeth, their sister, with her son Bohemund, also Nicholas, cleric, and Etienne, brothers of Humbert, and Bohemund, their father, from whom the aforesaid meadows were held in fief. A. Original, AD Yonne, H 764. 20.9 x 19.7 cm. Seal of the Archbishop of Sens. B. Vauluisant Cartulary, Cervins section. a. Quantin II, pp. 356-57, no. 342. After A. Related Charters: 59, MC29, MC37. In nomine sancte et individue Trinitatis. Ego Guido, Dei gratia Senonensis archiepiscopus, notifico universis presentibus et futuris quod Humbertus de Corloun vendidit ecclesie Vallis Lucentis sex arpannos pratorum, in riveria Hiunnie, decem et octo libris Parisiensium nummorum, sic tamen quod fratres Vallis Lucentis annuatim reddent sex nummos Pruvinienses censualiter pro eisdem pratis predicto Humberto eiusque successoribus. Hec omnia laudaverunt Petrus, clericus de Basseio; Nobertus,13 frater eius; et Elisabeth, soror eorum, cum filio suo Boemundo; Nicholaus, quoque clericus, et Stephanus, miles, fratres predicti Humberti; et Boemundus, pater eorum, du cuius feodo prescri[p]ta prata sunt. Huius rei testes sunt: Raynardus, curie Senonensis officialis; Petrus, sacerdos de Corloun; Guillelmus; Gauterus, monachi Vallislucentis; Stephanus quoque, Andreas, Gauterus Opilio, prefate ecclesie conversi; et Hodierus,14 miles de Sarbona. Et ut hoc scriptum omni tempore ratum habeatur, impressione sigilli mei iussi muniri. Actum est hoc, anno Verbi incarnati Mo Co LXXXo IIIIo. MC21 1186 (o. st.). No location. Guy, archbishop of Sens, indicates that Hugues de Véron, miles, and Seguin, his son, surrendered and conferred in alms to the brothers of Vauluisant 12 d. cens at Servins and Chevroy which they annually received from the brothers from certain of their lands, also surrendering to the same brothers whatever rights they had in the house of Chevroy and in Servins. Rocevys, the wife of Hugues, confirmed and conceded this. A.Original, AD Yonne, H 765. 12.9 x 18.5 cm. Seal of Guy, archbishop of Sens. B. Vauluisant Cartulary, Servins section. Related Charters: MC13. Guido, Dei gratia Senonensis archiepiscopus, omnibus ad quos littere iste pervenerint in Domino salutem. Notum fieri volumus quod Hugo de Veron, miles, et Siguinus, filius eius, duodecim denarios census quos annuatim a fratribus Vallis Lucentis apud Chevereiam et Cervins de quibusdam terris eorum percipiebant, memoratis fratribus quitaverunt et in elemosinam eisdem contulerunt, quitantes etiam ipsis fratribus, in presentia nostra, quidquid iuris habebant in domo Chevereie et de Cervins. Istud etiam laudavit et concessit Rocevys, uxor eiusdem Hugonis. In cuius rei memoriam, presentem 13Nobertus]Robertus 14Hodierus]Hudierus a. ex corr. A. 439 cartam scribi et sigillo nostro fecimus roborari.a Actum anno incarnati verbi Mo Co LXXXo VIo. a. roborari]robori ex corr. A. MC22 1190 (o. st.). No location. Guy, archbishop of Sens, indicates that when there was a controversy between the monks of Vauluisant and Gilbert, priest of Hermé, over certain parts of land that the priest demanded by hereditary right, although the monks were differing that they had possessed it for some time. Finally, it comes about that the priest quit those parts to the monks in perpetuity, and gave his faith that he would carry the warranty and gave Jean, chaplain of Chapelle-sur-Oreuse, Jobert de Pailly and Maurice, his brother. Acted in the present of the archbishop's officiales, Guy, deacon of Provins, and Renaud de Cepeio. A. Original, AD Yonne, H 765. 15.6 x 15.7 cm. B. Vauluisant Cartulary, Servins Section. Related Charter: MC36. Guido, Dei gratia Senonensis archiepiscopus, omnibus ad quos littere presentes pervenerint in Domino salutem. Notum fieri volumus quod cum esset controversia inter monachos Vallis Lucentis et Gilebertum, presbiterum de Hermeto, super quibusdam partibus terre quas idem presbiter iure hereditario reclamabat, licet monachi dinoscerentur eis diu possedisse, tandem vero res ad hoc producta est quod presbiter partes illas monachis quitavit imperpetuum; fidemque interposuit de garantia portanda et inde plegios constituit Iohannem, capellanum de Capella super Orosam, Gosbertum de Paliaco et Mauricium, fratrem eius. Actumque est istud coram officialibus nostris, Guidone, Pruvinensis ecclesie decano, et Reinardo de Cepeio. Ut ergo ratum maneat et firmum, presentem cartam notari fecimus et sigilli nostri impressione muniri. Datum per manum Magistri Petri, cancellarii nostri, anno incarnati Verbi Mo Co Nonagesimo. MC23 1190 (o. st.). Sens. Guy, archbishop of Sens, states that the controversy which was disputed between Vauluisant and Hugues l'Eventé was reduced to a concord in this fashion: He freely quit to the brothers the dispute without any demands; moreover he conceded the 1 modius of grain which they owed to him for the land of Valors and conceded that land to be perpetually possessed. Moreover, he only retained for himself in the aforesaid woods what he could exercise their for the use of hunting. But if he should make a hedge (haia, fr. Haie) there, the monks will be permitted to clear it after the hunt. And if, by chance, those woods should be given to secular people to be cleared, as much of the crops that they seed there will be paid to him in the first year by the farmers, in later years, nothing will be paid. The monks will be able to give, sell or tear up roots in those woods, if they should wish, without any contradiction. The division of the woods (plural) from the woods of Courmont will be held just as it was made by Dominus Otrannus, and marked off by trenches. He also conceded to them all essentials in the plains. He similarly conceded to them the pastures in his woods of Courmont, except in the time of acorns, that is from the feast of Saint Remy (October 1) to the feast of Saint Andrew (November 30), and the time when the field beasts have offspring, that is from the middle of March 440 until the feast of Saint John (the Baptist? June 25, cf #333). Nevertheless, during those times, their animals may go across those places. His mother, Emeline, Nicholas, his brother, Geoffroy, his son, Emeline, his daughter (he did not have any more), confirmed all these things. His sisters, Melissend and Félicité, said Hugues and Nicholas, his brother, swore in their hand. Indeed their mother ratified that she would carry the warranty to the aforesaid brothers. A. Original, AD Yonne, H 765. 16.1 x 24.7 cm. B. Vauluisant Cartulary, Servins Section. Related Charters: MC10, 11, MC15, NC5. G[uido], Dei gratia Senonensis Archiepiscopus, omnibus qui presentes litteras viderint vel audierint in Domino Salutem. Notum fieri volumus, tam futuris quam presentibus, quod controversia que inter fratres Vallis Lucentis et Hugonem Eventatum vertebatur in concordiam redacta est in hunc modum: scilicet quod predictus Hugo quicquid iuris et dominii se habere dicebat in nemoribus eorum, scilicet bos rahaut et cervins in presentia nostra predictis fratribus libere et sine omni reclamatione dimisit; insuper et unum modium annone quem ei pro terra de Valors debebant et terram ipsam perpetuo possidendam concessit. Hoc autem solum sibi retinuit in predictis nemoribus: quod ibi usum venandi poterit exercere. Sed si ibi haiam fecerit, monachis eam post venationem extirpare licebit. Et si forte nemora illa secularibus hominibus ad extirpanda traderentur quantum segetis ibi seminarent, primo anno tantummodo ei ab agricolis redderetur, ceteris vero annis nichil. Monachi vero illa poterunt dare, vendere, radicitus evellere, si voluerint, sine aliqua contradictione. Divisio vero nemorum a nemore de Cormooth ita tenebitur sicut a Domino Otranno est facta, et per fossatas terminata. Concessit etiam eis omnes aisantias suas in planitiis. In nemore vero suo de Cormooth, similiter eis pascua concessit excepto tempre glandis, id est a festo Santi Remigii usque ad festum Sancti Andree, et tempore quo bestie agrestes fetones habuerint, id est a medietate Marcii usque ad festum Sancti Iohannis. In quibus tamen temporibus, animalia illorum per eadem loca transire poterunt. Hec omnia laudaverunt mater eius, Emelina, Nicholaus, frater eius, Gaufridus, filius eius, Emelina, filia eius, quibus plures non habebat. Sorores vero eius, Milisent et Felicitas, predictus vero Hugo et Nicholaus, frater eius, in manu nostra fiduciaverunt. Mater vero eorum, Emelina, acrantavit quod predictis fratribus per omnia guarantiam portabit. Ut autem hec rata maneant in inconcussa, sigilli nostri impressione muniri fecimus. Actum est hoc Senonis, anno ab incarnatione Domini M C LXXXXo. Data per manum Magistri P[etri] Cancellarii. MC24 1196 (o. st.). Sens. Michel, archbishop of Sens indicates that when Eudes de Saint-Pregts (at Sens) had usage rights for rebuilding houses or of as much wood for his own fire as one chariot with one horse is able to take in the woods of Gullaume, abbot, and the brothers of Vauluisant which are called Barrault, the same Eudes spontaneously surrendered and quit in perpituity those usage rights to that abbot and the brothers of Vauluisant. Hilduin, miles of Bazoches, brother-in-law of Eudes, claimed a third part of the same woods and similarly, if he had rights in those woods, he quit them to the abbot and brothers of Vauluisant. For the introduction of these things, at the request of Eudes de Saint-Pregts, the abbot and brothers of Vauluisant conceded to Girard, the son of Hilduin, those usage rights only for his life accorded to the form written above. Just as it is contained in the charter of Guy, former archbishop of Sens, Eudes de Saint-Pregts had 441 it (the usage rights) in such a way that he may neither give nor sell it to another, and as long as he should hold it, he will pay a mina of wheat to the brothers of Vauluisant on the feast of Saint-Remy. When indeed Girard should die, the usage rights will freely devolve on the brothers of Vauluisant. A. Original, AD Yonne, H 765. 13.0 x 20.9 cm. B. Vauluisant Cartulary, Servins section. Related Charter: 114. Michael, Dei gratia Senonensis archiepiscopus, omnibus ad quos littere presentes pervenerint in Domino Salutem. Noverint universi presentes pariter et futuri quod cum Odo de Sancto Preiecto, miles, in nemore dilectorum filiorum nostrorum, Willelmi, abbatis, et fratrum Vallislucentis, quod dicitur nemus Raaldi, haberet usuarium tantum ad proprias domos reficiendas vel lignorum ad proprium ignem, quantum una quadriga, uno equo ducere posset, idem Odo usuarium illud ipsi abbati et fratribus Vallislucentis spontaneus resignavit et quitavit imper[pet]uum. Hilduinus, vero, miles, de Basoschiis, prefati Odonis sororius, in eodem nemore terciam partem clamabat; quam similiter predictis abbati et fratribus Vallislucentis, siquid iuris in ea habebat, imperpetuum quitavit. Cuius rei intuitu necnon etiam ad preces sepedicti Odonis de Sancto Preiecto, iamdictus abbas et fratres Vallislucentis Girardo, prefati Hilduini filio, usuarium illud tantum in vita sua sub forma prescripta habendum concesserunt. Sicut etiam in autentico venerabilis predecessoris nostris Guidonis, bone memorie Senonensis archiepiscopi, continetur memoratum Odonem de Sancto Preiecto illud habuisse, tali pacto: quod illud nec dare nec vendere alteri poterit et quamdiu illud tenuerit, fratribus Vallislucentis minam frumenti in festo Sancti Remigii reddet annuatim. Cum vero de ipso Girardo humanitus acciderit,a usuarium ipsum ad fratres Vallislucentis libere devoluetur. In cuius rei memoriam, presentem cartam annotari et sigilli nostri munimine facimus roborari. Actum Senonis, anno ab incartantione Domini Mo Co XCo Sexto. a. acciderit]accideret ex corr. MC25 1196 (o. st.), February. No location. R[einardo] de Cepeio and P. de Sainte-Columbe, officiales of the Sens curia note that when Etienne Plomet, miles, was asserting that he ought to receive 1 sextarius of wheat from the woods of Barrault, which belongs to the monks of Vauluisant, he finally quit that sextarius to the monks, conceding that he would carry the full warranty. A. Original, AD Yonne, H 765. 6.9 x 17.7 cm. B. Vauluisant Cartulary, Servins Section. Related Charters: 138, MC31. R[einardo] de Cepeio et P. de Sancta Columba, Senonensis curie officiales, omnibus ad quos littere iste pervenerint in Domino salutem. Noverint universi quod cum Stephanus Plomez, miles, in nemore de Bosco Raaudi, quod est monachorum Vallis Lucentis, unum sextarium frumenti de annuo reditu se debere percipere assereret, tandem, in presencia nostra constitutus, sextarium predictum memoratis monachis quitavit, fide prestita firmiter concedens quod si quis pro eodem sextario eos presumeret molestare, sive aliquo modo vexare, ipse eis plenarium portaret garantiam. Actum mense Febroario, anno incarnati Verbi Mo Co XCo Sexto. 442 MC26 1202 (o. st.), March. No location. Pierre, abbot of Montier-la-Celle, and Milo, archdeacon of Troyes, note that when the case (causa) that was disputed between the abbot and monks of Vauluisant and Geoffroy l'Eventé, miles of Plessis over the usage rights and gruerie of the woods of Servins, it was committed to them to be canonically terminated by apostolic authority. Finally, Geoffroy recognized that had no rights in the gruerie or usage of the aforesaid woods, and if, nevertheless, he did have rights there, he entirely renounced them and quit them to the abbot and monks of Vauluisant. A. Original, AD Yonne, H 766. 16.5 x 13.9 cm. Seals of Pierre de Celle and Milo Archdeacon. B. Vauluisant Cartulary, Servins Section. Related Charter: MC10, MC43. Petrus, Sancti Petri de Cella dictus abbas, et Milo, Archidiaconus Trecensis, omnibus ad quos littere iste pervenerint in Domino salutem. Noverit universitas vestra quod cum causa que vertebatur inter abbatem et monachos Vallis Lucentis, ex una parte, et Gaufridum Eventatum, militem de Plasseio, ex altera, super usuario et grueria nemorum de Cervins, nobis esset conmissa auctoritate apostolica fine canonico terminanda. Tandem dictus Gaufridus, in presentia nostra constitutus, recognovit se in grueria et in usuario predictorum nemorum nichil iuris habere, et si quid tamen haberet, renuntiavit omnino et predictis abbati et monachis quitavit in perpetuum. Quod ne aliqua oblivione deleatur vel perversorum machinatione depravetur, presentes litteras notari fecimus et sigillorum nostrorum munimine roborari. Actum anno ab incarnatione Domini Millesimo Ducentesimo Secundo, mense Martio. MC27 1204 (o. st.). No location. Jobert de Ponte, officialis of the Sens curia, indicates that when the brothers of Vauluisant were held to pay every year 1 modius of wheat and 20 s. provinois to Pierre de Courlon, miles, said Pierre gave 2 sextarii from the modius to the church of Vauluisant in perpetual alms. Jean, his son, conceded and confirmed this gift. A. Original, AD Yonne, H 766. 12.5 x 15.7 cm. B. Vauluisant Cartulary, Servins section. Related Charters: 30, MC38. Magister Iobertus de Ponte, curie Senonensis officialis, omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis in Domino salutem. Noverint universi quod cum fratres Vallis Lucentis tenerentur reddere singulis annis unum modium frumenti et viginti solidos Pruv[i]nenses Petro de Cortloum, militi, dictus Petrus dedit ecclesie Vallis Lucentis in perpetuam elemosinam duos sextarios frumenti de modio pretaxato. Hoc autem donum concessit et laudavit Iohannes, filius eius, in presentia nostra constitutus. In cuius rei memoriam, presentem paginam sigilli curie Senonensis munimine fecimus roborari. Actum anno Gratie Mo CCo Quarto. 443 MC28 1204 (o. st.). No location. Jobert de Ponte, officialis of the Sens curia, makes known that Guillaume Tuebof, miles of Serbonnes, gave to the religious house of Vauluisant in alms a certain meadow, 2 arpents in size, situated at Serbonnes below Bachy; he divested himself and invested said house of the meadow, and swore that he would carry the warranty according to the custom and use of the land. And his wife and children swore this (to carry the warranty) and confirmed this alms, just as Jobert knows from the confession of both parts. Similarly, Houdier, miles of Serbonnes, from whose fief the meadow was held, confirmed this. A. Original, AD Yonne, H 764. 7.5 x 15.4 cm. Seal of Sens curia. Magister Iobertus de Ponte, curie Senonensis officialis, omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis in Domino Salutem. Universitati vestre notum facimus et presenti scripto protestamur quod Willelmus Tuebof, miles de Serbona, in nostra presencia constitutus, ob salutem anime sue et antecessorum suorum, dedit religiose domui Vallislucentis in elemosinam quoddam pratum due arpenta continens situm apud Serbonam subtus Bessiacum; et se de prato illo devestivit et dictam domum investivit; et fide prestita firmavit se eidem domui rectam garantiam ad usus et consuetudines patrie super prato illo portare. Et illud idem fiduciaveru[n]t uxor sua et pueri eorum et laudaverunt elemosinam illam sicut ex confessione utriusque partis didicimus. Hoc similiter laudavit, coram nobis, Hulderus, miles de Serbona, de cuius feodo pratum erat superius memoratum. In cuius rei memoriam, presentem paginam fecimus annotari et sigilli curie Senonensis munimine roborari. Actum anno Gratie Mo CCo Quarto. MC29 1204 (o. st.). No location. Master Jobert de Ponte, officialis of the Sens curia, notes that Hubert de Courlon, miles, gave in perpetual alms to the church of Vauluisant, 3 arpents of Meadow which are above the river Yonne (Equane) next to the village called Bachy. His wife, Elisabeth, and his(?) children (filii) Boemund, Geoffroy, Etienne, Guillaume, Alix, Laura, Maria and Tecia confirmed and conceded this, who established themselves as fidejussores for carrying the guarantee of this gift. Hermesend de Courlon also confirmed this. A. Original, AD Yonne, H 764. 13.4 x 18.0 cm. Related Charters: MC20, MC37. Magister Iobertus de Ponte, curie Senonensis officialis, omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis in Domino salutem. Noverint universi quod Hubertus de Cortloum, miles, in nostra presentia constitutus, donavit ecclesie Vallis Lucentis in perpetuam elemosinam tria arpenta prati et quartam partem arpenti que sunt super Fluvium Equane iuxta villam que dicitur Baisseium. Hoc donum laudaverunt et concesserunt uxor eius, Elisabeth, et filii eius, Boemondus, Gaufridus, Stephanus, Willelmus, Aaliz, Lora, Maria [[Maria]] et Tecia. Hoc etiam laudaverunt et concesserunt Norbertus de Baisseio et Iohannes de Courtloum de cuius feodo prata illa erant. Qui duo fideiussores se statuerunt de garantia portanda doni superius memorati, et hoc etiam laudavit Hermensendis de Cortloum. In cuius rei memoriam, presentem cartam sigilli curie Senonensis munimine fecimus roborari. Actum anno gratie Mo CCo Quarto. 444 MC30 1204 (o. st.). Troyes. Milo, archdeacon of Troyes states that there was a dispute (contentio) between the abbot and brothers of Vauluisant and Milo, miles of Montgueux (Montegoer), over the woods of Barrault, in which Milo claimed usage and property rights, and over a sextarius of wheat, which he demanded (exigebat) to be annually paid to him by those brothers. There was also a dispute over the injuries and damages that Milo had incurred to those brothers. Finally, an agreement is reached, namely that Milo, with his brothers, Guy and Guillaume, confirming, quit to the abbot and brothers of Vauluisant that sextarium and the usage and property rights in the woods. Similarly, the abbot and brothers waived to Milo the injuries and damages that he incurred on them. A. Original, AD Yonne, H 766. 18.6 x 22.3 cm. B. Vauluisant Cartulary, Servins section. Related Charter: MC34. Milo, Trecensis archidiaconis, omnibus ad quos littere presentes pervenerint in Domino salutem. Noverit universitas vestra quod erat contentio inter abbatem et fratres Vallis Lucentis, ex una parte, et Milone, militem de Montegoer, ex alia, super nemore de Bosco Raaldi in quod idem Milo usuarium et proprietatem clamabat; et super sextario frumenti, quem pro eodem bosco ab ipsis fratribus sibi annuatim persolvi exigebat; necnon et super iniuriis et dampnis que dictus Milo eisdem fratribus intulerat. Tandem autem de his omnibus coram nobis talis facta est composicio, videlicet quod sepedictus Milo, laudantibus fratribus suis, Guidone, scilicet, atque Willermo, quittavit memoratis abbati et fratribus Vallis Lucentis iamdictum sextarium frumenti et usuarium proprietatemque nemoris. Similiter, dictus abbas et fratres remiserunt eidem Miloni iniurias et dampna que ipsis intulerat. In cuius rei memoriam, ad peticionem partium, presentes litteras scribi et sigilli mei impressione muniri feci. Actum Trecis, anno Domini Millesimo Ducentesimo Quarto. MC31 1205, June 9. Provins. Blanche, countess palatine of Troyes, wishes it to be made known that Etienne Plomet, recognized that he quit to God and the brothers of Vauluisant all right and all complaint (querela) that he had or has in the woods of Barrault. A. Original, AD Yonne, H 674 1205 13.7 x 18.9 xm. Seal of Blanche, countess of Troyes. B. Vauluisant Cartulary, Servins section. Related Charters: 138, MC25. Ego, Blancha, comitissa Trecensis palatina, omnibus ad quos littere iste pervenerint notum esse volo quod Stephanus Plomez, miles, in mea presencia consitutus, cognovit quod Deo et fratribus Vallis Lucentis quittaverat et quitabat omne ius et omnem querelam fi quam habuerat aut habebat in nemore de Bosco Reaudi. Hanc etiam quitacionem fecit Maria uxor eius et ego at peticionem ipsius Stephani presentes litteras meo sigillo signatas inde fieri volui. Actum apud Pruvinensem, Anno Domini Mo CCo Quinto, VIo Idus Iunii. 445 MC32 1207, May 10. Thursday. No location. Jobert de Ponte, officialis of the Sens curia, states that when a controversy was disputed between the men of Saint-Martin-sur-Oreuse and the monks of Vauluisant over a certain road which the men wanted to lead to the assarts of Vallières through the middle of the newly-cultivated lands (novalia) of the monks, finally, the truth being fully known, the men of Saint-Martin quit that road to the monks to possess in peace and bring under cultivation, swearing that they will raise no further question concerning the road. The monks quit to said men the old road which crosses in front of the quarry rockpile (? Pirum de Fossa). A. Original, AD Yonne, H 766. 12.2 x 16.9 cm. Seal of Sens curia. B. Vauluisant Cartulary, Servins section. Related Charter: MC33. Magister Iosbertus de Ponte, Senonensis curie officialis, omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis salutem in Domino. Cum controversia mota fuisset inter homines de Sancto Martino super Horosam, ex una parte, et monachos Vallis Lucentis, ex altera, super quadam viam per quam dicti homines ad essartia de Valeires volebant tendere per media novalia dictorum monachorum, tandem veritate plenius cognita, prefati homines de Sancto Martino viam illam memoratis monachis quitaverunt perpetuo pacifice excolendam, fiduciantes quod super eadem via non movebunt de cetero questionem. Dicti etiam monachi veterem viam que transit ante pirum de fossa, coram nobis, dictis hominibus quitaverunt. Actum anno Gratie M.o CC.o Septimo, mense Maio, quinta feria post Dominicam qua cantatur "Iubilante Deo." MC33 1207, May 10. No location. Etienne, deacon, and the entire chapter of Sens state that when a controversy was disputed between the men of Saint-Martin-sur-Oreuse and the monks of Vauluisant over a certain road which the men wanted to lead to the assarts of Vallières through the middle of the newly-cultivated lands (novalia) of the monks, finally, the truth being fully known, the men of Saint-Martin quit that road to the monks to possess in peace and bring under cultivation, swearing that they will raise no further question concerning the road. The monks quit to said men the old road which crosses in front of the quarry rockpile (? Pirum de Fossa). A. Original, AD Yonne, H 766. 7.4 x 15.4 cm. B. Vauluisant Cartulary, Servins section. Related Charter: MC32. Stephanus,a decanus, et universis Senonensis ecclesie capitulum, omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis in Domino salutem. Cum controversia mota fuisset inter homines de Sancto Martino super Horosam, ex una parte, monachos Vallis Lucentis, ex alia, super quadam via per quam dicti homines ad essarcia de Valeires volebant tendere per media novalia dictorum monachorum, tandem veritate plenius cognita, prefati homines de sancto martino viam illam memoratis monachis quitaverunt perpetuo pacifice excolendam fiduciantes quod super eadem via non movebunt de cetero questionem. Dicti etiam monachi veterem viam que transit ante pirum de fossa, coram nobis, dictis 446 hominibus quitaverunt. Anno anno Gratie Mo CCo Septimo, mense Maio, quinta feria post Dominicam qua cantatur "Iubilate Deo." a. ex abbv. Ste. A. MC34 1207, July. No location. Master Jobert de Ponte, officialis of the Sens curia, indicates that when, concerning the dispute which Milo de Montgueux (Montgoer), miles, had moved against the monks of Vauluisant, the said miles had promised (compromisit) to adhere to the judgment of the abbot of Vauluisant, the same abbot brought forth by inquisition a judgment made earlier in this fashion: said miles had no right in the tithe or terrage. And the said miles gave Burchard Sellarius as a surety for 10 l. that this would be violated at no time, but firmly observed. A. Original, AD Yonne, H 784. 12.7 x 14.1 cm. B. Vauluisant Cartulary, Servins section. Related Charter: MC30. Magister Iosbertus de Ponte, Senonensis curie officialis, omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis salutem in Domino. Cum de querela quam Milo de Montgoer, miles, super decima et terragio de Faiel, coram nobis, moverat adversus monachis Vallis Lucentis, in abbatem Vallis Lucentis compromiserit dictus miles, idem abbas suum protulit arbitrium inquisitione prius facta in hunc modum: quod dictus miles in decima vel terragio iam dictis nullum ius habebat. Et de hoc dicto nullo tempore violando, sed firmiter observando, dedit dictus miles plegium Bochardum Sellarium de decem libris. Actum anno Gratie Mo CCo Septimo, mene Iulio. MC35 [1207]15 No location. Fr. on paper folder of charter: "Donatio . . . . De tous ce qu'il avoit à Servins en bois et en plaine, scavoir tout ce qu'il avoit acquise de Fulque de Clofontaine Chevalier au dit lie de Servins." Jobert de Ponte, officialis of the Sens curia, makes known that Guy Gâtebléd, miles, recognized that he conferred and quit in alms to the church of Vauluisant whatever he bought from Foulques de C., in woods and plains of Servins, and also whatever rights, whether terragium or cens, he had in that place. He swore to carry the warranty. Sibille, his wife, confirmed and quit this. A. Original, AD Yonne, H 766. 7.8 x 14.5 cm. Seal of Sens curia. B. Vauluisant Cartulary, Servins section. Related Charters: 76, 162-3, NC16. Magister Iosbertus de Ponte, curie Senonensis officialis, omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis salutem [in Domino. Universitati] vestre notum facimus quod Guido Gasteble, coram nobis constitutus, miles, cognovit . . . in Cervins in bosco vel in plano quicquid videlicet ipse emerat a Fulcone de C. . . loco qui dicitur Cervins, sive in terragio sive in censu, in perpetuam elemosi[nam] . . . Vallis Lucentis et eidem monasterio quitavit, coram nobis, perpetuo pacifice po[ssidendo] . . . . etiam quod eandem 151207, date given in Fr. hand on paper cover for charter. 447 elemosinam contra omnes homines garentabit et testific. . . . Sibilla, uxor eius, hanc laudaverat elemosinam et quitarat. Actum anno G[ratie] . . . . MC36 1209 (o. st.), the day after Mortua (November 3?). No location. Master Philippe, officialis of the Sens curia, makes known that Maurice de Pailly and Emeline, his wife, recognized that, for the remedy of their souls, they conferred to the monks of Vauluisant a certain piece of land that they had in the Valley of Villenoil, in the censiva of the monks of Vauluisant. The divested themselves of this land and, at their petition, Master Philippe invested the monks with it. Roger, priest, Etienne and Herbert, their sons, confirmed and conceded this promising by oath to Philippe (except the priest, who did not swear, but firmly promised) that they would not raise a question concerning that land in the future. A. Original, AD Yonne, H 766. 10.5 x 14.6 cm. B. Vauluisant Cartulary, Servins section. Related Charter: MC22. Magister Philippus, curie Senonensis officialis, omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis in Domino salutem. Noverint universi quod, constituti in presentia nostra, Mauritius de Pailliaco et Emelina, uxor eius, recognoverunt se quandem terram quam habebant in Valle de Villenoil, in censiva monachorum Vallislucentis, eisdem monachis, pro suarum remedio animarum, in perpetuam elemosinam contulisse. De qua etiam se devestiverunt, coram nobis, et nos, ad eorum petitionem, predictos monachos investivimus de eadem. Huiusmodi donationem laudaverunt et concesserunt Rogerus, presbiter, Stephanus et Herbertus, filii eorumdem, fide nobis prestita promittentes (excepto presbitero, qui non fiduciavit, sed firmiter promisit) quod super eadem terra non movebunt in posterum questionem. Nos autem quod ab eis audivimus, ad partium petitionem, salvo iure cuiuslibet, citra omnem confirmationem sub sigillo Senonensis curie testificamur. Actum anno gratie Mo CCo Nono, in crastino Mortuorum. MC37 1211 (o. st.). No location. Master Philippe, officialis of the Sens curia, notes that Nicholas de Saint-Remy, canon of Sens, gave and conceded to the church of Vauluisant in alms, for the salvation of his soul the the souls of his parents, 13 arpents of meadow at Courlon with 4 s. cens which were his. Hubert de Courlon, miles, brother of Nicholas, confirmed this donation. A. Original, AD Yonne, H 764. 9.4 x 18.1 cm. Related Charters: 59, MC20, MC29. Magister Philippus, curie Senonensis officialis, omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis in Domino salutem. Noverint universi quod Nicholaus de Sancto Remigio, canonicus Senonis, coram nobis constitutus, dedit et concessit, pro salute anime sue et parentum suorum, in elemosinam domui Vallis Lucentis tredecim arpenta prati sita apud Colleum, cum quatuor solidis census qui sui erant, quiete et pacifice in perpetuum possidenda. Istam donacionem laudavit Hubertus de Colleum, miles, frater dicti Nicholai, coram nobis similiter constitutus. Quod autem coram nobis factum est, ad peticionem partium 448 sine preiudicio alterius, sub sigillo curie Senonensis testificamur. Actum anno Gratie Millesimo Ducentesimo Undecimo. MC38 1211, October. No location. Master Philippe, officialis of the Sens curia, indicates that Jean de Courlon quit and gave in alms 20 s. cens that those monks paid to him every years for their holding (tenetura) of Servins, just as it was contained in the charter of Guy, former archbishop of Sens. Agnes, his wife, who was present, confirmed and conceded this gift in alms. A. Original, AD Yonne, H 766. 10.2 x 19.7 cm. Seal of the Sens curia B. Vauluisant Cartulary, Servins section. Related Charters: 30, MC18. Magister Philippus, curie Senonensis officialis, omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis in Domino salutem. Noverint universi quod Iohannes de Corloone, in presentia nostra constitutus, viginti solidos censuales quitavit et in elemosinam donavit monachis Vallis Lucentis, quos ipsi monachi singulis annis ei reddebant pro tenetura de Cervins, sicut in autentico bone memorie Guidonis quondam Senonensis Archiepiscopi continebatur. Hanc autem elemosinam Agnes, uxor eius, que presents erat, laudavit et concessit. In cuius rei memoriam et testimonium, ad petitionem utriusque partis sine preiudicio alterius, presentem carta fecimus annotari et sigillo curie Senonensis roborari. Actum anno Gratie Millesimo Ducentesimo Undecimo, mense Octobri. MC39 1227, June 3. Thursday. No location. Master Michel, officialis of the Sens, curia notes that Milo de Ternant, miles, recognized that he sold to the brothers of Vauluisant 3 sextarii of wheat annual payment that he used to receive from the grange of Servins and a half arpent of meadow from the mill at Chaumont for 10 l. provinois, which he admitted he had been paid, promising that he would carry the warranty for these things and not raise a question about it in a future. Jean and Milo, his sons, who were present, confirmed and conceded the donation. A. Original, AD Yonne, H 766. 12.9 x 15.3 cm. B. Vauluisant Cartulary, Servins section. Related Charters: NC40 Omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis, Magister Michael, curie Senonensis officialis in Domino Salutem. Noverint universi quod Milo de Tarnantis, miles, in nostra presentia constitutus, recognovit se tres sextarios frumenti annui redditus quos percipiebat in granchia de Cervins et dimidium arpentum prati super molendinum Calvi Montis sitam, pro decem libris Pruvinensibus, de quibus confessus fuit sibi fuisse satisfactum, fratribus Vallislucentis vendidisse, promittens, fide data, se dictis fratribus garantiam debitam super hiis portaturum et per se vel per alios nullam in posterum questionem moturum. Dictam vero venditionem Iohannes et Milo, filii predicti militis, qui presentes erant, laudaverunt et concesserunt, fiduciantes quod, nec per se neque per interpositam personam, in dictis tribus sextariis frumenti et in dimidio arpento prati aliquid reclamabunt. Actum anno gratie Mo CCo Vicesimo Septimo die Iovis post Penthecosten. 449 MC40 [1162-1164]16 No location. Hugues, archbishop of Sens, wishes all to know that Guiard, son of Erlebaudus de Plessis, conceded and quit his claim to the brothers of Chevroy his rights of easement (aisantias) only in pasturage and in acorns, fur the feeding of all their animals. Moreover, Guiard conceded and quit claim to the same brothers all disputes (querele) concerning which he was accustomed to disturb them, namely concerning the land of Charny, the fief of Geoffroy Bullenus of the woods of Servins, also the pastures of the woods of Champeus, in both plains and woods, and similarly the pastures of Plessis, and also in the land of Valors, finally pastures wherever he had woods and plains pertaining to his right. Similarly, he gave and conceded to them aisantias there and received from the charity of the brothers 60 s. Guiard's wife and underage children (infantes) confirmed this. Guiard swore to hold this without evil plans, so that if the children, when they should attain maturity, should not wish to hold this agreement, they (the monks) should have back their coins, it nevertheless being sworn on the sacraments (prestito sacramento) by the same Guiard that he is not able to carry the warranty against his children. And if Guiard should not wish to restore those coins to the brothers, he will be placed under the sentence of excommunication. A. Original, AD Yonne, H 765. 15.5 x 23.1 cm. Seal of Hugues, archbishop of Sens. Related Charters: MC8, MC10, MC13. Ego Hugo, Dei gratia Senonensis archiepiscopus, notum omnibus esse volo, et presentibus et futuris, quod Guiardus, filius Erlebaudi de Plasseio, concessit, in presentia nostra, fratribus de Cheveroia et quietas clamavit, tam in plano quam in bosco, aisantias suas tantummodo in pasturis et in glande ad porcos et omnia animalia sua nutrienda. Preterea concessit Guiardus ipse fratribus eisdem et quietas clamavit omnes querelas de quibus eos inquietare solebat, videlicet terram de Charni, et casamentum Gaufridi Bulleni de nemore de Cervins, pascua quoque de nemore de Champes, tam in plano quam in bosco, et de Plasseio similiter, et etiam in terra de Valors, postremo ubicumque boscum et planum habebat pertinens ad ius suum. Aisantias ibidem similiter in pastura et glande eis concessit et donavit ac de caritatem fratrum habuit LX solidos. Laudavit hoc uxor eiusdem Guiardi et infantes eius; et hoc ipse Guiardus affiduciavit tenendum sine malo ingenio, ita quod si idem infantes cum ad aetatem fuerint nollent custodire hanc, eandem pactionem ipsi fratres sine contradictione rehaberent denarios suos, prestito tamen sacramento ab eodem Guiardo quod non possit ferre garantiam de infantibus suis eisdem fratribus. Et si Guiardus nollet fratribus denarios illos resarcire, inde in sententiam excommunicationis poneretur. Huius rei testes sunt: Willelmus, prepositus; Odo, decanus; Matheus, precentor; Irbertus, canonicus; Gauterus, nepos precentoris; Garnerius presbiter de Compiniaco; Leobaudus, canonicus Sancte Mariae; Ansellus Gasteblez; Otrannus de Plasseio; Tebaudus, prepositus regis, Baud.17 filius Ulrici, Daimbertus, Gaufridus de Pontibus. Ut autem hoc ratum esset et stabile, sigillo nostro fecimus roborari. Datum per manum Fromundi notarii, anno pontificatus nostri XXIo. 16The twenty-first year of Hugues' archiepiscopacy. 1142 was the beginning of Hugues' archiepiscopacy, Gams. Depending on the way in which Hugues counted, the twenty-first must fall sometime around here, most likely in 1162 or 1163. 17Baud. is abbreviated by a line through the ascender of the d. 450 MC41 1196 (o. st.). Traînel. Ermance, domina of Traînel, states that when a disagreement (discordia) had been held for some time between the brothers of the church of Vauluisant and the nuns of the Paraclete over certain disputes over lands and woods, by the mandate of the lord pope, it was often convened in the presence of Michel, archbishop of Sens, and M., archdeacon, and the case was not able to be settled in their presence by argreement or judgement, finally, both parties agreed to adhere to her judgment. Having diligently inquired into the truth of things, and having the counsel of legitimate and the best men, and having received sureties of 60 l. that they would adhere to her judgment, she stated and decreed, with the assent of both parties, that the abbot and brothers of Vauluisant conceded to the paraclete to have whatever they had demanded from them. The nuns quit to the brothers to freely possess whatever they had in woods and lands, just as the road of Bagneux extends through the cross of Venne (the Vanne?) towards the village of Pouy, and 16 d. from the mill of Pouy. A. Original, AD Yonne, H 675. 14.4 x 16.8 cm. a. Quantin II, pp. 477-78, no. 469. After A. Related Charters: 38-9, 105, 204, 372. Omnibus ad quos littere iste pervenerint. Ermancia, domina de Triagnel, in Domino salutem. Noverit universitas vestra quod, cum inter fratres ecclesie Vallis lucentis et sanctimoniales de Paraclito super quibusdam querelis terrarum et nemorum diu habita fuisset discordia et, ex mandato domini Pape, in presentia domini M[ichaelis], Senonensis archiepiscopi et M., archidiaconi, super his sepius convenissent, nec causa coram eis compositionem vel iuditio terminari potuisset, tandem, ex utraque parte fuit in me compromissum. Que, siquidem inquisita diligentius rei veritate, necnon etiam super his legitimorum virorum et optimatum habito consilio, acceptis hinc et inde plegiis lx librarum quod meo starent arbitrio, assensu utriusque partis statui et decrevi ut abbas et fratres Vallislucentis Paraclitensibus habendum concederent quicquid adversus eas reclamabant. Predicte vero sanctimoniales quicquid habebant in nemoribus et terris, sicut via de Barneolis per crucem Venne, versus villam de Poseio protenditur, et xvi denarios in molendino de Poseio memoratis fratribus libere possidendum in perpetuum quitarent. Quod ut ratum maneat, presentem cartam notari feci et sigilli mei munimine roborari. Actum, anno incarnati Verbi M C CX VI. MC42 1213 (o. st.), January. No location. Geoffroy, abbot of Saint-Jacques de Provins notes that Girard and Thibaut, milites, sons of the deceased Simon Crollebois, and Simon's daughters, Marie, Gila and Margarite sold to Nicholas, cleric, son of the deceased Aubert Mercerius (Marchand?) 16 s. annual cens which they had at Saint-Martin-le-Villefranche [-le-Chennetron] for 34 l. Hodelina, the mother of those sons and daughters, divested herself of her dower, which she had in the cens, into hands of her sons and daughters, and by her own will surrendered it to said cleric. Moreover, said brothers and sisters swore that they would hold the sale in good faith and warranty the cens just as it was held in allod. S/he (singular) quit his/her feudal rights pertaining to this sale and agreement. A. Original, AD Yonne, H 762. 12.8 x 18.3 cm. Related Charter: 336. 451 Gaufridus, ecclesie Beati Iacobi Pruvinensis dictus abbas, omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis in Domino salutem. Noverit universitas vestra quod, in presentia nostra constituti, Girardus et Theobaldus, filii defuncti Symonis Croulebois militis, et Maria et Gila, Margaretaque, filie eiusdem Symonis, vendiderunt Nicholao, clerico, filio defuncti Auberti, mercerii, sexdecim solidos annui census, uno denario minus, quem censum habebant apud Sanctum Martinum de Vilersfranchien pro triginta et quatuor libras. Hodelinaque mater predictorum filiorum et filiarum, devestivit se de dote sua quam in dicto censu habebat in manibus filiorum suorum et filiarum, coram nobis et dicto clerico, spontanea voluntate quitavit. Insuper prenominati fratres et sorores et Hodelina, mater eorum, fidutiaverunt quod ipsi bona fide venditionem tenerent et dictum censum prefato Nicholau, clerico, sicut de alodio libere quiete et pacifice garantirent. Et si aliquis sepedictum clericum super predicto censu presumeret molestare, predicti fratres et sorores materque eorum adversus molestantes eundem clericum bona fide garantire tenerentur et damna que dicto clerico super hoc evenirent ipsi fide mediante restuarare tenerentur universa. Huius vero venditionis factae et de pactionibus superius notatis tenendis atque de recta garantia portanda plegius esta Gilo croulebois per fidem suam et si aliqui de dicto censu erat de feodo suo sepedicto clerico liberaliter quitavit. In cuius rei memoriam et testimonium ad utriusque partis petitionem, presentem cartulam sigilli nostri munimine roboravimus. Actum anno Gratie Millesimo Ducentesimo Terciodecimo, mense Ianuario. a. est]et ex corr. A. MC43 1215 (o. st.). No location. Blanche, countess palatine of Troyes, Olivier, abbot of Quincy, Guillaume abbot of Fontaine-Jean, make known that when a dispute was held between Gautier, abbot, and the brothers of Vauluisant and dominus Geoffroy Eventé de Plessis, Nicolas, his uncle, and the men of Plessis, Pailly and Courmont over the usage rights of the woods of Servins, and Barrault, finally they submitted the issue to them for arbitration. Blanche, not wanting to address this issue, sent Pierre de Boy (Bouy?) as a proxy. These three, with the advice of noblemen and prud'hommes, mostly regional lords, summoned by the countess, entirely absolved the abbot and brothers of Vauluisant from the suit of Geoffroy, Nicolas and the men (with the exception the Geoffroy maintains hunting rights such that he may build hedges -- haies -- under the condition that they monks may destroy them at the end of the season) and required that they make satisfaction in the payment of damages. They also conceded to them the right to send animals into the woulds, except for the cutting areas (cospetiis -- coupe), from which they will continually keep away from for three years. A. Original, AN J 195, Champagne, III, no. 4. 18.4 x 20.5 cm B. Copy, BN, MS Latin 5993, fo. 126 r-v. C. Copy, BN, MS Latin 5992, fo, 242r. (these and the rest are all comital Cartularies of Champagne) D. Copy of C, BM Troyes 22, p. 147. E. Copy BN, MS Latin 5993 A, fo. 356 r.18 a. Microfilm of A. b. Microfilm of E. 18 Note, the foliation of this MS is medieval, i.e., a "folio" number corresponds to two facing pages. Thus, recto/verso designations are somewhat misleading, as the folio is not what is numbered. In this case, for example, 356v would refer to the verso side of the folio immediately preceding 356r. 452 Edition after aBCb. Ind: D'Arbois de Jubainville, Histoire -- Catalogue, v. 5, p. 97, no. 956 (B-E); Teulet, Layettes du Trésor des Chartes, v. 1, pp. 422-23, no. 1150 (A). Related Charters: 68, MC10, MC26. Universis presentes litteras inspecturis, Blancha Comitissa19 Trecensis Palatina, Frater O. Quinciaci,20 Frater G. Fontis Johannis dicti abbates, Salutem in domino. Noveritis quod cum querela verteretur inter venerabiles viros abbatem Galterum et fratres Vallis Lucentis ex una parte et dominum Gaufridum Eventatum de Pleisseto,21 Nicholaum avunculum suum, et homines de [[de]]22 pleisseto,23 de Palliaco, de Courmont, ex altera super usuagio24 nemorum de Cervins, de Bosreaut,25 tandem in nos compromiserunt ita quod si {B:126v)Ego Comitissa26 nollem hoc in me recipere, loco mei esset dominus Petrus de27 Boy.28 Nos vero abbates et idem petrus instrumentis utriusque partis29 diligenter inspectis, attestationibus receptis, et sollicite discussis, de consilio nobilium et prudentum virorum, quos ego Comitissa30 ad hoc advocari precepi, videlicet comitis sancti pauli, domini Garneri de Triangulo, domini Roberti de Miliaco,31 domini Guidoni de Capis, domini Ogerii de Saint Chinum,32 domini Radulfi de Pontibus, domini Balduini33 de Remis, dictos abbatem et fratres Vallis Lucentis ab impetitione dictorum34 Gaufridi, Nicholai et hominum super dicto35 usuagio36 nemorum de Cervins et de Bosreaut37 penitus absolvimus perpetuum super hoc eisdem silentium imponentes et eosdem in dampnis et gravaminibus sepedictis38 abbati39 et fratribus in illis40 nemoribus ab ipsis illatis condempnantes41 ut ad nostrum consilium satisfaciant abbati et fratribus (E:356rb) memoratis, hoc excepto: quod dominus Gaufridus usum venandi42 ibidem exercere poterit et facere ad hoc ipsum hayam quotienscumque43 voluerit, quam tamen 19Comitissa]cometissa 20Quinciaci]Quintiaci 21Plaisseto C. C. BC om. BCE. 23 plaisseto C. 24 usuagio]usuario 25 Bosreant BC. 26 abbv. C. 27 Petrus de om. C. 28 boy]roy 29 partis om. A. (inserr. C) 30 again abbv. in C 31 Milliaco BCE 32saint chirum(chiru.)B saintcheron C 33 Baldoini C 34 dicto B dicti C 35 superdicto]supradicto C 36 usario C 37 boseant C Bosreant B 38 sepedicti C 39 abbati]abbatis ex corr C. 40 illis]villis E. 41 condempnantes]-nentes ex corr. ]Condampnantes E. 42 usum venandi]usum suum venandi add E. 43 quotiensque C 22 453 dicti fratres post venationem poterunt extirpare et tam44 ipse quam dictus Nicholaus et homines animalia sua ad pascendum ibidem mittere poterint, preter in copetiis45 continue factis a quibus per triennium abstinebunt. Actum46 anno domini Millesimo CCo quintodecimo.. 44 tum C copeiciis C 46 om. E. 45 454 APPENDIX F NON-CARTULARY CHARTERS NC1 1163, November 22. Sens. Pope Alexander [III] writes to Pierre, abbot of the monastery of Vauluisant, and to his brothers who have professed the regular life, that he has extended a privilege and protection to the property of the Cistercian abbey, particularly the central monastic site, the granges of Beauvoir, Toucheboeuf, Livanne, Armentières, Cérilly and Bernières, and their vineyards elsewhere. This confirmations mention the donations by title; where I have been able to locate the charter indicated, I have placed the number in parantheses. A. Original, AD Yonne, H 676. 80.7 x 55.8 cm. Sign of binding in left margin. Rota of Alexander III in bottom middle of charter, among cardinals. Benevalete. a. Quantin II, p. 156, no. 143. After A. Ind: Philippus Jaffé, Regesta Pontificum Romanorum, ab condita ecclesia ad annum post Christum natum MCXCVIII, Second Edition, Leipzig 1888. v.2, no. 10957. Alexander, episcopus, servus servorum Dei, dilectis filiis Petro, abbati monasterii de Valle Lucenti, eiusque fratribus, tam presentibus quam futuris, regularem vitam professis, in perpetuam memoriam. Desiderium quod ad religionis propositum et animarum salutem pertinere monstratur, sine aliqua est dilatione complendum. Ea propter, dilecti in Domino filii nostris vestris iustis postulationibus clementer annuimus et prefatum monasterium in quo divino mancipati estis obsequio, sub Beati Petri et nostra protectione suscipimus et presentis scripti privilegi communimus. In primis siquidem statuentes ut ordo monasticiis quod secundum Deum et Beati Benedicti regulam atque institutionem Cisterciensem fratrem in vestro monasterio noscitur institutus, perpetuis ibidem temporibus inviolabiliter conservetur. Preterea quascumque possessiones quecumque bona idem monasterium in presentiarum iuste et canonice possidet, aut infuturum concessione pontificum, largitione regum vel principum oblationem fidelium seu aliis iustis modis, deo propitio poterit adipisci, firma vobis vestrisque successoribus et illibata permaneant. In quibus hec propriis duximus exprimenda vocabulis: Locum ipsum in quo abbatia vestra fundata est, cum omnibus pertinentiis suis, et duabus grangiis que dicuntur Belveerum et Tuchebovem, et terris cultis et incultis, pratis, nemoribus et pascuis. -- Ex dono dompni Anselli de Triagnio, quicquid habebat in eodem loco (#172?). -- Ex dono Philippi, qui dicitur Bibens-Secanam, quicquid habebat in terris, pratis ac nemoribus in riveria Iegye, ab utraque parte aque, prope vel longe, a villa scilicet que dicitur Lallelium, usque ad aliam que dicitur Curgenetum (#174). -- Ex dono Hugonis de Varellis, quicquid possessionis tenebat in agris et silvis, a villa Lalliaco usque ad villam que dicitur Curgenetum, retenta sibi silva que dicitur Lanceia (#177); usuarium eiusdem silve omni tempore liberum, in omnibus vobis necessariis, laudante hoc Petro de Varellis et Bovone, fratre suo (#178, 179). -- Ex dono Fulconis de Lalleio, terras quas habebat a grangia usque ad abbatiam et in utraque ripa aque, et quandam partem terre que erat inter grangiam et Lalleium desuper viam; et quicquid habebat in terris communibus et silvis, et commune quod habebat in valle Putinnei cum Helya de Balneolis, et in silva que dicitur Lautum, retro abbatiam, et quandam partem terre quam 455 habebat subter vallem Putinnei, et quicquid habebat in bosco qui dic[it]ur Sorleinus, et in Trembleio qui est desuper vallem Putinnei. (#180, 294) -- [Ex] dono eiusdem, terram que est prope fontem citra Lalleium, et pratum sibi adiacens, et aliud pratum ex alia parte aque et ultra abbatiam pratum quod dicitur Sancti-Pauli; et illud quod est iuxta salices, secus pratum Oberti de Curgeneto. (#184)-- Quicquid habetis de Stephano Espanello in parrochia Curgeneti, et a Lalleio usque Poseuim, quod erat de feudo suo (#192). -Quicquid habetis de Stephano de Toriniaco, inter Lalleium et Curgenetum, quod erat de feudo suo (no #); et duas particulas terre, quarum una est super pratum quod tenent homines de Molinuns, et altera super pratum quod tenebat Guiardus de Lalleio (#180). -Ex dono Anselli, filii Odonis de Fontevene, quicquid habebat in territorio Flasceii, in plano et bosco, in pratis et aquis. (#181) -- Ex dono Otranni de Marcelleio, quicquid habebat de feudo dompni Havini de Trancquel, in territorio Curgineti in plano et bosco, et in omnibus aliis nemoribus usuarium porcorum. (#182)-- Ex dono Guerrici de Buceio, quicquid habebat in plano et bosco de feudo quod tenebat de Amelina de Fontevene (#191). -- Ex dono Havuini de Tranquel, quicquid habebat a vado Orreis usque ad abbatiam ex utraque parte aque, et quicquid habebat inter Curginetum et Lalleium (#193). -- Ex dono Guarnerii de Ulmis, omnem terram quam habebat in territorio Curgeneti et Poisi, preter illam quam tenebant homines sui (#186). -- Ex dono Petri, filii Holdieri Senonensis, quicquid habebat in territorio Curgeneti, in terris et pratis (#187). -- Ex dono Petri de Lumni, quicquid habebat de feudo Bernegarii, fratris Guerrici de Buci, ubicunque esset, et apud Villam-Novam, et in riveria Iegie, in bosco et plano (#196) -Ex dono Stephani Albi de Firmitate, quicquid terre habebat in territorio Lallelii (#197). - Ex dono Raaldi de Lanis, quicquid habebat in territorio Lallelii, in plano et bosco (#198). -- Ex dono Mauricii de Lanis, quicquid habebat in eodem territorio, in plano et bosco (#199). -- Ex dono Balduini Senonensis, quicquid habebat in terris, pratis et silvis, a Fusseio et ultra versus Vallem Lucentem (#200). -- Ex dono Ansaldi de Marcelleio, pratum quoddam desuper abbatiam (no #). Grangiam que dicitur Luvania, cum omnibus appenditiis suis. -- Ex dono Garnerii de Rumeleio, omne territorium quod apud Francamvillam (villeneuve-aux-RichesHommes?) possidebat, concedente Ansello ad cuius dominium pertinebat (no #). -- Ex dono Odonis Peiure, quicquid habebat in terris, pratis et silvis, in territorio Curgeneti et ubicumque in circuitu eius. (no #) -- Ex dono Hugonis, filii Helye de Balneolis, quicquid habebat in silva que dicitur Sorleium; et partem quam habebat in Luvania; et quicquid habebat in campis et pratis, a Luvania usque ad petram que dicitur Doelena (#293). -- Ex dono Ochini de Poseio, quicquid habebat in territorio Poseii, in terris et nemoribus (no #). -- Ex dono Rainaudi militis, quicquid habebat in terris et nemoribus que dicuntur Heredum; et totum feudum quod tenebat de Symone de Nogento; et alodium quod habebat cum participibus et cognatis suis (no #, but cf. #171 where Pouy prop. dispute is settled and 146 where a Renaud, miles, is the prepositus of archbishop Henri). -- Ex dono Damerun, domine de Poseio, unam hastam terre que iacet inter terras Hugonis Paltunerii (no #). -- Ex dono Isnardi, vicecomitis Ioviniaci, quicquid habebat in area quadam ad molendium hedificandum, que est des[uper v]adum Orreis (cf. #159, but note it's Esmerille, Isnard's wife, and the lands called "Grava"). -- Ex dono Garnerii de Fusseio, quicquid habeabat in area eadem ; et aquam ad piscandum usque Molinuns, ab utroque vobis concessam (cf. #159, where Garnier gives same to Isnard). -- Ex dono Helisabeth, filie Tecelini de Villamaur[i, quicquid ha]bebat in territorio Poseii, in bosco et prato (no #). -- Ex dono Gauterii de Fonteneto, quicquid habebat in territorio Pois. . . plano (no #, but see #204, where Gautier's gift of a forest is given to the Paraclete). Mainardo de Villamauri, et uxore eius ad quos . . . [ux]ore eius Agne de quorum feudo erat, et Itero, filio eorum concedentibus. (no #) -- Ex dono Symonis d. . .siam ad ulmum Poseii; et aliam in valle de Luceio (no #, probably the same Simon de Nois as in #165, 456 Luceio, probably Lussein) . . .no Damerum de1 Poseio, portiunculam terre que erat inter terras Vallis Lucentis; duas particulas terre que sunt . . . [N]oas, et alibi dimidiam ochiam que est inter Poseium et Noas; et omnem terram quam habebat [a petra que di]citur Doelena usque ad terram liberam Poseti.(no #) -- Ex dono Gauteri Chaillou quandam partem terre, a semita molendini usque ad terras prefate ecclesie. -- Ex dono Richerii Li Curteis, omnem terram quam habebat arabilem in terra Heredum; et sartamenta que fecerat in nemore sanctimonialium de Paraclito (no #). -- Ex dono Damerun, IIII portiunculas terre, due2 scilicet iuxta petram que dicitur Doelena, cum prato ibidem posito, et duas in loco qui dicitur ad Noas (no #). -- Ex dono Iosberti, cognomento Truia, usuarium in omnibus terris et nemoribus suis que sunt iuxta villam que dicitur Avum (no #). -- Ex dono Emberti de Triagnio, terram quam habebat apud Poseium, et parte coniugis sue (no #). -- Ex dono Garnerii de Avenz, quicquid terre habebat in finibus Poesei (no #). -- Ex dono Wilonis de Toriniaco, et Bernardi et Renaudi, fratris eius, quicquid iuris habebant in communi hereditate de Toriniaco (no #). -- Ex dono Holrici de Toriniaco; Radulfi et Gileberti, fratris eius (no #); Dieti et Hugonis, fratris eius; Girardi, filii Garini; Iohannis de Plasseio; Emmeline de Triagnio; Iosberti Hayron; Isnardi de Missereio; et Iohannis Morelli quicquid iuris habebant in predicta hereditate (no #s); Grangiam que dicitur Bernerias cum omnibus appenditiis suis. -- Ex dono Godefridi de Capella, quandam terram desuper Bernerias et viam que est ab eadem terra usque ad terram Berneriarum, ad extrahendam marlam; et pratum quod est inter prata Berneriarum; et quicquid ecclesia vestra de suo iure et feudo tenebat (#396, 401 - note it's Godefrey's mother Mahuld that gives it). -- Ex dono Roberti Bohort, omnia prata que habebat in riveria Berneriarum (#397A). -- Ex dono Teobaldi Carrio, gordum unum apud Bernerias (397B). -- Ex dono Gaufridi Ridel, terram quam habebat apud Bernerias (#399). -- Ex dono Mauricii de Marneio, quicquid possidebat in finibus Berneriarum in terris et pratis (#402). -- Ex dono Renaudi, Drogonis, Hugonis, Michabelis, Dieri filiorum3 Baronis de Berneriis, quicquid habebat in finibus Berneriarum in terris et pratis (#403). -- Ex dono Gaufridi, filii Seguini de Nogento, quandam particulam terre apud vineam Godefridi (#404). -- Ex dono Regine, filie Freheri, pratum quod est inter prata Berneriarum (#405). -- Grangiam que dicitur Cirilliacum, cum omnibus appenditiis suis. --Ex dono Manasserii de Villa Mauri et Odonis filii eius, et Pontii de Triagnio, et aliorum, quicquid habebat in predicto loco in terris et nemoribus (#298, 297) -- Ex dono Bovonis de Varellis (#195), Pontii de Triagnio (#297), Hugonis Pauperis de Cussigneio (#299, 302), et Iosberti de Regneio, quicquid habebant in territorio Cirillei (#300). -- Ex dono Girardi Berengarii, Drogonis Strabonis, et uxoris sue, et filiorum suorum, et Iosberti Magni, quicquid habebant in nemore quod dicitur Faygarnete (#296). Ex dono Philippi de Rumilleio, et Hugonis, et Houduini fratrum, et Hugoni Pautonerii, grangiam que dicitur Armentarias cum omnibus appenditiis suis. (no #s, Houdoin might be #290) -- et vineas quas habetis in civitate Senonensis, et in castro comitis Henrici quod dicitur Chalete (no #s, but judging by the switch to second person, there may never have been any charters for this). Sane laborum vestrorum, quos propriis manibus aut sumptibus colitis, sive de nutrimentis vestrorum animalium, nullus a vobis decimas presumat exigere. Adicimus etiam ut nulli hominum vestrorum liceat post factum in eodem loco professionem absque abbati licentia de claustro discedere. Discendentem vero absque communium litterarum cautione. Nullus audeat retinere paci quoque et tranquillitati vestre paterna sollicitudine 1de]de de a. a. 3filiorum]filie et a. 2due]duas 457 providentes, auctoritates apostolica prohibemus. Ut infra clausuras locorum seu grangiarum vestrarum nullum violentiam vel rapinam sive furtum committere seu combustione facere aut homines capere vel interficere audeat. Decernimus ergo ut nulli omnino hominum liceat prefatum monasterium vexare, perturbare, aut eius possessiones auferre vel ablatas retinere, minuere, seu quibuslibet vexationibus fatigare, sed omnia integra conserventur eorum pro quorum [gubernatione et sustentatione concessa sunt usibus omnimodis profutura]4 salva sedis apostolice auctoritate. Si qua igitur in futurum ecclesiastica secularisve persona hanc nostre constitutionis paginam sciens, contra eam temere [venire] temptaveret, secundo, tertiove co[mmonita] nisi congrue[nter] emendaverit, potestatis honorisque sui [dignitate] careat, reamque se [iudicio divino] exsistere de perpetrata iniquitate cognoscat, a sacrassimo corpore et sanguine Dei ac Domini redemptoris nostri Ihesu Christi, aliena fiat atque in extremo examine districte subiaceat ultiorii. Cunctis autem eidem loco sua iura servantibus, sit pax Domini nostri Ihesu Christi quatinus et hic fructum bone actionis percipiant et apud districtam iudicem premia eterne pacis inveniant. Amen. Amen. AMEN. Ego Alexander catholice ecclesie episcopus, subscripsi. BENEVALETE {left} †Ego Hubaldus, presbiter cardinalis tituli Sancto Crucis in Ierusalem. †Ego Henricus, presibiter cardinalis tituli Sanctorum Herci et Achillei. †Ego Iohannis, presbiter cardinalis tituli Sancte Anastasie. †Ego Guillelmus, tituli Sancti Petri ad vincula presbiter cardinalis. {center} †Ego Hubaldus, Hostiensis episcopus. †Ego Bernardinus Portueur., et Sancte Rufini episcopus. †Ego, Gualterius Albanensis episcopus. {right} †Ego Iacintus, diaconus cardinalis Sancte Marie in Cosmyo. †Ego Oddo, diaconus cardinalis Sancti Nic. in cartem Tull.. †Ego Arditio, diaconus cardinalis Sancti Theodori. †Ego Cintyus, diaconus cardionalis Sancte Adriani. †Ego Manfredus, diaconus cardinalis Sancti Georgii ad vetum aureum. Datum Senonis, per manum Hermanni, Sancte Romane ecclesie subdiaconi et notarii, X kalendas Decembris, indictione xi; incarnationis Dominice anno M C LX III; pontificatus vero Alexandri pape III, anno V. NC2 [1166 - 1167, or 1179]5 Lateran. Pope Alexander III writes to the archbishop of Sens and his suffragens that the brothers of Vauluisant, like other brothers of the Cistercian Order, are free from paying tithes on lands that they work by themselves. Further, if a layperson should extort tithes from the monks, he will be excommunicated; if a clergyman, he will be suspended from his offices. 4not in my transcription. This section benefitted from only a single pass over the original; brackets mark interpolations from Quantin, II, p. 137. 51166-7, 1179, Marches when Alexander III was at the Lateran. 1163 is written on the parchment in a later hand. 458 Finally, if anyone should lay violent hands on the monks or conversi of Vauluisant, he will be publicly excommunicated. A. Original, AD Yonne, H 676. 19.2 x 22.3 cm. Single pass, extremely dubious transcription. Ind: Philippus Jaffé, Regesta Pontificum Romanorum, ab condita ecclesia ad annum post Christum natum MCXCVIII, Second Edition, Leipzig 1888. v.2, no. 13187, p. 331. Alexander, episcopus, servus servorum Dei, venerabilibus Senonensi archiepiscopo et suffragennis eius, salutem et apostolicam benedictionem. Audivimus et audientes . . .cum fratres Vallis Lucentis, sicut alii fratres Cisterciensis Ordinis, a solutione decimarii de laboribus suis quos propriis manibus . . . de . . . sedis apostolice libere fuit penitus et immunes quidam clerici et laici priores monachi et canonici vestre iurisdicti. . .tus . . . indulgentia sedis apostolice decimas exigere, extorquere non verenter interpretatione prava et sinistra apostolici privile[gii] . . . perven. . . asserendo de novalibus debere intelligi, ubi noscitur de laboribus esse in scriptum. Quoniam igitur manifestum est omnibus qui . . . conversus, esse intellectum fatio contrariam, cum secundum capitulum illud a solutione decimarum, tam de terris . . . de . . .nt ad cultum, quam de terris cultis quas ipsi propriis manibus vel sumptibus excolunt, penitus sint immunes . . .ariam indignandi vel ipsos quolibet modo contra iustitiam molestandi fraternitati vestre per apostolica scripta preti. . .do. . .ndam quatinus. . .versi ecclesiasticis iuris vestre iurisdictionis auctoritate apostolica districtius prohibere curetis, ne a memoratis abbate et fratribus Vallislucentis vel etiam fratribus aliorum monasteriorum Cisterciensis Ordinis qui in episcopatibus vestris consistunt de novalibus et etiam de aliis terris quas . . . ducit nullatenus decimas exigere vel quolibet modo extorquere presumant. Nam si de novalibus tanquam voluissem intelligi vel ponimus de laboribus de novalibus poneremus sicut in privilegiis quorundam aliorum apponimus. Quia vero non est conveniens vel honestam . . . privilegia sedis apostolice quoquomodo veniatur que obtinere debent inviolabilem firmitatem, mandamus vobis atque precipimus si qui priores, monachi, [canonici,] clerici, sive laici contra privilegia sedis apostolice predictos fratres decimarum exactione gravaverit, laicos excommunicationis sente[ntia] percellatis, priores, monachos, canonicos et clericos omni contradictione et appellationis cessanti offitio suspendatis et, tam excommunicationis quam suspensionis sententiam faciatis usque ad dignam satisfactionem inviolabiliter observari. Ad hoc presentium vobis auctoritate precipiendo, mandamus quatinus siquis in monachos vel conversos prescripti monasterii manus violentas iniecerit, cum accensis candelis publice excommunicatum denuntietis et fatiatis ab omnibus sicut excommunicatum cautius evitari denique congrue satisfaciat predictis abbati et fratribus et cum litteris diocesani episcopi rei veritatem continentibus apostolice se conspeceiis. . . . . . Datum Lateranum, Idus Martii. NC3 1179 [n.st.], January 15. Tusculan. Pope Alexander [III], writes to Pierre, abbot of the monastery of Notre-Dame de Vauluisant, and to his brothers who have professed the regular life, stating that he has extended a privilege and protection to the holdings of the Cistercian abbey, particularly, the grange of Chevroy, with the woods and all lands of Servins, and with the part that 459 they have in woods and lands in Barrault, and in all the land of Valors, and with everything pertaining to the locations of Chevroy and Servins.6 A. Original, AD Yonne, H 676. 53.6 x 17.7 cm. Single pass, extremely dubious transcription. Alexander, episcopus, servus servorum Dei, dilectis filiis Petro, abbati monasterii Sancte Marie Vallis Lucentis, eiusque fratribus, tam presentibus quam futuris, regularem vitam professis, in perpetuam memoriam. Et si iura omnium religiosorum virorum conservare ac protegere teneamur, vobis tamen tanto fortius adesse compellimur quanto divinus arctius estis obsequiis mancipati Eapropter dilecti in Christo filii vestris iustis postulationibus clementer annuimus et prefatum monasterium in quo divino mancipati obsequio estis sub beati Petri et nostra protectiones suscipimus et presentis scripti privelegio communimus. In primis siquidem statuentes ut ordo monasticus qui secundum deum et Beati Benedicti regulam atque institutionem Cistertiensum fratrem in eodem monasterio statutus esse dinoscitur, perpetuis ibidem temporibus inviolabiliter observetur. Preterea quascumque possessiones quecumque bona idem monasterium in presentiarum iuste et canonice possidet, aut in futurum concessione pontificum, largitione regum vel principum oblationem fidelium seu aliis iustis modis, prestante Domino poterit adipisci, firma vobis vestrisque successoribus et illibata permaneant. In quibus hec propriis duximus exprimenda vocabulis: Grangiam de Chevreio, cum nemore et tota terra de Cervins et cum parte quam habetis in nemore et terra Rahardi et in tota terra de Valoirs et cum universis ad predicta loca de Chevreio et de Cervins pertinentibus. Sane laborum vestrorum, quos propriis manibus aut sumptibus colitis, sive de nutrimentis vestrorum animalium, nullus a vobis decimas exigere vel extorquere presumat. Liceat quoque vobis clericos vel laicos e seculo fugientes . . . . {last paragraph is purportedly similar to the preceding charter} Datum Tusculanum per manum Alberti, Sancte Romane Ecclesie presbiteri cardinalis et cancellarii, XVIII kalendas Februarii, Indictione XI. Incarnationis Dominice anno Mo Co LXXo VIIIo, pontificatus nostri, Domini Alexandri pape III, anno XXI. NC4 [ca. 1147]7 No location. Herbert, abbot of Saint-Pierre-le-Vif, surrendered and conceded to the church of Vauluisant all land that his church had in plains and woods in the territory of Courgenay and Pouy, except for certain land that pertained to the almoner, where 18 d. and 3 emine were paid to him, under such a condition established between the two churches: that the church of Vauluisant pays to the church of Saint-Pierre-le-Vif every year on the feast of Saint Remy (October 1) 3 sextaria of peas and three sextaria of oats. Some interval of time taking place, the same Herbert sold the same land and all the cens to the church of Vauluisant for the payment of another land more convenient and useful to him situated which the church of Vauluisant bought from Milo de Bazoches in the territory of Seignelay (Siliniacensi). The monks of Saint-Pierre-le-Vif refrained from confirming for some time until at the requests of the Lord Pope Eugenius [III], Louis [VII], king of the 6François Huot, "Excursion à travers sept siècles d'histoire en l'Abbaye cistercienne de Vauluisant," text of paper read before the members of the Société archéologique de Sens on June 16, 1963, p. 17 mentions a confirmation of these and all previous privileges issued by Innocent III on March 27, 1205 at Rome. I have not seen this document myself. 7Shortly before Herbert's murder, on April (?) 1, 1147, GC. 460 Franks, and Bernard, abbot of Clairvaux, they confirmed and conceded the land to be held and perpetually possessed by the church of Vauluisant. The entire chapter confirmed this. A. Original, AD Yonne, H 710. 23.2 (plus 11.2 in flap) x 20.6 cm. Recto side. Seal of the abbot of SaintPierre-le-Vif.8 Photograph: Figure 29. Related Charter: 205. Notum sit omnibus presentibus et futuris quod abbas Sancti Petri Vivi, Herbertus nomine, dimisit et concessit aecclesiae Vallis Lucentis omnem terram quam ecclesia Sancti Petri Vivi habebat in territorio Curginei et Poisei, et in plano et in bosco, excepta quadam terra quae ad elemosinarium pertinebat unde reddebantur ei decem et octo nummi et tres eminae avenae, tali conditione inter duas aecclesias habita: quod aecclesia Vallis Lucentis persolveret aecclesiae Sancti Petri Vivi pro illa terra, unoquoque anno in festo Sancti Remigii, tria sextaria pisorum et tria sextaria avenae. Et ut hoc ratum haberetur, sigilli sui impressione signavit. Quodam vero interposito temporis intervallo, idem Herbertus eandem terram et totum censum ecclesiae Vallis Lucentis vendidit pro emenda alia terra commodiore sibi et utiliore quam emit a Milone de Basochis in territorio Silviniacensi. Quod monachi aliquandiu laudare recusantes, tandem precibus Domini Pape Eugenii et Ludouvici, regis Francorum, et Bernardi, abbatis Clarevallis, laudaverunt et terram illam aecclesiae Vallis Lucentis habendam et perpetuo possidendam concesserunt. Hoc laudavit omne capitulum, Iolduini, scilicet prior eiusdem aecclesiae Sancti Petri Vivi; et alter prior de No, Petrus Arvernensis; Odo de Ioviniaco, Hugo de Iulian., Ernaldus et Ernaldus, avunculus scilicet et nepos; Seguinus; Theobaldus cellararius, filius Beatricis; Fulco, elemosinarius; Stephanus et Petrus, filii Stephani de Balchesi; Dodo de Boal; Alexander de Ioviniaco; Iohannes de Ioviniaco; Andreas de Pareio; Henricus de Pruviniaco; Fulcherus de Ioviniaco; Radulfus; Reimbaldus; Willelmus de Pruviniaco; Reimundus; Galterus de Curte Aun; Teodericus de Servenni; Salo Esvente; Balduinus de Malleoth; Petrus de Sancto Remigio; Alelmus, filius Letaldi de Pruviniaco. NC5 [1152-1181]9 No location. The French on the folder which covers this documents states that Hugues l'Eventé made a concession for himself and his heirs, with the approval of Henri [I], count of Campagne and Brie, of the gruerie of the woods called Luisant (today Lussein) with all the men and women and their increase. "Laquelle Gruerie i luy avois promis avant lamors de son pere Thibaut comte, par acquité étroit don hommeige le servoir fidellement." A. Original, AD Yonne, H 724 17.5 x 16.7 cm. a large portion of the document has dissolved in the folder. a. this may be in Benton's text. Related Charters: MC10, MC11, MC15, MC23. Ego Henrico Trecensium comes palatinus existentium presentie et . . . e posteritati notificare volo me ante mortem patris mei comitis . . . de nemore quod lucens dicitur cum 8The issue of this seal is rather difficult; see Appendix K 91152-81, Henri the Liberal's reign. The reference to his close to 1152. for analysis. father's donation may suggest that this occurred 461 omnibus hominibus et mu.... [qu]am existentibus Hugoni Eventato promisisse . . .us erat et mihi fideliter serviebat. Gria. . . [mu]lieribus infra illam permanentibus . . . sui ipsi et heredibus suis imperpetuum . . . illa calumnia hoc augmentum . . .li mei corroborari precepi. Huius rei . . . Odo de Pogeio, Drogo de Pruvino, Adam Bisol . . . et Girardus frater eius . . . Guillelmi notarius scripsit. NC6 1161, August 1. Villeneuve-sur-Vanne [-l'Archevêque] Purportedly, Foulques de Lailly et Molinons, knight, left in the hands of the archbishop of Sens, by the name of Hugues, all the tithes which were his from his parishes and villages of Lailly and Molinons, and whatever rights he had in Villeneuve-sur-Vanne [l'Archevêque]. And the same archbishop gave and confirmed those tithes to the abbot and monks of Vauluisant to be possessed in perpetuity, with Foulques present and willing. Marie, Foulques' wife, and Arthur, his son-in-law, confirmed this. A. Original, AD Yonne, H 737. 8.2 x 18.6 cm. Attached to a July 2, 1529 vidimus. Parchment is a darker brown than other twelfth-century charters in Vauluisant's fons.10 Photograph: Figure 30. Related Charters: 152, 156, 180, 184, 194, 294, AC2. Notum sit omnibus quod Fulco de Laileio et de Molinondis, miles, reliquit in manu archiepiscopi Senonensis, Hugonis nomine, totas decimas de parrochiis et villis suis de Laileio et de Molinondis, que sue erant, et quicquid iuris habebat in totis decimis de Villa Nova super Vanam. Et idem archiepiscopus illas decimas donavit et confirmavit abbati et mochis de Valelucenti perpetuo possidendas, ipso presente ac volente. Hoc laudavit Maria, uxor Fulconis, et Arturius, gener eius, et Emengardis, filia dicti Fulconis. Huius laudacionis testes fuerunt: Hugo, presbiter de Laileio; Theobaldus et Isemberdus et Ernaudus de Laileio; et alii plures. Actum est hoc apud dictam Villam Novam, anno ab incarnacione Domini Mo Co LXIo, kalendas Augusti. Et ut hoc ratum et inconcussum omni tempore habeatur, rogatu prefati Fulconis ego, archiepiscopus, impressione sigilli me muniri precepi. NC7 1190, December. No location. Guy, archbishop of Sens, notes that for some time there was litigation (litigatum) between the abbot and convent of Vauluisant and André, person of the church of Courgenay, over the entire tithing of Courgenay, which the abbot and monks said pertained to them from the gift of Henri, archbishop of Sens; André, in the name of his church, sought his portion. Finally, Guy settles the dispute amicably in this way: For his portion, André will tithe in Fau. . . of certain lands of Courgenay which extend from the road (which goes from Courgenay to Villeneuve-aux-Riches-Hommes) to the land of Livanne. Then, neither André, nor his successors will receive nothing else in said tithe. A. Original, AD Yonne, H 712. 9.2 x 15.8 cm. 10The authenticity of this charter remains shrouded in doubt; see appendix L for analysis. 462 Guido, Dei gratia Senonensis archiepiscopus, omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis salutem in Domino. Noverit universi quod, coram nobis, inter venerabilem virum abbatem et monachos Vallislucentis, ex una parte, et Andream, personam ecclesie de Curgenaio, ex alia, fuisset aliquandiu litigatum super tota decimatione de Curginaio quam prenominati abbas et monachi dicebant ad se pertinere ex dono Henrici, archiepiscopi Senonensis; dictus vero Andreas ab eisdem, nomine sue ecclesie, suam porcionem petebat. Tandem composuerunt amicabiliter in hunc modum: videlicet quod dictus Andreas, pro sua porcione, decimabit in Frugidam quarundem terrarum de Curgenaio que protenduntur a chemino per quod itur de Curgenaio ad Villam Novum Divitum Hominum usque ad terram de Leuvenna. Et tunc, tam ipse Andreas quam ceteri eius successores, in dicta decima imperpetuum nichil aliud sunt percepturi. Nos autem compositionem istam volumus et consedimus et presentes scripti testimonio confirmavimus. Datum anno Gratie M C Nonagesimo, mense Decembri. NC8 1195, April 24. Sens curia. P. de Medunta and P. de Sainte-Columbe, officiales of the Sens curia, state that when a controversy (case) was held in their court between the monks of Vauluisant and Simon Boucher over this: Simon claimed by right a certain house and holding (tenetura) situated below the city of Sens, and also a certain piece of land and vineyard at Gron, all of which Anchery Boucher bequeathed to the house of Vauluisant. Finally, Simon surrendered all the aforesaid to the monks, and if he had any rights there, he conceded them to the monks. A. Original, AD Yonne, H 763 6.2 x 15.2 cm. Related Charter: 169, MC17. Magister P. de Medunta et P. de Sancta Columba, curie Senonensis officiales, omnibus ad quos littere presentes pervenerint in Domino salutem. Notum fieri volumus quod cum controversia esset in curia Senonenense inter monachos Vallis Lucentis, ex una parte, et Simeonem Carnificum,a ex alia, super hoc: quod idem Simeon de iure clamabat quandam domum et teneturam sitas infra civitatem Senonensem et insuper quandam terram et vineam sitas apud Gron que omnia Ancherus Carnifex domui Vallis Lucentis legaverat. Tandem prescriptus Simeon omnia prenominata in curia Senonenense prescriptis monachis quitavit et siquid iuris ibi habebat, illud eis concessit habendum in perpetuum. Actum octavo kalendas Maii, anno incarnati Verbi Mo Co Nonagesimo Quinto. a. Carnificum sic A. NC9 1206 (o. st.), February 8 No location. Master Jobert de Ponte, officialis of the Sens curia notes that Margarite, widow of Master Gautier Charpentier, and Pierre, her son, sold to the brothers of Vauluisant their orchard (virgultum) which (prout) the house of those brothers includes. Maria and Pierre swore that they would carry the warranty over the orchard for the brothers and gave sureties to that effect. A. Original 1, AD Yonne, H 725 11.4 x 20.0 cm. B. Original 2, AD Yonne, H 763 7.8 x 19.6 cm. Seal of Sens Curia. 463 a. Quantin III, p. 28, no. 58. Related Charter: 20. Magister Iobertus de Ponte, Senonensis curie officialis, omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis in Domino salutem. Noverint universi quod, constituti in presentia nostra, Margarita, relicta Magistri Galteri Carpentarii, et Petrus, filius eius, vendiderunt fratribus de Valle Lucenti virgultum suum prout domus eorundem fratrum comportat. Fiduciaverunt autem dicti Margarita et Petrus se dictis fratribus debitam garantiam super eodem virgulto portaturos, et daturos eis plegios de garantia portanda. In cuius rei memoriam, presentem cartama fecimus annotari et sigillo Senonensis curie roborari. Actum septimo idus Februarii, anno Gratie Millesimo Ducentesimo Sexto. a. cartam]caram A. NC10 1206 (o. st.), February 23. Master Jobert de Ponte, officialis of the Sens curia, notes that Doa and Garnier hospes, her husband, conferred to the brothers of Vauluisant in alms 3 mine of grain to be received each year from the land of the same Doa and Garnier, which is called Cumina (same as Communes later?) located at Thorigny, swearing that they would carry the legitimate warranty as long as they should live. Thibaut, son of Doa and Garnier, confirmed these alms. A. Original, AD Yonne, H 774. 7.9 x 16.1 cm. Magister Iobertus de Ponte, Senonensis curie officialis, omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis in Domino Salutem. Noverint universi quod Doa et Garnerus hospes, maritus eius, contulerunt in elemosinam fratribus Vallislucentis tres minas bladi percip[[er]]iendas annuatim in terra eorumdem Doe et Garneri, mariti eius, que vocatur Cumina sita apud Torigniacum, fiduciantes quod super eadem elemosina dictis fratribus adversus omnes, quamdiu vixerunt, legitimam garandiam portabunt. Elemosinam istam laudavit Theobaldus, filius eorumdem Doe et Garneri, et tenere fiduciavit. In cuius rei memoriam, presentem cartam sigillo curie Senonensis fecimus roborari. Actum in crastino Cathedre Sancti Petri, anno Gratie Millesimo, Ducentesimo Sexto. NC11 1217, August. Garin, abbot of Notre-Dame de Josaphat, Bartholomé, deacon, and Bartholomé, subdeacon, of Chartres, judges delegated by the lord pope, make known that the abbot and convent of Saint-Pierre-le-Vif de Sens sued in law (petebant in iure -- or petebant iniure) the abbot and convent of Vauluisant, of the Cistercian Order, for the foragium of all wine which they sold in their house situated in the Faubourg Saint-Pierre-le-Vif (outside the walls of Sens) by reason of a certain custom (which Saint-Pierre-le-Vif held) which they said was such that whoever, cleric or lay person, nevertheless with certain exceptions, should sell wine in said Faubourg, is held to pay 2 sextarii wine as foragium for every dolium sold. Secondly, they sought that the brothers of Vauluisant place certain possessions and vineyards that were in their censiva out of their hand, lest they persist in mortmain to Saint-Pierre-le-Vif's loss (preiudicium). Third, a dispute (questio) had arisen between them, but not nevertheless in judgment in the presence of the 464 delegates, concerning the minagium and other customs of other venial goods. The brothers of Vauluisant responded to the first suit (foragium of wine) that if such was the custom in said faubourg, and they did not believe it was, they said that they were in no way obliged to observe it, since their persons are privileged. To the second suit (alienate lands in Saint-Pierre's censiva), they said that because they had held said possessions for a long time, with them (abbot and convent of Saint-Pierre) seeing, knowing and received the cens and other customs of said possessions, they (abbot and convent of Vauluisant) were able to freely retain the possessions by perpetual right. To the third, they responded that monks of the Cistercian Order enjoy such a privilege and liberty that none of them are held to pay any customs. Finally, by the mediation of good men, they agreed (componere) amicably in the fashion, as it is contained in the sealed letter of the abbots of Saint-Pierre-le-Vif , Saint-Paul de Sens, and Vauluisant, contained in the form of vidimus. For the good of peace, the brothers of Vauluisant will be held to pay each year at Sens within (infra) the octaves of Saint Remy (October 2-8) 1 modius of good and praiseworthy wine, half white and half red, and 3 s. parisis; The abbot and convent of Saint-Pierre-le-Vif conceded to the aforesaid brothers all the possessions and wines that they (brothers) possessed at than time, and at most 5 quaternarii of wine that they then had from the deceased Juliana, Eudes de Gron and the abbess, except for cens and tithes, and these things ought to be justly and peacefully possessed by perpetual right.11 They also conceded that they (Vauluisant) may sell all things they should wish in their house in the faubourg, as long as they are their property, such that they will be held to pay neither foragium, nor minagium, nor any other custom on them. Nevertheless, it is not permitted to those brothers to bring wine to the aforesaid house, except for wine that they will have in their vineyards within 2 leuce (leagues?) of the city of Sens. And so they mutually quit all disputes raised between them in earlier times. A. Original 1, AD Yonne, H 675. 18.4 x 26.8 cm. Seals of Bartholomé, deacon of Chartres, and Guarin, abbot of Josaphat. Now incommunicable B. Original 2, AD Yonne, H 675. 11.6 x 30.5 cm. Now incommunicable. I have been unable to check my transcription. a. Quantin III, pp. 86-87, no. 192. Related Charters: NC12. Ego, Garinus, abbas Beate Marie de Iosaphat, et ego, Bartholomeus, decanus, et ego, Bartholomeus, subdecanus Carnotensis, omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis in Domino salutem. Noverint universi quod venerabiles viri, abbas et conventus Sancti Petri Vivi Senonensis, petebant in iure, coram nobis, iudicibus a domino papa delegatis, a venerabilibus viris, abbate et conventu Vallis Lucentis, Cisterciensis Ordinis, foragium tocius vini quod vendebant in domo sua sita in burgo Sancti Petri Vivi, occasione cuiusdam consuetudinis quam talem esse dicebant quod quicunque, sive clericus, sive laicus, quibusdam tamen certis personis exceptis, in dicto burgo vinum vendat, pro unoquoque dolio, duos sextarios vini nomine foragii solvere tenebatur. Secundo, petebant ut iidem fratres Vallis Lucentis quasdam possessiones et vineas, quas in censiva eorum tenebant, extra manum suam ponerent, ne in eorum preiudicium in manu mortua remanerent. Tercio, orta fuit questio inter eos, non tamen in iudicio coram nobis, de minagio et de aliis consuetudinibus aliarum rerum venalium, si ab ipsis fratribus in dicta domo venderentur. Ad primum petitum respondebant dicti fratres Vallis Lucentis quod si talis consuetudo esset in dicto burgo, quod tamen non credebant, multiplici ratione dicebant se ad eam observandam, cum privilegiate sint persone, nullatenus obligari. Ad secundum dicebant quod quia eis videntibus et scientibus, et censum dictarum 11The meaning of this clause is uncertain to me. 465 possessionum et alias consuetudines scienter recipientibus, dictas possessiones diu tenuerant, eas poterant licite iure perpetuo retinere. Ad tercium respondebant monachos Cisterciencis Ordinis tali privilegio et libertate gaudere quod de bonis suis venalibus nulli prorsus consuetudinem reddere tenebantur. Tandem, mediantibus bonis viris, super omnibus predictis, composuerunt amicabiliter in hunc modum, sicut in litteris sigillatis sigillorum venerabilium virorum abbatum, scilicet, Sancti Petri Vivi et Sancti Pauli Senon. et Vallis Lucentis, et etiam conventus Sancti Petri Vivi vidimus contineri: Fratres Vallis Lucentis ecclesie Beati Petri Vivi Senonensis, pro bono pacis, solvere Senonis tenebuntur, singulis annis infra octabas Beati Remigii, unum modium vini boni et laudabilis, medietatem albi et medietatem rubei, et tres solidos Parisienses; abbas, vero, et conventus Sancti Petri Vivi Senonensis concesserunt predictis fratribus omnes possessiones et vineas, tunc temporis quas tenebant, et maxime quinque quaternarios vinee, quos a defuncta Iuliana, et ab Odone de Grom, et ab abbatissa tunc habebant, salvis censibus et decimis, et debitis iustius quiete et pacifice, iure perpetuo possidendas. Et quod in dicta domo sua de burgo omnia quecunque voluerint poterunt vendere, dummodo sint eorum propria, ita quod de illis neque foragium, neque minagium, vel aliquam omnino consuetudinem reddere tenebuntur. Non tamen licebit eisdem fratribus vinum ad predictam domum adducere, nisi vinum quod habebunt in vineis suis sitis infra duas leucas a civitate Senonensi. Et ita de omnibus querelis retroactis temporibus inter se agitatis sese ad invicem quitaverunt. Nos autem compositionem istam, sicut superius est expressa, ratam habemus et sigillorum nostrorum munimine roboramus. Actum anno Gratie M CC Septimo Decimo, mense Augusto. NC12 1217, July. No location. Hugues, abbot of Saint-Pierre-le-Vif de Sens, and the entire convent of the same church makes known that, in the presence of judges delegated by the lord pope, they sued the abbot and convent of Vauluisant, of the Cistercian Order, for the foragium of all wine which they sold in their house situated in the Faubourg Saint-Pierre-le-Vif (outside the walls of Sens) by reason of a certain custom (which Saint-Pierre-le-Vif held) which they said was such that whoever, cleric or lay person, nevertheless with certain exceptions, should sell wine in said Faubourg, is held to pay 2 sextarii wine as foragium for every dolium sold. Secondly, they sought that the brothers of Vauluisant place certain possessions and vineyards that were in their censiva out of their hand, lest they persist in mortmain to Saint-Pierre-le-Vif's loss (preiudicium). Third, a dispute (questio) had arisen between them, in the presence of said judges, concerning the minagium and other customs of other venial goods. The brothers of Vauluisant responded to the first suit (foragium of wine) that if such was the custom in said faubourg, and they did not believe it was, they said that they were in no way obliged to observe it, since their persons are privileged. To the second suit (alienate lands in Saint-Pierre's censiva), they said that because they had held said possessions for a long time, with them (abbot and convent of Saint-Pierre) seeing, knowing and received the cens and other customs of said possessions, they (abbot and convent of Vauluisant) were able to freely retain the possessions by perpetual right. To the third, the monks responded that the Cistercian Order enjoys such a privilege and liberty that none of them are held to pay any customs. Finally, by the mediation of good men, they agreed (componere) amicably in the fashion, as it is contained in the sealed letter of the abbots of Saint-Pierre-le-Vif, Saint-Paul de Sens, and Vauluisant, contained in the form of vidimus. For the good of peace, the brothers of Vauluisant will be held to pay each year at Sens within (infra) the octaves of 466 Saint Remy (October 2-8) 1 modius of good and praiseworthy wine, half white and half red, and 3 s. parisis; The abbot and convent of Saint-Pierre-le-Vif conceded to the aforesaid brothers all the possessions and wines that they (brothers) possessed at than time, and at most 5 quaternarii of wine that they then had from the deceased Juliana, Eudes de Gron and the abbess, except for cens and tithes, and these things ought to be justly and peacefully possessed by perpetual right.12 They also conceded that they (Vauluisant) may sell all things they should wish in their house in the faubourg, as long as they are their property, such that they will be held to pay neither foragium, nor minagium, nor any other custom on them. Nevertheless, it is not permitted to those brothers to bring wine to the aforesaid house, except for wine that they will have in their vineyards within 2 leuce (leagues?) of the city of Sens. And so they mutually quit all disputes raised between them in earlier times A. Original, AD Yonne, H 675. 32.2 x 28.9 cm. Now incommunicable; I have been unable to check my transcription. Related Charters: NC11. Omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis, frater Hugo, Sancti Petri Vivi Senonensis dictus abbas, et totus eiusdem ecclesie conventus salutem in Domino. Noverit universi quod nos petebamus a religiosis viris abbate et Conventu Vallislucentis, Cisterciensis Ordinis, coram iudicibus a domino papa delegatis, foragium tocius vini sui quod vendebant in domo sua sita in Burgo Sancti Petri Vivi, occasione cuiusdam consuetudinis, quam talem esse dicebamus quod quicumque, sive clericus sive laicus, quibusdam tamen certis exceptis personis, in dicto burgo vinum vendat, pro unoquoque dolio, duos sextarios vini nomine foragii solvere tenebatur. Secundo, petebamus ut iidem fratres Vallislucentis quasdam possessiones et vineas, quas in censiva nostra tenebant, extra manum suam ponerent, ne in nostri preiudicium in manu mortua remanerent. Tercio, orta fuit questio inter nos et ipsos, coram dictis iudicibus de minagio et de aliis consuetudinibus aliarum rerum venalium, si ab ipsis fratribus in dicta domo venderentur. Ad primum petitum respondebant dicti fratres Vallislucentis quod si talis consuetudo esset in dicto burgo, quod tamen non credebant, multiplici ratione dicebant se ad eam observandam, cum privilegiate persone sint, nullatenus obligari. Ad secundum, dicebant quod, quia nobis videntibus et scientibus, et censum dictarum possessionum et alias consuetudines scienter recipientibus, dictas possessiones diu tenuerant, eas poterant licite iure perpetuo retinere. Ad tercium respondebant monachi Cisterciencis Ordinis tali privilegio et libertate gaudere quod de bonis suis venalibus nulli prorsus consuetudinem reddere tenebantur. Tandem, mediantibus bonis viris, super omnibus predictis composuimus amicabiliter in hunc modum, in litteris sigillatis sigillorum venerabilium virorum abbatum, scilicet, Sancti Petri Vivi et Sancti Pauli Senonensis et Vallis Lucentis, et etiam conventus Sancti Petri Vivi vidimus contineri: Fratres Vallis Lucentis ecclesie nostre, pro bono pacis, solvere Senonis tenebuntur, singulis annis infra octabas Beati Remigii, unum modium vini boni et laudabilis, medietatem albi et medietatem rubei, et tres solidos Parisienses; nos vero concessimus predictis fratribus omnes possessiones et vineas, quas tunc temporis tenebant, et maxime quinque quaternarios vinee, quos a defuncta Iuliana et ab Odone de Grom, et ab abbatissa tunc habebant, salvis censibus et decimis, et debitis iustius quiete et pacifice iure perpetuo possidendas. Et quod in dicta domo sua de burgo omnia quecunque voluerint poterunt vendere, dummodo sint eorum propria, ita quod de illis neque foragium, neque minagium, vel aliquam omnino consuetudinem reddere 12The meaning of this clause is uncertain to me. 467 tenebuntur. Non, tamen, licebit eisdem fratribus vinum ad predictam domum adducere, nisi vinum quod habebunt in vineis suis sitis infra duas leucas a civitate Senonensi. Et ita de omnibus querelis retroactis temporibus inter nos agitatis nos ad invicem quitaverunt. Nos, autem, compositionem istam, sicut superius est expressa ratam habemus et sigillorum nostrorum munimine roboramus. Actum anno Gratie M CC Septimodecimo, mense Iulio. NC13 1219 (o. st.), January 6. No location. Hervée, bishop of Troyes, makes known that Marie, domina of Charmoy, gave in perpetual alms, for the remedy of her soul and the souls of her ancestors, to God and Saint Mary and the brothers of Clairvaux, entirely all of what she had in her terrage of Charmoy, so that they (God, Saint Mary, and the brothers of Clairvaux) shall freely and peacefully possess whatever is able or ought to pertain to the terrage, just as she possessed it, excepting that the monks of Vauluisant shall receive 3 modii annually from the terrage, which Marie had similarly conceded to them in perpetual alms. A. Original, AD Yonne, H 775. 17.0 x 14.8 cm. Related Charters: NC14. Ego, Herveus, Dei gratia Trecensis episcopus, notum facimus omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis quod Maria, domina de Charmeio, dedit, in presentia nostra, in perpetuam elemosinam, pro remedio anime sue et antecessorum suorum, Deo et Beate Marie et fratribus Clariloci, qui ibidem divino mancipati sunt obsequio, quicquid penitus habebat in terragio suo de Charmeio, ut libere et pacifice possideant quicquid ad idem terragium potest aut debet pertinere, sicut et ipsa possedit, excepto quod monachi de Vallelucente de terragio recipient annuatim tres modios bladi, quos predicta Maria eis dudum similiter in perpetuam elemosinam concessit. In cuius rei testimonium, ad petitionem memorate Marie, presentem paginam sigillo nostro fecimus roborari, anno gratie Mo CCo Nonodecimo, in vigilia Epiphanie. NC14 1219 (o. st.), January 6. No location. Marie, domina of Charmoy, indicates that she gave in perpetual alms, for the remedy of her soul and the souls of her ancestors, to God and Saint Mary and the brothers of Clairvaux, entirely all of what she had in her terrage of Charmoy, so that they (God, Saint Mary, and the brothers of Clairvaux) shall freely and peacefully possess whatever is able or ought to pertain to the terrage, just as she possessed it, excepting that the monks of Vauluisant shall receive 3 modii annually from the terrage, which Marie had similarly conceded to them in perpetual alms. A. Original, AD Yonne, H 775. 18.0 x 9.4 cm. (at widest remaining part). Interpolations from NC13. Related Charters: NC13. Ego Maria, domina de Ch[armeio] . . . presentibus et futuris quod ego . . . elemosinam fratribus Deo Servie[ntibus] . . . Claruslocus appellatur pro rem[edio anime mee] et antecessorum meorum quicquid pe[nitus habebat in ter]ragio meo de Charmeio ut [libere et pacifice pos]sideant quicquid ad idem terra[gium potest aut de]bet pertinere, sicut et ego pos[sedi, excepto quod mo]nachi de Vallelucente de dicto t[erragio recipient 468 annuatim] tres modios bladi, quos eis dudum si[militer in perpetuam] elemosinam concessi . . .. Quod ut ratu[m] . . . [pre]sentem cartulam sigilli mei . . . [ro]boravi. Actum anno Verb[i incarnati Millesimo] CC Nonodecimo, I[n] [Vi]gilia [Epiphanie]. 469 NC15 1224 (o. st.), April. Master Michel, officialis of the Sens curia, notes that Eudes Noblet and Archemburgis, his wife, give themselves and all that they own or will have owned to God and the church of Notre-Dame de Vauluisant after their death, so that as long as they should live they will hold all their goods, but when the have been carried off from the world, everything will entirely devolve on the church. Henri de Villiers-Bonneux, armiger, confirmed, willed and conceded the gift. He also quit in perpetuity whatever he had in the aforesaid Archemburgis, promissing that he would make no demands for her in the future, and would warranty Archemburgis to the church. A. Original, AD Yonne, H 725. 10.7 x 14.8 cm. Related Charters: 47, 58, 106. Omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis Magister Michael, officialis Senonensis, in Domino Salutem. Noverint universi quod Odo Noblez de Fonteneio Bausseri et Archemburgis, uxor sua, in nostra presentia constituti, dederunt se et omnia que habebant et habituri erant Deo et ecclesie Beate Marie Vallislucentis post eorum decessum, ita videlicet quod quamdiu ipsi vixerint tenebunt omnia bona sua, sed ipsis sublatis de medio, universa ea ad supradictam ecclesiam penitus devolventur. Dictum vero donum Henricus de Villari Bonoso armiger coram nobis laudavit, voluit et concessit. Quitavit etiam in perpetuum ecclesie memorate quicquid ipse habebat in Archemburgi predicta, promittens fide prestita corporali quod per se vel per alios nichil in ea in posterum reclamabit, immo bona fide ecclesiam eandem pro suo posse vivabit ad garantizandum ipsi ecclesie archemburgim superius annotatam. Quod autem audivimus et recognitum fuit coram nobis ad petitionem partium sine preiuditio alterius sub sigillo Senonensis curie testificamur. Actum anno gratie Mo CCo Vicesimo Quarto, Mense Aprili. NC16 1225, July 6. No location. Master Michel, officialis of the Sens curia, notes that Anselm, domicellus, son of the deceased Guy Gâtebléd, willed and conceded the donation that his father made to the church of Vauluisant of 2 sextarii of grain, 1 of wheat and 1 of oats, to be received at Fontaine-Fourches from the tithe of the same ville pertaining to the same Anselm, swearing that he would warranty this donation. Anselm also willed that the brothers of Vauluisant first receive those 2 sextarii before Anselm himself or anyone else may receive it. A. Original, AD Yonne, H 725. 16.1 x 19.9 cm. Related Charters: 76, 162-3, MC35. Omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis, Magister Michael, curie Senonensis officialis, in Domino salutem. Notum facimus universis quod, in nostra presencia constitus, Ansellus, filius defuncti Guidonis Gasteble, militis, domicellus, donationem quam fecerat ecclesie Vallis Lucentis idem Guido pater eius super duobus sextariis bladi, videlicet uno sextario frumenti et uno sextario avene, singulis annis percipiendos apud Fontanas prope Triangulum in decima eiusdem ville ad eundem Ansellum pertinente, voluit et concessit, fiducians in manu nostra quod predictam donationem garantizabit erga omnes ecclesie supradicte. Voluit etiam idem Ansellus quod fratres Vallis Lucentis primitus percipiant illos duos sextarios bladi in decima prenotata antequam ipse Ansellus, vel alius aliquid, 470 percipiat in eidem, et insuper quod si non essent ibidem nisi duo sextarii bladi, illos duos perciperent predicti fratres omni usu contingente. Quod vero audivimus et recognitum fuit coram nobis, ad petitionem prefati Anselli sine preiudicio alterius, sub sigillo curie Senonensis testificamur. Actum anno domini Millesimo Ducentesimo Vicesimo Quinto, mense Iulio. Die Lune post translationem Beati Martini. NC17 1226, August. No location. Herbert, deacon of Pont-sur-Seine makes known that Agnes Furneria, the wife of Anselm de Villiers[-Bonneux?] recognized that she gave herself and her goods (se et sua), movables and immovables, acquired and to be acquired, in perpetual alms to the church of Vauluisant, with the assent of Anselm, her husband. That is, she gave half of all things that Anselm and Agnes, his wife, have or will have, except for 1 jugerum of land, 10 sheep and one cow which Agnes bequeathed to Houdoin, her son, but only if, on the day of Agnes' death, those sheep and the cow should be found on the lands which were named. A. Original, AD Yonne, H 784. 8.1 x 14.9 cm. Omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis, Herbertus, decanus de Pontibus super Secanam, salutem in Domino. Noverint universi quod Agnes Furneria, uxor Anselli de Villers, in presentia nostra constituta, recognovit se dedisse in elemosinam perpetuam [[elemosinam]] ecclesie Vallis Lucentis, de assensu et voluntate dicti Anselli, mariti sui, se et sua, tam mobilia quam immobilia, tam adquisita quam adquirendi, videlicet medie[ta]tem omnium rerum quas, tam dictus Ansellus quam Agnes, uxor eius, habent et habituri sunt, excepto uno iugero terre, decem ovibus et una vacca quas legavit ipsa Agnes Hodoino filio suo, si tamen dicte oves et vacca die obitus dicte Agnetis inter terra que nominata sunt fuerint invente. In cuius rei testimonium, ad peticionem partium, presentes litteras sigilli nostri munimine fecimus annotari. Actum ... [Mille]simo Ducentesimo Vicesimo Sexto, mense Augu[sto.] NC18 1229, September. Gate of the church of Vauluisant. "Approbation et confirmation par Erard de Treignel de la donation faite pur Elisabeth veuve de Nevelon de Foissy au Portui de l'eglise de Vauluisant, d'une piece de terre sise a foissy et d'une autre piece de terre sise audit lieu du Côte de Chigy." A. Original, AD Yonne, H 724. (Dissolved in folder. Only dust remains) NC19 1198, December. No location. Michel, archbishop of Sens, wishes to be made known that that Guillaume, abbot of Vauluisant, with the assent of the chapter, conceded to Domina Marie de Charmoy, sister of Anselm [III] de Traînel, the grange of Armentières along with 30 oxen and 12 asses valued at 100 l. under the following conditions: each year, Marie shall pay 6 modii of grain in the measure of Villeneuve-sur-Vanne [l'Archevêque], in equal parts wheat, rye, barley and oats. She shall also pay her part of the tithe, both the large tithe from the fields and the small tithe from her own food. It was also a condition that if Marie should 471 marry someone or take the habit, the grange will revert to Vauluisant with everything pertaining to it and that which she as acquired, or at least in the state that she got it. If any damage should occur, that damage will be held to be repaired at the counsel of the abbot. She will not be allowed to alienate the woods of the grange, except for to the above-noted use of the grange. Finally, Marie gave 3 modii of grain in the measure of Traînel for the remedy of her soul from the terrage of Charmoy, in equal parts wheat, rye, barley and oats, to be paid each year on All Saints' Day (November 1). She also confessed that she had chosen to be buried in the house of Vauluisant. Anselm [III] de Traînel, confirmed all this and swore that he would maintain it. A. Original, AD Yonne, H 775. 19.2 x 31.4 cm. Seal of Michel, archbishop of Sens. a. Quantin II, p. 499, no. 489. Related Charters: NC20-2. Michael, Dei gratia Senonensis archiepiscopus, omnibus ad quos littere iste pervenerint, in Domino salutem. Notum fieri volumus quod dilectus filius Wllelmus, abbas Vallislucentis, de assensu conventus sui, concessit in presentia nostra, dilecte filie Marie, domine de Charmeio, sorori Anselli de Triangulo, grangiam de Armentariis cum omnibus appendiciis suis, terris, pratis, nemoribus et aquis, quamdiu vixerit possidendam, tali pacto: quod, singulis annis, reddet domui Vallislucentis sex modios bladi, videlicet quartam partem frumenti, quartam siliginis, quartam ordei, quartam avene. Preterea decimam partem proventuum terrarum, pecorum domui Vallislucentis persolvet. Tradidit autem ei dictus abbas triginta boves et duodecim asinas sub estimatione centum librarum. Hoc autem tali pacto factum est: quod si eadem domina nubat vel ad religionem transeat, ipsa prius grangiam dimittet reversuram ad domum Vallislucentis, cum omni integritate rerum ad ipsam grangiam pertinentium, mobilium sive immobilium, et cum omnibus illis que per ipsam eidem grangie fuerint acquisita, vel ad minus in eo statu in quo eam recepit. Si vero grangia per eam senserit aliquid detrimentum, illud ad abbatis consilium tenebitur resarcire. De nemoribus granchie non licebit ei dare vel vendere, vel ad alium locum transferre, nisi ad usus granchie. Donavit etiam memorata domina, pro remedio anime sue, eidem domui tres modios bladi in terragio de Charmoyo, videlicet quartam partem frumenti, quartam siliginis, quartam ordei, quartam avene; et confessa est se elegisse sepulturam sibi in eadem domo, presente et laudante dicto Ansello de Triangulo, qui iuramento firmavit quod hec omnia manutenebit et domui Vallislucentis illibata servabit. In cuius rei memoriam, presentem paginam notari fecimus et sigilli nostri patrocinio roborari. Actum anno Gratie Millesimo Centesimo Nonagesimo Octavo, mense Decembri. NC20 1198 (o. st.). Larrivour. Garnier, bishop of Troyes, makes known that G[uillaume], abbot of Vauluisant, with the assent of the chapter, conceded to Domina Marie de Charmoy, sister of Anselm [III] de Traînel, the grange of Armentières along with 30 oxen and 12 asses valued at 100 l. under the following conditions: each year, Marie shall pay 6 modii of grain in the measure of Villeneuve-sur-Vanne [l'Archevêque], in equal parts wheat, rye, barley and oats. She shall also pay her part of the tithe, both the large tithe from the fields and the small tithe from her own food. It was also a condition that if Marie should marry someone or take the habit, the grange will revert to Vauluisant with everything pertaining to it and that which she as acquired, or at least in the state that she got it. If 472 any damage should occur, that damage will be held to be repaired at the counsel of the abbot. She will not be allowed to alienate the woods of the grange, except for to the above-noted use of the grange. Finally, Marie gave 3 modii of grain in the measure of Traînel for the remedy of her soul from the terrage of Charmoy, in equal parts wheat, rye, barley and oats, to be paid each year on All Saints' Day (November 1). She also confessed that she had chosen to be buried in the house of Vauluisant. Anselm [III] de Traînel, confirmed all this and swore that he would maintain it. A. Original, AD Yonne, H 775. 20.7 x 20.7 cm. Side washed out. Seal of Garnier, bishop of Troyes. Related Charters: NC19-22. [Garnerius, Dei] gratia Trecensis episcopus. Omnibus ad quos littere iste pervenerint in Domino salutem. Noverit universitas vestra quod [dilectus] filius W[illelmus], abbas Vallis Lucentis, de assensu capituli sui, concessit in presentia nostra, dilecte in Christo filie [Marie],13 domine [de Charm]eio, sorori nobilis viri Anselli de Triangulo, grangiam de Armenteriis cum omnibus appenditiis suis, [terris, pratis,] nemoribus et aquis, quamdiu vixerit ex integro possidendam, tali pacto: quod singulis annis reddet domui [Vallis Lucentis] sex modios bladi ad mensuram Ville Nove super Vannam, videlicet quartam partem frumenti, quartam siliginis, [quartam or]dei, quartam avene, preterea decimam partem, tam grossam de agricultura sua quam minutam [de propriis] nutrimentis. Tradidit autem ei dictus abbas triginta boves et duodecim asinas sub estimatione centum librarum. [Tali pacto factu]m autem fuit quod si domina ipsa alicui nuberet vel ad religionis habitum se transferret, ipsa prius grangiam demitteret [reversuram] ad domum Vallis Lucentis, cum omni integritate rerum ad ipsam grangiam pertinentium, et cum omnibus illis que per eam eidem [grangie] fuerint acquisita, vel ad minus in eo statu in quo eam recepit. Si vero grangia per ipsam aliquid habuerit detrimentum, [illud ad] abbatis consilium tenebitur resarcire. De nemoribus etiam grangie non licebit ei dare vel vendere, vel ad alium lo[cum transferr]e, nisi ad usus grangie pretaxate. Donavit autem memorata domina, pro remedio anime sue, eidem domui tres modio[s bladi in terr]agio de Charmeio, annis singulis habendos ad mensuram Trianguli, quartam partem frumenti, quartam siliginis, [quartam ordei,] quartam avene in perpetuum. Qui tres modii cum sex predictis in festo omnium sanctorum solventur. Conf[essa est] coram nobis quod in domo Vallis Lucentis sibi elegerat selpulturam. Sane hec omnia predictus Ansellus, co[ram nobis], laudavit et sacramento firmavit quod omnia predicta pro posse suo manuteneret et eccclesie Vallis Lucentis [illibata] servaret. Nos autem in huius rei testimonium, ad peticionem utriusque parcis, presentes litteras si[gillo nostro] fecimus confirmari. Actum anno Domini Mo Co XCo VIIIo apud Ripatorium. NC21 1198 (o. st.). No location. Thibaut [III], count palatine of Troyes, makes known that G[uillaume], abbot of Vauluisant, with the assent of the chapter, conceded to Domina Marie de Charmoy the grange of Armentières along with 30 oxen and 12 asses valued at 100 l. under the following conditions: each year, Marie shall pay 6 modii of grain in the measure of Villeneuve-sur-Vanne [l'Archevêque], in equal parts wheat, rye, barley and oats. She shall also pay her part of the tithe, both the large tithe from the fields and the small tithe from her own food. It was also a condition that if Marie should marry someone or take the habit, the grange will revert to Vauluisant with everything pertaining to it and that 13Marie's name is indicated by a blank space on the parchment. 473 which she as acquired, or at least in the state that she got it. If any damage should occur, that damage will be held to be repaired at the counsel of the abbot. She will not be allowed to alienate the woods of the grange, except for to the above-noted use of the grange. Finally, Marie gave 3 modii of grain in the measure of Traînel for the remedy of her soul from the terrage of Charmoy, in equal parts wheat, rye, barley and oats, to be paid each year on All Saints' Day (November 1). Dominus Anselm [III] de Traînel and Dominus Garnier, his relative, confirmed all this and swore to maintain it in good faith. A. Original, AD Yonne, H 674. 23.4 x 12.0 top /12.9 bottom. Seal of Thibaut III, count of Troyes. Related Charters: NC19-22. Ego, T[heobaldus], Trecensis comes palatinus, notum facio, tam futuris quam presentibus quod W[illelmus], abbas Vallis Lucentis, de assensu capituli sui, concessit Domine Marie de Charme[io] grangiam de Armenteriis cum omnibus appenditiis suis, terris, pratis, nemoribus et agris, quamdiu vixerit possidendam, tali pacto: quod singulis annis reddet domui Vallis Lucentis sex modios bladi ad mensuram Villenove super Vannam, videlicet quartam partem frumenti, quartam siliginis, quartam ordei et quartam avene, preterea, decimam partem, tam grossam de Agricultura sua quam minutam de propriis nutrimentis. Tradidit autem ei dictus abbas triginta boves et duodecim asinas sub estimatione centum librarum. Condictum autem fuit quod dicta Maria si alicui nuberet vel ad religionis habitum se transferret, ipsa prius grangiam dimitteret reversuram ad domum Vallis lucentis, cum omni integritate rerum ad ipsam grangiam pertinentium et cum omnibus illis que per eam eidem grangie fuerint acquisita, vel ad minus in eo statu in quo eam recepit. Si vero aliquid incurrerit grangia detrimentum, illud ad abbatis consilium tenebitur resarcire. De nemoribus etiam grangie non licebit [ei] dare vel vendere, vel ad alium locum transferre, nisi ad usus grangia pretaxate. Donavit autem memorata Maria, pro remedio anime sue, eidem domui tres modios bladi in terragio de Charmei[o] [singu]lis annis percipiendos in perpetuum, quartam partem frumenti, quartam siliginis, quartam ordei, [quartam avene ad mensuram] Trianguli, qui tres modii cum sex. . . predictis in festo Omnium [Sanctorum redditur] . . . . Hec omnia laudaverunt Dominus A[n]sellus frater eius et Dominus Garnerus, cognatus eius, et bona fide manutenendum . . . sacramento firmaverunt. In cuius rei memoriam, presentes litteras sigll[o meo muni]mine roboravi. Actum anno Domini Mo Co XCo [VIIIo]. NC22 1198 (o. st.). No location. Anselm [III] de Traînel notes same gift in form of above, but in a damaged charter. A. Original, AD Yonne, H 775. 17.3 x 24.9 cm. Severely damaged. Related Charters: NC19-21. ... de Triagnel notum facio tam futuris quam presentibus quod W. abbas Vallis Lucentis, de assensu capituli sui, concessit in presentia me . . . [g]rangia de Armenteriis cum omnibus appenditiis suis, terris, pratis nemoribus et quis quamdiu vixerit ex integro possidendam, tali pacto: quod singulis an[nis] . . . [Vallis L]ucentis sex modios bladii ad mensuram Ville Nove super Vannam, videlicet quartam partem frumenti, quartam siliginis, quartam ordei et quartam avene. Pr. . . [tam g]rossam de agricultura quam minutam de propriis nutrimentis. Tradidit autem ei dictus abbas triginta boves et duodecim asinas sub estimatione . . . sunt quod si dicta M. alicui nuberet vel ad religionis 474 habitum se transferret, ipsa prius grangiam dimitteret reversuram ad domum Vallis Lucentis . . . [d]trimentum illud ad abbatis consilium tenebitur resarcire de nemoribus etiam grangie non licebit ei dare vel vendere vel ad alium locum transferre, nisi ad usus [grangie pre]taxate. Donavit autem memorata M. pro remedio anime sue eidem domui tres modios bladi in terragio de Charmeio singulis annis percipiendos in perpetuum, q[uartam] frumenti, quartam silliginis, quartam avene et quartam ordei ad mensura Trianguli, qui tres modii cum sex predictis in festo omnium sanctorum s. . .ne hec omnia . . . et manutenenda sacramento firmavi et in huius rei memoriam presentes litteras sigillo meo roboravi. Actum anno domini . . . . NC23 1222 (o. st.), April. No location. Hélissende, countess of Perche, domina of Marigny[-le-Châtel], makes known that she, with the assent and will of her lord and husband, Garnier [IV] de Traînel, dominus of Marigny, bequeathed and gave in alms to the convent of Vauluisant a half-modius of wheat in the measure of Esternay, to be received in the same village and in their (Hélissende and Garnier's) barn, for a conventual pittance on the day of her anniversary [of her death]. If their barn should not be able to supply this amount, it will be taken from their mills at Esternay.14 A. Original, AD Yonne, H 754 5.9 x 11.8 cm. Seal of the domina of Marigny. Related Charter: 113. Ego Helissendis, comitissa Percie, domina Marigniaci, notum facio universis presentes litteras inspecturis quod ego de assensu et voluntate Domini et mariti mei, G[arnerii] de Triangulo, domini Marigniaci, legavi et in elemosinam dedi conventui de Valle Lucenti dimidium modium frumenti ad mensuram de Esternaio in eadem villa et in nostra grangia singulis annis percipiendum, ad faciendum pitancia conventui in die anniversarii mei. Si autem dicta grangia nostra ad solutionem dicti frumenti non posset sufficere, in molendinis nostris apud Esternaium caperetur. Quod ut firmum et stabile teneatur, presentes litteras sigillis nostris appositis fecimus roborari. Actum anno Gratie Mo CCo XXIIo, mense aprilis. NC24 1166 (o. st.). Joigny. Hugues, archishop of Sens, makes known that Isnard, viscount of Joigny, gave in alms to the abbot and monks of Vauluisant all tithing, both the large (crops) and small? (revintam) both of cleared lands as lands to be cleared, from land which they might have in the Valley Vinart and in the parishes of Séant and Cérilly, and within their confines (in finibus). Jolduin, his son, confirmed this gift in alms. His wife, Esmerille, and his sons, Renaud and Isnard, also confirmed this. Hugues (ego), the archbishop, approved and confirmed these alms as well as all tithing rights which the same church now has from gifts, exchanges or purchases throughout his archiepiscopate. A. Original, AD Yonne, H 706 11.9 x 16.4 cm. Related Charters: 145, 156, 287, 330. 14Again, the despised imperfect subjunctive with a future-less-vivid sense manifests itself here. 475 Ego, Hugo, archiepiscopus Senonensis, volo presentes et futuros certam habere noticiam, quia, scilicet, Isnardus, vicecomes de Ioviniaco, dedit in elemosinam abbati Vallis Lucentis et monachis ibi Deo servientibus omnem decimacionem, tam grossam quam revintam, terram, tam extirpatarum quam extirpandum, que ipsi monachi habeant in Valle Vinart et in parochiis de Seante et de Serilliaco et in finibus earundem. Hanc elemosinam laudavit Joduinus, filius eius, audientibus: Ancello Gasteblex; Henaudo de Maule; Stephano Buffaut et Filiastro suo, Stephano; Hugone, preposito Ioviniaci et filio suo clerico qui vocatur monacus. Hanc etiam laudavit uxor eius, Emerilla, et filii sui, Reinaudus et Isnardus, audientibus: Reinaudo Grasso et filiis suis, Reinaudo et Theobaldo. Factum est hoc anno ab incarnatione Domini M Co LXo VIo, apud Ioviniacum. Hanc autem elemosinam, ego, archiepiscopus, laudavit et confirmavit et etiam omnia iura decimalia que eadem ecclesia pro nunc habet ex donis, cambicionibus vel empcionibus in omni archiepiscopatum nostro. Quod ut ratum intemeratumque permaneat, sigilli nostri attestacione firmavi precepi. NC25 Number Withdrawn NC26 1193, August 5. Chapter of Vauluisant. Guillaume, abbot of Vauluisant, makes known that he, with the assent of his convent, ratified the agreement made by Guy, archbishop of Sens, between the monks of Vauluisant and his brothers, the Templars of Coulours, over pasturage in the woods of Cérilly and Les Loges, and glandage and usage of roads. This agreemend was recited and affixed with the seal of the Abbot in the chapter of Vauluisant. This document is Vauluisant's authorization of #333, explaining why the only copy exists in the fons of the house of Coulours. A. Original, Paris, AN S 4967. 33.8 x 27.8 cm. Related Charters: 270-73, 305, 333, MC4. Ego, frater W[illelmus], dictus abbas Vallis Lucentis, notum facio omnibus, tam futuris quam presentibus, quod cum inter fratres Vallis Lucentis et fratres Templi et homines de Colooirs diu querela haberetur super pasturis nemorum de Cereliaco et Logiis, et glande, et quibusdam viis in hunc compositionem pacis convenimus: de viis unde erat contencio, tantum due stabunt: una que tendit [a] Villamauri apud Ioviniacum, alia a Colooirs apud Arciam, et semita que est inter duas terras a domo leprosorum de Colooirs usque in boscum. Clausura pratorum que sunt ante portam grenchie de Logiis remanebit fratribus de Vallelucente libera a viis et pasturis. In propriis nemoribus eorumdem fratrum et planis que pertinent ad grenchias de Logiis, de Cereliaco, dicti fratres Templi et homines de Colooirs, sine contradictione, pasturas habebunt ad omnia pecora sua communiter, ita quod non fodietur terra ab hominibus pro fulcheria ad opus porcorum, sed quantum per se capere poterunt porci sive alia pecora ibi capient. In prata que sunt extra clausuram non intrabunt pecora a medio Marcio usque ad quindenam Sancti Iohannis Baptiste, nisi infra terminum illum secta fuerint prata. Et si secta fuerint, libere intrare poterint. In tempore glandis, porci unius anni vel ultra, pro pasnagio quatuor donabunt denarios; porci infra annum, duos denarios; lactentes vero porci, nichil pro pasnagio donabunt. Et si forte contentio habeatur de porco cuius sit etatis, in probatione eius cuius erit habebitur. Capre quoque non intrabunt boscum a festo Sancti Remigii usque ad Purificationem Beate 476 Marie. Et si intraverint, ad modum porcorum pasnagium reddent. Boves et omnia alia pecora, preter porcos et capras, omni tempore libere et sine contradicitione pasturas intrabunt. Fratres etiam de Vallelucente predicta nemora extyrpare, eradicare, arare, vendere, donare poterunt, salvis pasturis dictorum Templariorum. Pro hiis itaque rebus, homines de Colooirs fratribus de Valle Lucente singulis annis in domo de Cereliaco viginti solidos Pruvinensis monete in octavas Sancti Remigii donabunt; et si ipso die non reddantur, deinceps reddi tenebuntur cum lege quinque solidorum; et fratres de Valle Lucente capere poterunt in dictis pasturis pecora hominum de Colooirs pro denariis illis et lege. Hec compositio in capitulo nostro et assensu nostri conventus et sigilli nostri impressione roborata est et recitata. Actum est hoc anno incarnati Verbi M. C. Non[age]simo Tercio, nonas Augusti. NC27 1216, August 2. No location. Master Philippe, officialis of Sens, indicates the Jean, called le Roi, and Alix, his wife, recognized afterwards in the officialis' presence that they gave in alms to the church of Vauluisant after their death a certain house at Les Sièges with its attachments and appurtenances. . . . It appears that Alice confirmed this surrender to the priest of Pontsur-Vanne who was specially sent to hear it. A. Original, AD Yonne, H 753. 9.2 x 16.5 cm. Large hole in middle of charter. Related Charter: 245. Omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis, Magister Philippus, officialis Senonensis, in Domino salutem. Noverint universi quod cum Iohannes, dictus Rex, et Aalaisis, uxor eius, dedissent in elemosinam ecclesie Vallislucentis, post decessum suum, quandam domum apud Echegias sitam, cum appendiciis et pertinenciis suis, et quandam oschiam retro dictam domum sitam, postmodum dictus Iohannes, in presentia nostri, pro se et pro dicta uxore . . . presens res supradictas prenominate ecclesie in perpetuum quitavit do. . .nu nostra et nos, ad peticionem ipsius, Wllmum cellerar. . .aimus. Supradicta istam vero quitacionem predicta Aalais . . . scilicet presbiter de Pontibus super Vannam, quem ad hoc mi[simus] . . . [lauda]vit et approbavit. Actum anno gratie M CCo [Sextodecimo] . . . vigilia Inventionis Beati Stephani. NC28 1223 (o. st.). Saint-Julien d'Auxerre. Malchildis, abbess of Saint-Julien d'Auxerre, and the convent of that church note that when a controversy was disputed between themselves and the abbot and convent of Notre-Dame de Vauluisant over 8 sextarii of grain, 4 of wheat and 4 of rye, which they (Saint-Julien) claimed to have from the entire tithe of Rigny-le-Ferron, which entire tithe belongs to the church of Vauluisant; moreover they claimed that they had 10 s. cens over certain lands, meadows and vineyards that that abbot and convent possess from their land in Vaux-sur-Yonne; finally, at the counsel of good men, they amicable agreed (componere) in this fashion: Said abbot and convent will have said sextarii of wheat and rye and also the cens. The nuns will demand nothing in the future from the tithes of Rigny. In the cens of those lands (in Vaux) they gave whatever rights they had to the abbot and convent. Moreover, the nuns will have 2 arpents of vineyards situated next to their land of Vaux-sur-Yonne, which said abbot and convent possessed in the name of their church. 477 A. Original, AD Aube, 10 H 1. 14.3 x 18.9 cm. Ego Malchidis, abbatissa sancti Iuliani Autissiod. eiusdemque ecclesie conventus omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis in Domino Salutem. Noverit universitas vestra quod cum controversia verteretur inter nos, ex una parte, et abbatem et conventum ecclesie Beate Marie Vallislucentis, ex alia, super octo septarios bladi, videlicet quatuor frumenti et quatuor siliginis, quos dicebamus habere super totam decimam de Reniaco lou Ferron, que tota decima est dicte ecclesie Vallislucentis; insuper dicebamus habere decem solidos census super quasdam terras prata et vineas quas ipsi abbas et conventus possident de terra nostra in Valle super Yonam; tandem, de consilio bonorum virorum, composuimus amicabiliter in hunc modum: quod dicti abbas et conventus habebunt dictos septarios frumenti, et siliginis, et etiam dictos solidos census; et nichil reclamabimus imposterum in dictis decimis de Reniuco. In census illarum terrrarum, se quicquit iuris habebamus eisdem abbati et conventui dedimus. Nos autem habebimus duo arpenta vinee cituata prope terram nostram de Valle super Yonam que dicti abbas et conventus, nomine sue ecclesie, possidebant. In cuius rei memoriam, presentes litteras annotari fecimus et sigillorum nostrorum munimine roborari. Actum apud Sanctum Iulianum, anno Gratie M CC Vicesimo Tercio. NC29 1224, August. No location. Master Michel, officialis of the Sens curia, notes that Geoffroy, son of the deceased Humbert de Rigny-le-Ferron, and Flandrina, his (Geoffroy's) wife, gave and assigned to the church of Vauluisant in perpetual alms, for the remedy of their souls, 2 s. cens to be paid on the feast of the Exaltation of the Cross (September 14) from a certain piece of land behind the leper house of Rigny, notwithstanding that Flandrina had dower rights in that land. They also gave to the same church 1 sextarius of rye paid on the day after Christmas from a piece of land at Molinons. Moreover, said Geoffroy confirmed a halfplot (oschia) of land in the place called Berengio and one piece of meadow next to the mill of Gerboeal which said Humbert, his father, is said to have bequeathed to the church. A. Original, AD Aube, 10 H 1. 15.0 x 16.3 cm. Related Charter: 257. Omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis, Magister Michael, curie Senonensis officialis, in Domino salutem. Noverit universitas vestra quod Gaufridus, filius defuncti Humberti de Regniaco lo Ferron, et Flandrina, uxor eius, in nostra presentia constituti, dederunt et assignaverunt, pro remedio animarum ipsorum, in elemosinam perpetuam ecclesie Vallis Lucentis super quamdam peciem terre sitam retro domum leprosi de Regniaco, non obstante quod dicta Flandrina dotem habebat in eadem terra, sicut dicebat, duos solidos Pruvinenses censuales, annis singulis in festo Exaltationis Sancte Crucis supradicte ecclesie persolvendos. Dederunt etiam supradicte ecclesie in elemosinam super aliam peciem terre sitam ad Molendinum Novem, unum sextarium siliginis annui redditus annuatim solvendum eidem ecclesie ad crastinum Natalis Domini. Dicta etiam mulier recognovit, coram nobis, quod hoc faciebat spontanea, non coacta. Preterea, memoratus Gaufridus laudavit, coram nobis, supradicte ecclesie dimidiam oschiam terre sitam in loco qui dicitur Berengio et unam peciam prati sitam iuxta molendinum de Gerboeal quas dictus Humbertus, pater suus, sicut dicebatur eidem ecclesie legaverat.a Dictos autem duos solidos census et sextarium siliginis dicti Gaufridus et uxor eius memorate ecclesie, 478 sicut superius est expressum, quamdiu tenuerint teneturas predictas, fiduciaverunt se reddituros et quicumque eas post ipsos tenuerit tenebitur ea predicta similiter reddere ecclesie supradicte. Quod ut ratum et firmum in perpetuum habeatur, presentem paginam sigillo curie Senonensis fecimus roborari. Actum anno Domini Millesimo Ducentesimo Vicesimo Quarto, mense Augusto. a. legaverat]legarat A. NC30 1225, May 28. Wednesaday. No location. Document in vidimus: 1199, July. Master Michel, officialis of the Sens curia makes known that he had inspected the letters of Nobilis Vir Thibaut [III], former count of Champagne, under this form: Thibaut, count palatine of Troyes, makes known that, for the good of his soul and the souls of his predecessors, he gave and conceded in perpetuity to the church of Vauluisant that they are able to freely and peacefully give and sell from their woods in the Forêt d'Othe, which are in his gruerie, and to clear and build from those woods, similarly, they are able to make ash and take bark for only their own use. He also stated that he and his successors will carry the warranty over this donation. A. Original, AD Yonne, H 674. 9.7 x 19.2 cm. a. Quantin II, pp. 505-506, no 497. After A. Only the document in vidimus. Omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis, Magister Michael, officialis Senonensis, salutem in Domino. Noverint universi nos inspexisse litteras Nobilis Viri T[heobaldi], quondam comitis Campanie, sub hac forma: Ego T[heobaldus], Trecensis comes palatinus, notum fieri volo, tam futuris quam presentibus quod, pro salute anime mee et predecessorum meorum, dono et concedo, in perpetuum, ecclesie Vallis Lucentis ut possit de nemoribus suis de Oita,a que in grueria mea sunt, dare et vendere ad voluntatem suam libere et quiete et ad usus suos extirpare et edificare; similiter ad usus tantumb proprios facere cinerem et corticem capere. Super hac autem donatione mea statui me et successores meos in perpetuum fratribus eiusdem loci adversus omnes homines garwntiam exibituros. In cuius rei testimonium, presentes litteras sigilli mei munimine confirmavi. Actum anno incarnationis Domini Mo Co XCo IXo, mense Iulio. Quod autem in predictis litteris vidimus contineri verbo ad verbum, ad petitionem dictorum fratrum Vallis Lucentis, fecimus transcribi et sigillo Senonensis curie roborari. Actum anno Domini Mo CCo Vicesimo Quinto, die Mercurii post octabas Penthecostes. a. Otia]Otha a. b. tantum]tamen a. NC31 [1226 n. st.]15 1225, March 26. No location. 15the list of goods confirmed here matches those donated in #267 (October, 1225), thus implying that this act is logically posterior, i.e., in 1226. This reckoning is corroborated by the March 11 confirmation at #260. In any case, as late as November, 1225, Renaud was deacon of the Vanne Basin. Therefore, the presence of Deacon Jean and the date as being the day after the Annunciation, 1225, confirms that at least Jean employed Easter Style dating. 479 Jean, deacon of the Vanne Basin states that Geoffroy de Haeto, his wife, Elisabeth, Eudes de Saint-Martin, Eranburgis, his wife, Nicholas de Villanib, Marie, his wife, Hugues de Evry, Adeline, his wife, and Bancelina, widow of Colin de Villemaur, confirmed and conceded whatever Domina Luce de Rigny[-le-Ferron], mother of the women (that is, mother of all the wives and widows above), and Jean, cleric, her son, gave in alms to the church of Vauluisant, in meadows, lands, houses, censive, customs and tithes (#267), swearing that they would not demand anything from those lands, but would carry the warranty for it against all. A. Original, AD Aube, 10 H 1. 8.7 x 16.1 cm. Related: 231, 260, 267. Omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis, Iohannes, decanus de Riparia Vanne, salutem in Domino. Noverint universi quod in nostra presencia constituti, Gaufridus de Haeto, Elisabet, uxor eius, Odo de Sancto Martino, Eranburgis, uxor eius, Nicholaus de Villanib,(FN: b with a big loop hooking off the ascender down and to the right toward the intersection of the body and ascender, but not quite reaching this intersection. Maria, uxor eius, Hugo de Evriaco, Adelina, uxor eius, et Bancelina, relicta Colini de Villa Mauri, laudaverunt et concesserunt quicquid Domina Luca de Regniaco, mater earundem mulierum, et Iohannes, clericus, filius, dicte Luce dederunt in elemosinam ecclesie Vallis Lucentis tam in pratis quam in terris domibus, censivis, costumis et decimis, fiduciantes autem in manu nostra quod contra donacionem istam de cetero non venient, nec in dictis rebus, scilicet in pratis, terris, domibus, censivis, costumis et decimis aliquid reclamabunt, sed super hiis predicte ecclesie Vallis Lucentis debitam garamtiam pro posse suo portabunt erga omnes. Quod ut ratum et firmum permaneat ad peticionem partium, presentes litteras munimine sigilli nostri fecimus roborari. Actum anno Domini Mo CCo Vicesimo Quinto, mense Marcio, in crastino Annunciacionis Dominice. NC32 1208 (o. st.), January 31. No location. Jean, deacon of the Vanne Basin indicates that Godin de Rigny[-le-Ferron], domicellus, and Bancelina, nobilis mulier, recognized that they gave to the church of Vauluisant in perpetual alms 1 1/2 d. (3 oboli, half-pennies) cens that they had in the house of Bernard Charpentier and the proprisia situated in front of the house of Thierry, knight, next to the grange of the Templars. They also gave and conceded to the church that they may acquire 5 bicheti of oats and 3 s. of cens and customs at Rigny which Bernere and his wife hold in fief from said Godin and his relative. They also confirmed and conceded to the same church the land next to the house of Brunetus which belonged to Felix de Courmononcle, which they acquired from Etienne Textore, for a cens to be paid to them. A. Original, AD Aube, 10 H 1. 9.9 x 17.0 cm. Related Charters: 234, 244, 248, 255, 270-1, NC33. Omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis, Iohannes, decanus de Riparia Venne, in Domino salutem. Noverint universi quod, in presencia nostra constituti, Godinnus de Regniaco, domicellus, et Bancelina, nobilis mulier, recognoverunt se dedisse in perpetuam elemosinam eclesie Vallis Lucentis tres obolos censuales quos habebunt in domo Bernardi Carpentarii et proprisia sita ante domum Terrici, militis, iuxta granchiam Tenplariorum. Dedit etiam eclesie supradicte et concessit ut aquirere possit quinque 480 bichetos avene et tres solidos censuales et costumales apud Regniaco, quos Bernerez et uxor eius tenent a dictis Godino et conate eius in feodo. Laudaverunt et concesserunt etiam terram que fuit Felisii de Cormonuncle sepedicte eclesie quam aquisierant a Stephano Textore, que terra est iuxta domum Bruneti sita, pace et quiete possidenda per censum suum reddendum. Actum anno Domini Mo CCo VIII, die Mercurii ante Purificationem Beate Marie. NC33 122[7-9] (o. st.), March.16 No location. Felix, deacon of the Vanne Basin, declares that Godin de Rigny[-le-Ferron], miles, Milo, his brother, and Nobilis Mulier Bancelina, their mother, confirmed and conceded to the church of Vauluisant the land at Rigny next to the house of Brunetus, the meadow of Champs de Lambert, the customs and censive which belonged to Pierre Bernera, the land of the deceased Bernard Charpentier and also all things that said church possesses in any way, namely that which it holds moving from the fief, customs or censiva of said Godin, Milo and Bancelina. A. Original, AD Aube, 10 H 1. 9.0 x 17.4 cm. Related Charters: 248, 255, NC32. Omnbius presentes litteras inspecturis, Felis, decanus de Riparia Venne, Senonensis Diocesis, in Domino salutem. Noverit discretam vestram quod, in nostra presencia constituti, Godinus de Regniaco, miles, Milo, eius frater, et Nobilis Mulier Bancelina, mater eorundem, laudaverunt et concesserunt ecclesie Vallis Lucentis terram apud Regniacum sitam iuxta domum Bruneti, Campum Lanberti pratum, costumas et censivas que fuerunt Petri Bernere, terram defuncti Milonis Belle, et tres obolos quos habebant de censu super domum, et proprisium defuncti Bernardi Carpentarii, et etiam omnia alia que dicta ecclesia modo possidet, scilicet que de feodo, costuma et [ce]nsiva dictorum Godini, militis, Milonis et matris eorum . . . [c]ensum reddendum in perpetuum quiete et pacifice possidenda quod ut . . . firmum permaneat, ad peticionema partium sine preiudico alterius, i. . . litteris sigillum nostrum fecimus apponi. Actum anno Domini M CC [XXVI]II, mense Marcio. a. peticionem]peticicionem A. NC34 1228, December 24. No location. Master Michel, officialis of the Sens curia, indicates that Artaud de Châtelet and Michel, his son, quit in perpetuity to the brothers of Vauluisant certain things situated at SaintMartin-le-Villefranche [-le-Chennetron] namely one grange (granchiam, probably a barn in this case) with all its appurtenances, lands and cens, which those brothers had acquired from the sale which said Artaud had legally made to them of those things, so that they (Artaud and Michel) will demand none of these things in the future. They also 16Felix shows up in #103, dated February 22, 1229 (n. st.). While the critical portion of this charter is now illegible, its function as a confirmation of the transaction contained in the preceding charter suggests that it took place in the same year. Moreover, the paper folder in which this charter is contained, dating from the Nineteenth or, more likely, Eighteenth Century, gives the date as March, 1228. In any case, the last two II of the year are visible, and it would be highly unlikely that this confirmation occurred in 1232 or later. 481 promised by their faith that he someone should wish to sue the brothers for something from said things, Artaud (transcription has Giraud) and Michel will ensure that it will remain with them in peace. A. Original, AD Yonne, H 762. 9.5 x 15.8 cm. Related Charters: 335, 337, 341-43, 345, MC6-7. Omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis, Magister Michael, curie Senonensis officialis, in Domino salutem. Noverint universi quod Ertaudus de Castro Pruvinense et Michael, filius eius, in nostra presentia constituti, quedam apud Sanctum Martinum de Villafranchen sita, videlicet granchiam unam cum tota porprisia sua, terras et censum quitaverunt in perpetuum fratribus Vallislucentis, que ipsi fratres ex venditione quam dictus Ertaudus de illis rebus eis fecerat legitime fuerant adepti, que nec per se neque per interpositas personas aliquid in dictis rebus in posterum reclamabunt. Promiserunt etiam per fidem suam quod, si qui voluerint a predictis fratribus aliquid de dictis rebus petere, ipsi Ertaudus et Michael iurabunt eos bona fide ad remanendum super hoc in pace. Dictus etiam Ertaudus recognovit coram nobis se apud Vallem Lucentem sepulturam elegisse ita quod ibi tradatur Christiane sepulture quando fuerit humanis rebus ex emptus. Actum anno Gratie Mo CCo Vicesimo Octavo, vigilia Natalis Domini. NC35 1229, June. No location. Garsias, prepositus of the church of Saint-Quiriace de Provins, makes known that Aubert, abbot, and the entire convent of Vauluisant, by common assent and the unanimous will of their father, Guibert, abbot, and the convent of Preuilly, Vauluisant's mother house, conceded and gave the grange and house of Saint-Martin[-le-Chennetron] with all its appurtenances, such as lands, cens, and other things to himself. They also gave him in this manner meadows situated on the banks of the Seine across the river on the side of Chalautre. For this "donation," they received from Garsias 240 l. new and legal money of Provins "to pay their debts." Moreover, said Garsias gave for the good of his soul and those of his benefactors, and for his anniversary [mass] to be made annually in their church, around 25 arpents of meadows on the banks of the Seine in the finage of Nogent, which said Garsias shall hold for as long as he should live and pay from it cens to the church of Saint-Denis or that church's representative (mandatus). After his death, the grange and everything else noted above will freely return to them (the abbot and convent of Vauluisant) and their church without difficulty. They conceded and promised to the same Garsias in their full chapter that they will at no time bother him against these agreements. They are also held to warranty all the aforesaid for Garsias. A. Original, AD Yonne, H 762. 27.5 x 26.0 cm. Related Charters: NC35-6. Ego, Garsias, humilis prepositus ecclesie Beati Kyriaci Pruvini, notum facio, tam presentibus quam futuris, quod Domnus Aubertus, abbas ecclesie Vallis Lucentis, totusque eiusdem ecclesie conventus, de communi assensu omnium eorum, necnon et de assensu et voluntate venerabilis in Christo patris eorum, Guiberti, abbatis Pruliacensis, et conventus eiusdem ecclesie, que mater eorum est, pensata utilitate ecclesie sue concesserunt et donaverunt michi granchiam et domum suam de Sancto Martino cum omnibus pertinentiis suis, videlicet cum terris et censibus et aliis omnibus ad granchiam pertinentibus in ea integritate qua ipsi ea possidebant. Dederunt etiam michi predicto 482 modo prata sua de riparia Sequane sita, videlicet ultra Fluvium Sequane ex parte Calistrie. Propter predictam vero donationem, receperunt a me ducentas et quadraginta libras bonorum et legalium et novorum Pruvinensium pro solutione debitorum suorum facienda. Dedi siquidem eis et ecclesie sue de Valle Lucenti pro remedio anime mee et benefactorum meorum circiter viginti et quinque arpenta prati sita in riparia Sequane in finagio Nogenti, que ego cum prefata granchia tenebo quamdiu vixero pacifice et quiete; et ipsi censum eiusdem prati ecclesie Beati Dionisii, vel eius mandato, solvere tenentur annuatim. Post decessum vero meum, predicta granchia cum omnibis pertinentiis suis et cum omnibus pratis superius nominatis et cum omni admelioramento ibidem facto ad eos et ecclesiam suam libere et sine difficultate qualibet revertentur. Sciendum autem quod pro prato superius nominato, quod ego eis et ecclesie sue liberaliter contuli et devote anniversarium meum cum sollempnitate debita in ecclesia sua tenentur facere annuatim. Notandum etiam quod ego sub iuramento firmavi quod ego iura predicte granchie cum pertinentiis suis pro posse meo bona fide servabo et quod super dictam granchiam nichil potero mutuo accipere unde ecclesia eorum teneri debeat obligari. Concessi etiam eis quod quamdiu predictam granchiam cum suis pertinentiis tenebo reddam pro eis unum modium frumenti ad mensuram pruvini, Artaudo de Pruvino et Michaeli filio suo annuatim eo modo et quandiu ipsi solvere tenebantur ipsi vero in pleno capitulo suo concesserunt et promiserunt michi in verbo veritatis in fide et religione sua quod me nullo tempore super predictis omnibus contra conventiones predictas presument aut per ipsos aut per alios in posterum molestare. Tenenturque michi prefata omnia pro posse suo bona fide contra omnes homines garantire. In cuius rei testimonium et firmitatem presentes litteras sigillo mei munimine roboravi. Actum anno Gratie Millesimo Ducentesimo, Vicesimo Nono, mense Iunio. NC36 1229, June. No location. Thibaut [IV]. count of Champagne and Brie, makes known that Aubert, abbot, and the entire convent of Vauluisant, by common assent and the unanimous will of their father, Guibert, abbot, and the convent of Preuilly, Vauluisant's mother house, conceded and gave the grange and house of Saint-Martin[-le-Chennetron] to his (Thibaut's) cleric, Garsias (not always declined as Second Declension), prepositus of the church of SaintQuiriace de Provins, with all its appurtenances, such as lands, cens, and other things. They also gave him in this manner meadows situated on the banks of the Seine across the river on the side of Chalautre. For this "donation," they received from Garius 240 l. new money of Provins "to pay their debts." Moreover, said Garsias gave for the good of his soul and those of his benefactors, and for his anniversary [mass] to be made annually in their church, around 25 arpents of meadows on the banks of the Seine in the finage of Nogent, which said Garsias shall hold for as long as he should live and pay from it cens to the church of Saint-Denis or that church's representative (mandatus). After his death, the grange and everything else noted above will freely return to them (the abbot and convent of Vauluisant) and their church without difficulty. They conceded and promised to the same Garsias in their full chapter that they will at no time bother him against these agreements. They are also held to warranty all the aforesaid for Garsias. A. Original, AD Yonne, H 674 11.2 x 25.5 Small seal of Thibaut IV, count of Champagne and Brie. Ego, Th[eobaldus], Campanie et Brie comes palatinus, notum facio omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis quod Aubertus Abbas ecclesie Vallis Lucentis totusque eiusdem ecclesie conventus, de communi assensu et unanimi voluntate omnium eorum, necnon et 483 de assensu et voluntate, venerabilis in Christo Patris eorum Guiberti, abbatis Pruliacum, et conventus eiusdem ecclesie que mater eorum est, pensata utilitata sua, concesserunt et donaverunt dilecto et fidelo clerico meo, Garsye, ecclesie Beati Quiriaci Pruvinensis preposito, Granchiam et Domum suam de Sancto Martino cum omnibus pertinentiis suis, videlicet cum terris, et censibus, et aliis omnibus ad granchiam pertinentibus in ea integritate qua ipsi ea tenebant quiete integre et libere quamdiu vixerit possidenda. Dederunt etiam eidem Garsye predicto modo prata sua riparia Sequane sita, videlicet ultra Fluvum Sequane ex parte Calistrie. Propter predictam vero donationem receperunt ab eodem Garsya ducentas et quadraginta libras bonorum et legalium et novorum Pruvinensium pro solutione debitorum suorum facienda. Dedit preterea dictus Garsyas ecclesie de Valle Lucenti circiter viginti et quinque arpenta prati sita in riparia Sequane in finagio Nogenti, pro remedio anime sue et benefactorum suorum. Que dictus Garsius, cum prefata granchia quamdiu vixerit pacifice tenebit et ipsi censum eiusdem prati ecclesie Beati Dyonisii, vel eius mandato, solvere tenebuntur annuatim. Post decessum vero dicti Garsye, predicta Granchia, cum omnibus pertinentiis suis, et cum omnibus pratis superius nominatis, et cum omni admelioramento ibidem facto ad eos et ecclesiam suam libere et sine difficultate qualibet revertentur. Sciendum autem quod pro prato superius nominato quod dictus Garsyas eis et ecclesie sue liberaliter contulit et devote Anniversarium suum cum sollempninate debita in ecclesia sua tenebuntur facere annuatim. Notandum etiam quod dictus Garsyas sub Iuramento firmavit quod ipse iura predicte granchie, cum omnibus pertinentiis suis, pro posse suo bona fide servabit et quod super dictam granchiam nichil poterit mutuo accipere. Unde ecclesia eorum teneri deberat obligata. Ipsi vero in pleno capitulo suo concesserunt et promiserunt eidem Garsye in verbo veritatis in fide et religione sua quod eum nullo tempore super predictis omnibus contra conventiones predictas presument aut per ipsos au[t] per alios in posterum molestare. Tenenturque eidem Garsye prefata omnia pro posse suo bona fide contra omnes homines garantire. Ad peticionem itaque utriusque partis omnia superius nominata laudo, et volo, et in testimonium veritatis presentes litteras sigilli mei munimine confirmo. Actum anno Gratie Millesimo Ducentesimo Vicesimo Nono, mense Iunio. NC37 1201 (o. st.). No location. Adam, deacon of Chalautre, notes that Dominus Garin de Chalautre, miles, gave in alms to the church of Vauluisant the land of Valleciebost, which moved from the cens of the same church. Moreover, Dominus Hugues, son of Garin, also miles, gave in alms to the aforesaid church one arpent of land situated below Pisoli (Puits?) and 2 d. annual cens that the aforesaid brothers of Vauluisant owed him. A. Original, AD Yonne, H 762.17 9.9 x 12.8 cm. Related Charters: 334, 339, 352, 375. Ego Adam, decanus de Calestria, notum facio omnibus, tam presentibus quam futuris, quod Dominus Guarinus de Calestria, miles, dedit in elemosinam ecclesia Vallislucentis . . . terram de Valleciebost, que de censu eiusdem ecclesie movebat. Preterea Dominus Hugo, filius eiusdem Guarini, miles, dedit in elemosinam predicte ecclesie Vallislucentis unum arpentum terre site sub Puisoli et duos denarios annui census quos fratres predicte ecclesie prefato Hugoni, militi, debebant. Hec omnia dederunt prefati milites prefate 17I was not able to relocate this charter at this location in January, 1996. 484 ecclesie quiete et pacifice in perpetuum possidenda. In huius rei testimonium, presentem cartam sigilli nostri fecimus roborari. Actum anno gratie Mo CCo Primo. 485 NC38 [1179 - 1193]18 No location. Ulric, abbot of Vauluisant, and the entire convent of the church, make known that an agreement (compositio) was made between their church and Pierre, son of the deceased Salon de Malay[-le-Vicomte], over a certain controversy, settling it in this way: In the presence of Domnus Pierre, abbot of Saint-Jean de Sens, and R., deacon of Saint-Mard, they quit to Pierre whatever they demanded from the tithe of Pailly, and will annually pay to him and his heirs 3 sextarii of wheat at the grange of Chevroy on the feast of Saint Remy (October 1) If somebody should wish to oppose this agreement, Pierre will carry the warranty. Otherwise, they will pay the aforesaid grain to him against whom Pierre was not able to warrant. Ulric affixes his seal with the chapter of Vauluisant confirming. A. Original, AD Yonne, H 765. 7.8 x 21.2 cm. Ego Ur[ricus?], abbas Vallislucentis, totusque eiusdem aecclesiae conventus notum facimus, tam presentibus quam futuris, quod compositio quedam facta est inter aecclesiam nostram et Petrum, filium defuncti Salonis de Masleio, super quadam controversia que in hunc modum pacificata est: quod nos quitavimus quicquid reclamabamus in decima de Pailli, in presentia Domni Petri, abbatis Sancti Iohannis Senonensis, et R., Decani Sancti Medardi, et reddemus ei et heredibus suis annuatim tres sextarios frumenti apud granchiam Cheverie in festo Sancti Remigii. Quod siquis erga hanc compositionem contraire voluerit, predictus Petrus guarantiam feret. Alioquin nos reddemus predictam annonam illi contra quam non potuerit guarantire. Quod ut ratum sit et inconcussum teneatur omni tempore, capitulo Vallislucentis laudante, sigillo nostro muniri volumus. NC39 1194 (o. st.). No location. Garnier, bishop of Troyes, states that Garnier, son of Geoffroy Chaudron de Trancault, and Theoderic, his brother, gave and conceded in alms to the church and brothers of Vauluisant 4 sextarii of grain, namely 1 sextarium of wheat, 1 of rye, 2 of spring grain (tremesius) in the measure of Villemaur from the terragium of the village called Pailly to be held in perpetuity. The brothers, or their administrator who may be established there, will receive said grain within 15 days of the feast of Saint Remy (i.e., before October 15). This [agreement is so established?] that Garnier, at the advice of the administrator of the brothers, will establish a minister for taking the terrage and the aforesaid grain from the terrage, just as it was said, will be paid by that administrator without contradiction. A. Original, AD Yonne, H 765 17.2 x 28.0 cm. Related Charters: 231, 233, 235, 279. Garnerius, Dei gratia Trecensis episcopus, omnibus ad quos littere iste pervenerint in Domino salutem. Noverit universitas vestra quod Garnerius, filius Goffredi Chauderon de Tranquillo, et Theodoricus, frater eius, dederunt et concesserunt in elemosinam ecclesie et fratribus Vallislucentis quatuor sextarios annone ad mensuram Villemauri in terragio ville que dicitur Paleya imperpetuum tenend[um],a unum scilicet sextarium frumenti, unum siliginis, duos tremesii. Memorati vero fratres dictam annonam infra quintum decimum diem Sancti Remigii singulis annis recipient, aut minister eorum qui 18Ulric's abbacy. 486 ibi constitutus fuerit. ita . . . quod prefatus Garnerius, consilio ministri fratrum, ad extrahendum prefatum terragium ministrum constituet et a ministro predicta annona de terragio sicut dictum estb sine contradictione reddetur. Hanc donationem laudavit Gila, uxor Garnerii, et Felicitas, filia eius. Hoc idem laudavit Hugo, tunc temporis prepositus de Villa Nove super Venam, ad cuius feodum(FN: this appears as feodi, with a slash through the ascender of the d. predictum terragium pertinebat. Quot ut ratum et immutabile perseveret, sigilli nostri fecimus patrocinio confirmari. Actum anno Domini Mo Co XCo IIIIo. a. tenendum]tenendô A. b. dictum est]dictum ex corr. NC40 1202, August 31.19 No location. Master J[osbert de Ponte?] and H[amo de Saint-Romain?], officiales of the Sens curia, wish to make known that when there had been litigation for some time between the monks of Valuisant and Milo, miles of Ternant, over the usage rights which the same Milo demanded (exigebat) from the monks in the woods of Servins, the same Milo recognized that he had no rights in the woods, and quit to the monks in perpetuity whatever he had claimed (vendicabat),20 and paid damages (fecit emendam) for this: That he had unjustly bothered them concerning the aforesaid usage rights and for some timber that he removed from the woods. It was shown by sworn witnesses that when Milo, the former father of this Milo, was suffering in extremis, he quit to said monks whatever he had and claimed in the woods, with his wife listening and confirming. A. Original, AD Yonne, H 766. 9.3 x 14.2 cm. Related Charters: MC39. Magister I. et H., curie Senonensis officiales, omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis in Domino salutem. Notum fieri volumus quod cum diu litigatum fuisset inter monachos Vallis Lucentis et Milonem, militem de Tarnantes, super usuario quod idem Milo in nemore de Cervins a predictis monachis exigebat, idem Milo ante nos recognovit quod nullum ius habebat in predicto nemore, et quicquid in eo vendicabat quitavit in perpetuum monachis supradictis, ipsisque fecit emendam super hoc: quod ipsos iniuste vexaverat pro usuario supradicto et pro lignis que amoverat a nemore memorato. Constitit etiam nobis per testes iuratos quod cum defunctus Milo, quondam pater predicti Milonis, in extremis laboraret dictis monachis quitavit quicquid habebat et vendicabat in nemore sepedicto, relicta eiusdem Milonis hoc audiente et laudante. Actum vigilia Sancti Lupi, Anno Dominice incarnationis Millesimo, Ducentesimo Secundo. 19The vigil of the feast of Saint Loup. Since this document was issued by the officiales of Sens, I assumed that the feast indicated was that of Saint Loup of Sens (September 1). Other possible Saint Loups: Saint Loup of Troyes (July 29), Saint Loup of Soissons (October 19), Saint Loup of Lyon (September 25), Saint Loup of Chalon-sur-Saône (January 27), et. al. (Giry, p. 299). 20vendicare technically means "to try to sell." However, in this charter, as in all the variants of #274, it appears to take the meaning of the classical Latin vindicare, "to claim." 487 APPENDIX G CHARTERS AFTER 1229 AC1 1231, September. No location. Erard de Traînel makes it known that he conceded to the abbot and convent of Vauluisant to hold and possess in perpetuity all that they acquired at Villeneuvel'Archevêque, in houses, lands, meadows, censiva, and everything else, swearing and promising that he will not raise a dispute against this concession and obliging his successors to hold this in perpetuity. A. Original, AD Yonne, H 786. 12.0 x 15.6 cm. Ego, Erardus de Triangulo, notum facio universis presentes litteras inspecturis quod ego concessi abbati et conventui Vallis Lucentis tenere et possidere in perpetuum quiete et pacifice omnia que acquisierunt apud Villam Novam que dicitur Archiepiscopi in domibus, in terris, in pratis, in vineis, in censiva et in omnibus aliis, creantans et promittens quod contra dictam concessionem, per me vel per alium, contra dictos fratres querelam non movebo, sed ad tenendum illam in perpetuum meos successores obliguo. In cuius rei memoriam, ad petitionem dictorum abbatis et conventus, presentes litteras sigilli mei munimine confirmo. Actum anno Domini Mo CCo Tricesimo Primo, mense Septembri. AC2 1236, September 29. No location. Master Eudes, officialis of Sens, makes known that when Foulques de Lailly and Arthur, his son-in-law, gave to the church of Vauluisant whatever lands and meadows they had in the confines (in finibus) of Courgenay and usage rights in the woods and land of Lailly, so that the aforesaid church may acquire all necessities from the woods, namely, for building, charcoal, iron, glandage and herbage in both the plains and the woods (the church, however, will not be permitted to make arable those lands, just as he saw -vidimus -- it to be contained in the letter of Hugues, former archbishop of Sens -- #156), finally, Guillaume, armiger, son of Jobert de Bouy (Booliaco), knight, who said that he was the heir of those Foulques and Arthur, quit, confirmed, willed, and conceded in perpetuity to the brothers of Vauluisant the gift of all the aforesaid, just as it is contained in that letter, so that those brothers may not clear or make arable those woods. The same Guillaume confirmed in perpetuity and conceded the 3 1/2 d. provinois at Lailly which Evrard de Lailly, miles, is said to have given in alms to the brothers, and [Guillaume also gave] all flat arable land contained in the Haie de Lailly which the brothers are said to have bought from Nobiles Vir Anselm de Traînel, lord of Voisines, which Guillaume said was held in fief from him. Guillaume also promised by his faith that he would make this to be confirmed by Elisabeth, his wife, before the instant of All Saints' Day. 488 A. Original, AD Yonne, H 737. 11.3 x 21.9 cm. Related Charters: 152, 156, 180, 184, 194, 294, NC6. Omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis Magister Odo, officialis Senonensis, in Domino Salutem. Noverint universi quod cum Fulco de Laliaco et Arturius, gener eius, dedissent ecclesie Vallis Lucentis quicquid terre et prata habebant in finibus Curgeneii et usuarium in nemore et terra Laliaci, ita quod omnia necessaria predicta ecclesia faceret de nemore, videlicet: edificia, carbonem et ferrum inde sumeret, herbam, et in plano et in bosco, ubique acciperet arare tamen eisdem ecclesie non liceret, sicut hec in litteris sicut memorie Hugonis, quandam archiepiscopi Senonensis, vidimus contineri, tandem Wllelmus, armiger, filius Iohannis de Booliaco, militis,a qui dicebatur heres ipsorum Fulconis et Arturii, coram nobis constitutus, dictum donum omnium predictorum, prout in dictis litteris eiusdem Hugonis, quondam archiepiscopi Senonensis, continetur fratribus supradicte ecclesie Vallislucentis quitavit in perpetuum, laudavit, voluit et concessit, ita tamen quod ipsi fratres nichil de dicto nemore extirpare valeant vel arare. Idem etiam Wllelmus laudavit in perpetuum et concessit supradicte ecclesie Vallislucentis tres denarios et obolum Pruvinenses censuales apud Laliacum sitos, quos defunctus Everrardus de Laliaco miles dicitur eisdem fratribus in elemosinam donavisse; et omnia plana terre arabilis contenta in Haeto Laliaci, quod dicti fratres dicuntur emisse a nobili viro Ansello de Triangulo, domino Vicinarum, que ipse Wllelmus dicit esse de feodo suo, promittens, fide prestita corporali, quod, nec per se neque per alios, super hiis in posterum aliquam questionem movebit. Promisit etiam sub eadem fide quod ab Elisabet, uxore sua, infra instans festum Omnium Sanctorum faciet eisdem fratribus hec laudari. Actum A[nno] [Millesimo Ducentesimo] Tricesimo Sexto, in festo Beati Michaelis. a. militis]ex corr. AC3 No Date, January. No location. Laurence, officialis of the curia of the archdeacon of Sens, notes that Felix, son of the deceased Jacques, asserted that he was a man of the church of Vauluisant, perhaps paying 2 s. Tournois every year as a result. A. Original, AD Aube, 10 H 1. 12.28 x 20.0 cm. Damaged. Later copy? Transcription extremely dubious. . . .ris, Magister Laurentius, officialis curie archidiaconis Senonensis, in Domino [salutem] . . . . coram nobis constitutus, Felisius, filius defuncti Iacobi, dicti . . . religiosi abbas et conventus Vallis Lucentis, Cysterciensis Ordinis, . . . dam prem. omnem abonaverunt ad duos solidos Turonenses tempore quo . . . definictus ipso ante sue erat hoc ecclesie dictorum religiosorum . . . . Quam Felisius duerit et asserant coram nobis se esse hominem ... et se abonatum ad duos solidos Turonenses, permi... denarios, videlicet dictos duos solidos Turonenses fide media redditurum . . .eto mandato secum presentes litteras defferenti in festo Beati . . . . Hac se heredes suas et omnia bona sua, tam mobilia quam immobilia ... [i]urisdicitioni omnie me quandam ad hoc supponendo. Datum anno . . ., Mense Ianuario. 489 AC4 1988, January 16. No location. The various associations of the abbeys of Fontmorigny, Clairvaux, Cîteaux, Pontigny and Vauluisant federate themselves in a larger association to promote the restoration, popularization, cultural or scholarly interest in Cistercian abbeys. A. Original, l'Association des Amis de Pontigny. a. Photocopy of A. Ind: "Une Charte Cistercienne en 1988 . . . ,"p. 2, La Liberté de l'Yonne, July 21, 1988. {Diplomatic Transcription} Charte des Associations d'Abbayes Cisterciennes. Les Associations soussignées -dont l'objet est lié d'une ancienne abbaye cistercienne -soit qu'elles participent à sa restauration, qu'elles assurent tout ou partie de son animation culturelles, qu'elles en étudient l'histoire ou qu'elles cherchent à en développer l'image -ont décidé de se rapprocher pour mettre en commun leurs expériences, pour s'informer mutuellement de leurs initiatives ou activités, pour améliorer leurs connaissances respectives sur la signification historique de ces abbayes, pour entreprendre éventuellement certaines actions conjointes Chaque Association a signé la present Charte qui définit les engagements minimaux qu'elle accepte de respecter. -envoi aux autres Associations -et à la Revue Citeaux- des différents bulletins et autres documents d'information qu'elle publie -insertion dans ses bulletins et documents, des informations relatives aux manifestations exceptionnelles des autres Associations -organisation à tour de rôle, d'une réunion annuelle regroupant les principaux animateurs de chaque Association signataire de la Charte Chaque Association conservera son autonomie de gestion et n'aura aucune obligation administrative à l'égard des autres Associations. Elle gardera, en particulier, la libre disposition de son fichier. L'adhésion à la Charte n'engage à aucune démarche commune de quelque nature que ce soit sauf décision unanime prise en reénion annuelle. Les propriétaires d'abbayes cisterciennes peuvent adhérer à la Charte avec les mêmes prérogatives et engagements. L'adhésion de nouvelles Associations à la Charte s'effectuera chaque année lors de la réunion des animateurs des Associations déjà signataires sur présentation d'une Association déjà adhérente Des modifications au texte de la présente Charte pourront être apportées lors d'une réunion annuelle à la suite d'un vote favorable de la majorité des Associations présentes et représentant au moins la moitié des Associations signataires. l'Association des Amis de Pontigny est désignée comme séquestre des Chartes originales signées par ses Présidents habilités des Associations adhérentes {left to right, below shields of respective abbeys} Les amis de Fontmorigny {Signature} M. Dominique BONNET 490 Renaissance de Clairvaux {Signature} M. Jean François Leroux Ci -- teaux Commentarii Cisterciennes {Signature:}Terryl N. Kinder pour le Frère J-F Holthof Frère Jean Francois Holthof Les Amis de Pontigny {Signature} M. Bernard Aléonard Résonances de Vauluisant {Signature} M. Bernard Gamby 16 Janvier 1988. Additional notes on other after 1230 charters: H 709 1232, octave of Purification of the virgin (2-10 Feb) Guillelm officialis notes: Garnerus Ferrados gives what he has in the parish of Courceaux (Corrocol) and at Nogent-sur-Seine and Fontes prope Triangulum in terris, hominibus, redditibus et iusticia. Radulfus Boissuns, from whose fief it moved and Willelmus, his son, confirmed. Another document, same date, giving whatever he has in tithes as well, same area. H 707 1234 March Lease to quibusdam hominibus de Colatoriis et heredibus eorum, Finage of Cerilly, land in between fontan iordanis et woods of boies, excolendum ad terragium, retaining all terragium and 12 of tithes, monks may realienate withing a year and a day after death, no mine or marlam, if not cultivated for seven years, monks make reclaim. 10H1 1230 Saturday proxima ante festum Beati Iohannis Baptisti. Anselm de Trainel settles a dispute between V. L. and Jacques vicecomes de Joigny over woods of Bociis et de Booloi et de la Broce et de Genetois. Jacques approves acquisitions made in Genetoise and la Broce by his father, etc... H 737 1232 Saturday of Nativity of the Baptist. Mich. off. curia sens - henricus de Flor. miles lauds and concedes the entire legato which hugues miles, prevot of Vlnvl-laepc gave in the parishes of molinons and lalliaco "tam in blado quam in denariis" also lauds the legatum which Jean of Fontevannes gave of 3 sextariis bladi in his part of the tithe of VLNV-l'epc 9.0 x 16.6 cm. Omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis, Magister Michaelis Officialis curie senonensis in domino salutem. Noverint universi quod Henricus de Noey miles in nostra presencia constitutus illud legatum quod hugo miles, prepositus villenove archiepiscopi fecit 491 ecclesie vallislucentis de tota parte sua decime quam habebat in parrochiis de Molinons et de Lalliaco, tam in blado quam in denariis eidem ecclesie tamquam dominus feodi laudavit et concessit. Aliud vero legatum quod fecisse dicitur iam dicte ecclesie defunctus Iohannes fontisvenne de tribus sextariis bladi in parte sua decime parrochie villenove archiepiscopi. Similiter eidem ecclesie vallislucentis laudavit tamquam federis (fcd'is) dominus feodi illius, quitans prefate ecclesie totum (t squiggle above it o t a line above that, um) siquem habebat in rebus superius legatis, fiducians quod contra ea erga superius fictum expressa non veniet in ficturum. Actum anno domini Mo. tricesimo secundi, die sabbato post nativitatem beati Iohannis baptistae. 1231 October. Also, Hugues miles et prepositus of VLNV-l'aepc gave and conceded in alms whatever he had in tithes at Molinons et Laliaco, felix deacon of the Vanne Basin affixes his seal. 6.2x12.6 cm. Ego Hugo miles et prepositus ville nove domini archiepiscopi senonensis Notum facio omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis quod ego dedi et concessi in elemosinam perpetuam possidendum. Quod ut magis ratum et firmum habeatur, ad peticionem meam vir venerabilis felix decanus de riparia vanne sigillum suum duxit apponendum. Actum anno domini mo CCo xxxio, mense octobri. 10H1 1233 document where Iacobus, viscount of Joigny quit to the brothers of Vauluisant whatever he had in . . . and in the inheritance of Milo, former priest of Rignyle-Ferron, and confirmed and conceded all feudal and censual acquisitions in the town of Rigny. 492 APPENDIX H DORSAL MARKINGS ON ORIGINAL CHARTERS 5 1. De Villa Nova Va E. (??) Small Donum hugonis militis de Balduino et Felisio. 7 1. De Villa Nova Quarta 2. iiiia E. Donum Petri lo Paalier. 30 1. xv de grangia de cervins E. (??) Small Iohannes de Corlone quitavit duos sextarios frumenti. 34 1. via de Corgenai - vi E. Gilo filius defuncti Manaaserii Ribaudi donat terram et pratum. 38 1. De paraclito tercia iiia E. Compromissio facta de controversia abbatisse paracliti de decima c... 39 1. Quarta 2. De Paraclito E. Appellavit Abbatissa Paracliti Sedem Apostolicam et Appellatum minime prosecuta est. 44 E. Recognoscit Massa vendidisse quatuordecim solidos annui census. 53 1. De Marigni XII 2. De cheminis E. Renaudus prepositus de Cresenciaco dat terragium de Cheminis. 55 Copy 1 (clause added and in cartulary) 1 . Espinoil 2. IIIIa E. Elemosina Herberti de Vico Nove et Agnetis Uxoris eius. 55 Copy 2 (predates copy 1) 1. Herbertus et Agnetus dont vi sextarios ordei et alia quedam. 2. Espinoil 3. iiia 57 1. ... sexta E. Willelmus prepositus triangulo et uxor eius dant censum et avenum de redditu. 62 1. Prima Marigni 493 2. Prima 3. De centum sol. marig. E. Ubi percipiatur legatum pie memorie Garnerii de Triangulo. 63 1. De quadam terre apud Marigniacum. 2. De Marigni decima. E. Elemosina pie memorie Henrici Militis de Paisi. 67 1. Nemoribus gra ? abbatia IIIIa 2. quarta abbatia 3. de conchis E. Vendidit Herbertus de Vexiaco et Helysabet uxor eius nemus et fundum situm iuxta concas 70 1. Espinoil 2. Secunda E. Commutatio decimarum inter ecclesia Vallis Lucentis et Domum Dei de Triangulo. 72 1. De cerilli xa D, Quitant homines de Seant usum carbonagium. Dedet hoc dominus Erardus Garandiam portare recognoscit quod ipsi fratres habet sextam partem in quibusdam nemoribus et dat pasturis. 73 1 ... octava 2. Villa Nova E. Filicius Clericus quitat hereditatem paternam. 74 1. De villis circa Marigniaco VIIa. Sancti Flavitum. E. Elemosina Aalit de Marcelli approbat a filiis suis dimidium modium bladi. 79 1. Sexta E. Iudices delegati adiudicaverunt Valli lucenti partem decime de Reni que vendita fuerat sine assensu capituli. 86 1. Fonten. in Bas. XIa E. Compositio Girardi de Fonteneto et ecclesia Vallis Lucentis de quodam legato. 104 1. Triangulo 2. XVI de Villis circa Berneri... E. Approbat Dominus Ansellus Venditionem domus cuiusdam in foro Trianguli. 109 1. Lailly 2. (rubric) VIa E. ... Gaufridus de Fosseio usum mine et pasture ad o... 112 1. Marigniaco - VIIa E. Dat pie memorie Aaliz de MArcelli ... sext.... 113 1. IIa de Marigniaco 2. Secunda E. Approbat Garnerius de Marigni legatum patris sui. 494 116 1. Espinoil 2. Prima E. Elemosinam Thebaldi de Barro militum Domui Dei Triangulo approbat Comes Iovign. 118 1. Corgenai IIIIa quarta. E. Quomodo Controversia inter abbatem et conventum ex una parte et Dominam Fraussendem et liberos eius ex altera ad statum pacis fuerit reformata comitissa campanie Blanca mediante. 119 1. 7 sextam partem nemus in Alodiis et in nemore Sancte Marie 2. E? de Logiis iiia, iiia E. Testatur Dominus Rex Iherosimorum quomodo sedit iste contentio usuarium foreste que dicitur Rabiose. 120 Copy "2": nothing Copy 1: 1. De Corgenaio Septima E. Quomodo discordia orta inter domicellos de Corgenai et Monachos pro molendino eius contingentibus sopita sit. 122 Backside illegible 123 1. illeg. 2. De pasturis de Cervins 3. iiii E. Approbat Dominus Erardus de Brena elemosinam matris sue. 126 1. IIIa ] IIIIa ex corr. 2. De [ma]rignic? iiia. E. Approbant fratres donum Domini Garnerii de Herberto de Regniaco. 127 1. Reigni Lan. iiiia. E. Theobaldus comes approbat donum G. de Marigniaco. 129 1. XIId vill... E. Testatur Oda legatum Domine Aaliz matris Domini Erardi de Brena. 131 1. prima E. Testimonium Ludovici redis de Paagio Corbolii 138 1. De Nemore de Cervins xvii E. Stephanus Plomet quitavit quicquid habebat in nemore Raaudi. 139 1. (12th) De Fulcone de Laileo 2. De Lailleio Octava E. Quittat Fulcone Lelileio xxiii E. censuales quos debebat ecclesia Vallis Lucentis eidem. 142 1. Lailli 2. Tercia 3. (12th) Anselli filii Holdieri 495 4. Sigill. Hugonis Senon. E. Dat Ansellus, filius Holdeeri quicquid habet in territorio Laleii exceptis hominibus et parte decime. 144 1. Secunda. 2. (12th) Stephanus de Firmitate. 3. Sigill. Henr. Senonen. E. Stephanus de Firmitate Reisnat manu archiepiscopi decimacione terrarum quas fratres habent in parrochia Lailiaci et Dominus Henricus, archiepiscopus, inde investit Vallem Lucentem. 149 1. Sigl. Hug. Sen. Sigil Henricus Trec. 2. Corgenai ii E. Milo de Nogent concessit ecclesie Vallis Lucentis quicquid de feodo suo acquireret in finibus Corgeneti. 150 1... Tercia A. De Itero filio Milonis Buissun E. qui recognovit quod pater eius dederat usuarium ... [mona]chis Vallis Lucentis ad porcos et omnia animalia ipsorum in nemoribus ipsius. 152-3 1. (12th) Fulconis de Lailleuio et Grimaldi presbiteri de Molendinis leons. 2. Sigill. Henrici Senon. 3. Laillei. 4. reubi prima. E. Fulco de Laileio donat decimationem de parrochia Lalei de terris monacorum similiter et Grimaldus presbiter. 154 1. Secunda Abbatia 2. Hugonis de Blivia (12th cent) 3. Hugo de Blivia et Iohanne filio eius (12th cent) E. Hugo de Blivia dat pratum de Piro prope abbatiam ... quod dicitur Buxiens et pasturam ad porcos per.... 157 1. De Bello Monte 2. De Senon. Va 3. De vinea Philipi filii Constancii no E. 158 1. (12th) Ermengardis de Villamauri 2. De Corgenaio 3. Secunda E. Quicquid habebat Ermengardis de Villamauri in finagio de Curgnai in bosco et plano et commodis totum dat Deo et ecclesie Vallis Lucentis sub testimonio litteram Domini Hugonis Archiepiscopi. 161 1. De Villa Nova Prima E. Garnerius de Foiseio dat pro anima Gaufridi, filii sui, medietatem pratorum suorum que sunt inter Villam Novam et Malum Passum ab australi parte Vanne Fluvii. 162 1. Torigni 2. De pasturis de Cervins, iiia E. Iterus de Corcellis dedit in nemoribus suis in finagio Torigniaci usum pasturagii ecclesie Vallis Lucentis. 163 1. De pasturis de Cervins iia 2. Torigni 496 E. Guido Gasteble concessit ecclesie Vallis Lucentis ut percipiat in plano et in bosco, in terris suis existentibus propriis quod necesse est bestiis et pastoribus. 166 1. De Villa Nova Secunda E. Pro eo quod quitavit conventus Domino Senon. res quosdam quas habebat apud Villam Novam ideo recipit quatuor Sextarios annue annone hec domus a domino archiepiscopo Senonen. 168 1. De Villa Nova Tercia E. Pro eo quod pie memoria Hulricus, quondam abbas Vallis Lucentis quitavit Ansello de Triangulo et Archiepiscopo Senon. res quasdam apud Novam Villam ... singulis eorum per annos singulos recipimus quatuor Sextarios annone. 204 effaced. 1. Quinta 2 (12th) Abbatis vallis lucentis E. [Para]lcito m... 205 1. (12th) Abbatis Sancti Petri Vivi 2. Secunda de Luvenna. 210 1 (12th) Hectoris de Nongento 2. Luvenna IIa E. Hector de Nogento dedit eccleise Vallis Lucentis terras suas constitutas citra viam tendentem de Poisi ad Baigniaux. 220 1. Quinta de usuariis de Regni E. Quomodo Controversie sopite sint que orte fuerunt inter homines Regniaci et abbatia Vallis Lucentis Domino Garnerio Trecense episcopo mediante cum in dicta causa iudex esset delegatis. 221 1. De Templi quatuor. E. Procurator Milicie Templi Valli Lucenti concedit eisentias terre sue 223 1. De Cereli XIIa. E. Ecclesia Vallis Lucentis quittavit Petro de Varellis Garandiam nemoris de Lanci pro eo quod cartam cuius que dixerat aliquando approbavit. 224 1. Reign. . . a. E. Dedit ecclesia Vallis Lucentis qualibet Gontrano presbitero dederunt approbatione T. . .m decime. 225 1. Quinta 2. Va E. Recognovit habet plenarium usuarium in nemore Eschegiarum. 228-2 1. (Same hand as front) Quittavit Nicholaus presbiter de Regniaco quicquid iuris habebat in tota decima de Regniaco pro quadam anua pensione. 2. VIIa de Regniaco 228-1 1. IIIa 2. Reigni Tercia. E. Quittavit Nicholaus presbiter de Regni ius si quod habebat in decima. 497 231 1. de ...sis. 2. Dierreuim Va. 3. De feodo Garneri militis dicti Chauder. . .on. E. Dat mulier de Regni Luca nomine decimam de Dirreo Beati Petri. 233 1. Tercia de usuariis de Regni. E. Approbant G. filius Rigaut et Emelina uxor [uxor] eius quicquid ecclesia Vallis Lucentis tenet de hereditate domine Nove de Villa Mauri et de domo de Marigni. 235 1. Va de Ermenteriis. 2. Reigniaco. E. De tribus partibus terre in Valle Vinard et de eo quod Garnerus et Terricus laudaverunt quadam mediante G. de Triangulo. 239 1. Sexta 2. de nemoris de Regni. 3. Reigni. E. approbat vice comes compositionem factam per dominum Trecensem. 240 E. Con. . . et tecula in nemore Eschegiarum. 1. VIa 244 E. Godinus de Regni quitat nemus de Boceis quod Tronchetum 1. Nonadicima de Otha 2. Reigni 246 1. Nona de usuariis de Regni 2. Reigni E. Compromissio facta de nemore quod dicitur Mordecroise 247 1. De Nemoribus de Regni VIIIa 2. Reigni E. Approbant milites Maerus et Petrus de Toquina et Iohannes de Parruchio. 249 1. . . . VI' 2. Paleiz. 3. De feodo Beatris. E. Dat Iohannes de Booli V. sol. annui redditus. 253 1. Xa de villis super Vennam. E. Ex parte Iulane defuncte filie vicecomitis dimidium modium bladi in molino de Molinons. 255 1. De Colatoris, prima 2. Ia E. Bancelina relicta Godini dat messeriam de Colatoriis. 256 1. Regni 2. XIIa E. Milo de Regniaco presbiteri dat terras quas emerat. 498 259 1. Regni 2. XIII E. Thomas nepos Milonis quondam presbiteri de Regniaco approbat legatum avunculi sui. 260 1. Secunda 2. de Regni E. Radulphus de Capella super Orosam et Emilina uxor eius approbunt elemosinam Luce mulieris de Regniaco Ferronis. 265 E. [Her]bertus de Regniaco laNonus et Maria uxor eius dant censum in hanc carta diligenter distributum et partem que eos contingebat in molino de Becherel pro pitantia conventus ecclesie Vallis Lucentis. 267 1. Regni XIIII E. Luca mulier de Regniaco lo Ferrron de assensu Philippis Clerici filii sui et M. Mariti sui confert ecclesie Vallis Lucentis decimam duam de Dirreto et alia quedam. 270-1 (707) 1. [Templariis V] E. Compromissio facta viros venerabilem abbatem P. quondam de Cella et M. quondam archidiaconum Trecensem de controversiis habitis inter ecclesiam Vallis Lucentis et fratres Milicie Templi de Coloors affaris de Cereli de loges et nemoribus bote. 270-2 (675) 1. Templi V. 271 1. Templi VIIIa E. . . . [f]acta in viros venerabiles Dumnum Arnaldum abbaten Cistercii et fratrem Airmardum preceptorum . . . [Milic]ie Templi in Francia que agit de retractione quarundem dubietatum consistent in cartis . . . Vallis Lucentis et fratrum Milicie Templi de Coloors. 274 1. Pontin. Secunda. E. Cirografum Vallis Lucentis et Pontici de Eslergieit. 276 1. Reigni VIIa E. M. . . . cardinalis apostolice sedis legatus confirmat sententiam latan de decima de Reniacco. 277 1. Deilocen. 2. E. Peterent iniure Dei Locenses quedam terragia et quedam alia . . . [ne]moribus regniaci data est a sententia contra ipso ab his in quibus fuerat M. . .tromissum de communi assensu. 280 1. Decima de usuariis de Regni 2. Deilocen. E. De seerto Montis Mediana et quibusdam terris in finagio de Boeloi cum orta esset contentio inter vallem lucentem et Dei Locum compromiserunt in abbates sigillis et Sancti Mariani. 282 E. Compromssio habita inter Iohannem vicecomitem et Vallem Lucentem de quibusdam querelis in finagio REgniaci. 283-1 (2 in text with D on back) D . . .lia orta inter domum Pont. et vallis Lucentis pro quibusdam . . .un. . . capituli general. 283-2 (1 in text) 1, (maybe D) quodam controversia inter . . . pro quibusdam terragiis terminam . . . 499 292 1. (12th?) Sigill. Henri Trecen. episcopi. Sigill. Hugonis Senon. 2. Prima de nemore Escheg. 3. viii E. Iosbertus de Villa Mauri dedit ecclesia Vallis Lucentis quicquid habebat in nemore Eschegiarum. 305 1. (12th) Herberti abbatis Sancti Petri Vivi 2. Sig. abbatis Sancti Petri Vivi. 3. Primo. E. {C]erliaci ad ecclesiam Beati Petri Vivi Senon. Post de ., . . [Milit]ie Templi de Coloors deinde sub titula excambione . . . [a]d ecclesiam Vallis Lucentis. 306 No indication of Back 308 1. Nona de Cereli 2. (12th) Marin de Castro Guitonico. 309 1.(Before indication of D) Cirografum Vallis Lucentis et Pontiniei 2. De Pontiniaco prima 3. Pont. Secundum. 310 E. Guiardus de Clareio laudat ecclesia Vallis Lucentis quicquid tenebat de feodo Domni Herberti Crassi et Lora uxor dicti Guirardi filia dicta H. Crassi ad quam dicta hereditas respicibat . . .pite. 1. Decima de Cerel. 2. Sigil. Henrici Trecensi episcopi. 311 E. Confirmat Dominus Hugo archiepiscopus Senonensis omnem decimam que pertinet ad presbiteratum ecclesie Cereliaci. 312 1. Sigillum Henric Senon. 2. (12th C.) Stephani de Somereio. 3. VIIa de Cereli. E. Stephanus de Sormeri quitavit ecclesie Vallis Lucentis quicquid pater suus possidit et ipse cla[ma]vit in territorio Ceriliaco in plano et in bosco. 316 No marks 318 1. Secundum de Cerili 2. (12th Cent) Gaufridi Barbelli 3. Hoc laudavit dominus feodalis. Sigillum Henricus Senonensis 4. Galfridi Barbelli. E. Gaufridus Barbellus reliquit in manu domini Henrici quicquid habebat apud Cereliacum in omnibus modis et commodis et idem archiepiscopus de eisdem investivit domnum Norpaldum abbatem novem ecclesie Vallis Lucentis. 319 1. (12th C) Compositio monachorum VAllis Lucentis et militum Templi de Coloors per manum Domni Bernardi Clarevallensis abbatis. 2. § abbatis Vallis Lucentis 3. § militum de Templo 500 3. Sigillum Sancti Bernardi 4. Prima 5. De Templi prima. E. Compositio facta per manum Beati Bernardi inter ecclesiam Vallis Lucentis et fratres milicie Templi de Coloors. 320 Back Illegible. 321 1. Octava de Cereli E. Herbertus filius Stephani de Sormereio quittat ecclesie Vallis Lucentis quicquid pater suus possederat et clamabat in territorio de Cereleio in bosco et in plano. 323 1. De nemore Eschegiarum 2. Secunda E. Godefridus filius Droconis de Villa Mauri approbat quicquid Jobertus Mabile vendiderat ecclesie Vallislucentis. 326 E. Felix Fous . . .eo de Bociis et Boelei et . . .tur s. . .v. . . . 328 1. Holduin 2. (12th C) Holduini de VIlla Mauri. 3. Sigillum Henrici Trec. Sigillum Hugonis Sen. 4. Quaro de Cereli E. Approbat Hulduinus ecclesie Vallis Lucentis quicquid tenebant de hereditate ipsius preter calceiam de Flaciaco. 329 1. Andreas dominus de Venis. 2. quarta de Seante. E. Abbonation nemroum distinguens per certa loca limitationis nem. Vallis Lucentis et illius foreste que dicitur rabiosa. 332 1. De nemore Eschegiarum. E. Herbertus miles de Paient quitat ecclesie Vallis Lucentis Phay Garnant et nemus Eschegiarum et divisiones que dicunturs lay inter nemus de Cereli et nemus Sancte Marie et usuarium dicti. 335 E. Carta ista in sese continet scriptum quemadmodum grangia de Sancto Martino fuerit apposita. 336 1. xxx. E. N. Clericus donavit censum suum continetur apud Sanctum Martinum. 337 E. M relicta Hugonis de Villegruis quandam terram apud Sanctum Martinum venditam ab Artaldo in censiva approbat et confirmat. 339 E. Iohannis de Gondelet approbat teneuras emptas in censiva sua de Sancto Martino. 340 E. Iohannis et G. de Betun Basoches fratres vendiderunt censum apud Sanctum Martinum. 501 341 E. Quomodo A. de Castello acquisivit terras quas vendidit apud Sanctum Martinum. 342 1. xiii E. Quomodo Artaldus de Castello vendit terras apud Sanctum Martinum adquisierit. 345 E. De conquerementis Artaldi de Castello apud Sanctum Martinum agunt littere iste. 346 1. vii 2. Abbas et conventus de Cella. (over seal) E. Abbas et Conventus de Cella Trecen. Remisent censum qui debebant eis pro terra adquisita apud Sanctum Martinum. 347-1 1. xx de sancto martino E. Phil. de Mael miles vendit duas partes trium solidorum census apud Sanctum Martinum, terciam partem dedit in elemosinam. 347-2 1. xxvi et xvii 2.(??) Philippus de Mael vendit duas partes trium solidorum apud Sanctum Martinam, terciam partem in elemosinam. 348 1. xxx E. M. filia Hugonis Belin vendidit vii arpenta terre apud Sanctum Martinum. 349 1. xxi 2. iiii E. Ph. miles de Mael recognovit se tenere de ecclesia Vallis Lucentis totam heredem suam de Sancto MArtino ad ii sol. censuales. 350 1. xxvi E. Ph. de Essartis vendit duas partes census sui de Sancto Martino, tercia dedit in elemosinam ecclesia Vallis Lucentis. 352 E. Compositio inter ecclesia Vallis Lucentis et O. militem de Karoli Domo super terras petitis apud Sanctum Martinum titulo iuris hereditaris. 353 E. fratres Domus Dei Pruvini vendidit quatuor arpente terre apud sanctum martinum. 354 E. Petronilla de Remis vendidit quatuor arpentorum terre apud Sanctum Martinum, terciam dedit in elemosina. 357 E. Iohannis Flanens vendidit v den. apud Sanctum Martinum. 359 1. xxii E. P. et Emel. vendiderunt duos den. censuales apud Sanctum Martinum. 373 E. GIlo miles vendit pratum in finago de Teli. . . . 502 375 1. xv de Vill. circa Bernerias. E. Gaufridus miles de Calestria dedit terram pratum vineam de assensu . . . . 411 1. Denberti Canis (12th C?) 2. IIII p. livann? E. Deinbertus Canis et Girardus frater eius quitant ecclesie VAllis Lucentis quandam terram sinan in finagio Luvenne pro qua inter ipsos diu fuerunt litigatum. 418 (olim MC17) E. Quoquomodo domus de Cheveria cum appendeiciis suis fuit acquisita 1. Chevroi VIa 420 (olim MC20) E. Petrus de Corloon dimisit numus de Cervins ecclesie Vallis lucentis sub quadam pensione. 1. effaced primi or primus MC1 E. Approbat Claremaudus de Villa Mauri quicquid ecclesia Vallis Lucentis tenebat de hereditate patris ipisus. 1. II dado de vinio devet MC2 E. Iosbertus Mabile et Drogo Gaffridi milites dederunt ecclesia Vallislucentis quicquid iuris habebat apud Serilliacum et Seant et in finibus eorum, videlicet in nemoribus de alodiis et Sancte Marie tam in plano quam in boxco et in decime et terragio. MC3 E. Robertus de Paisi dat usum pasture et glandis in nemoribus suis quo vicina sunt Otte. 1. De Cerilli va 2. Richerii Vituli MC4 E. Procurator Milicie Templi in Francia concedit pascua et eisentias per terram suam sicut prius.. 1. De Templi IIIIa. MC5 E. Odo Magnus dat novem denarios censuales et quatuor boillos avene. 1. Regni. VIIa. MC6 E. Ertaldus de Castello civis Pruvin. vendidit terras suas de Sancto MArtino ecclesie Vallis Lucentis. MC7 E. Hertaldus de Castello vendidit terram de Sancto Martino et dedit herbergagium quod habebat in eadem villa ecclesie Vallis Lucentis. MC8 E. ... Bragetis dedit ecclesie de Ripatoru quicquid habebat in loco qui dicitur Chaveret et tercia parte nemoris Raaldi. 1. Chevroi XV MC9 1. (12th Century hand) Donum milonis de Brahetes E. In pastura et glande de Campeus 2. De Chebroi XVIII 3. De Pasture de Champeans MC10 503 E. Boamundus de Braio donavit terram de Malo pertuso. 1. De Chevroi VIII ? 2. (12th century? hand) De Cheverei MC11 E. Hugo Eventatus dedit terram de Valle de Valors sicut hec diligentius limitatus. 1. De Grangia de Chevroy MC12 E. Iocelinus de Vertili quitat decimationem et dat usum pasture. 1. (12th century hand) § Iocelini militis de Vertilli super decimacione. 2. De Chevroi XIX MC13 E. Gaufridus Bollenus dedit terram de Cervins ad XII denarios censuales. 1. De Chevroi VIII MC14 E. ... [Ri]patorio in pascuis et glande de campes usuarium in aliis nemoribus suis et planis libere pascua 1. (12th century hand) de Iohanne Crasso. MC15 E. Herveus prepositus et capitulum Senonensis concedent ecclesie de Ripatorio terram de Cheveria arabilem per cartam diligentius limitatur sub pensione quatuor sextariorum annui redditus. 1. De Cheverei 2. Sexta de Chevroi MC16 E. Capitulum Senonensis quitavit decimationem nemoris Raldi sub quadam conditione. 1. Ia De nemoribus de Cervins 2. (12th century) De capitulo Senonense, propter decimas. MC19 E. Fulco de Varellis concessit ecclesie Vallislucentis plana de cervins perpetuo possidenda. 1. De grangia de Cervins IIa MC20 E. Humbertus de Corloon vendidit ecclesie Vallis Lucentis sex arpannos pratorum in Riveria Hyonne. 1. iiia de villis circa Cervins MC21 E. Hugo de Veron dat XII Denarios census et quitat ius quod habet apud Cervins 1. II de grangia de Cervins MC22 E. Gillebertus presbiter de Hero quitavit terras in finagio de Cervins 1. XVII de grangia de Cervins MC23 E. Hugo Eventatus quitavit usuarium de Cervins preter usum venationis. 1. De Nemore de Cervins IIa. MC24 E. Odo de Sancto Preiecto quitavit usuarium nemoris Raaldi. 1. De Nemore de Cervins XVI MC25 E. Quitavit Stephanus Plomet Sextarium frumenti quam petebat a valle lucente. 1. XIII de grangia de Cervins MC26 504 E. G. Eventatus quitavit usuarium et grueriam de Cervins. 1. De nemore de Cervins V. MC27 E. Quitat P. de Cortloun duos sextarios frumenti de modio qui ei debebatur 1. XII de grangia de Cervins MC28 E. Wllelmus Tuebues dedit pratum situm serbone. 1. VII de Villis circa Cervins. MC29 E. Hubertus miles de Cortleun dedit tria arpenta prati apud villam que dicitur Besseion 1. VIa de villis circa Cervins MC30 E. Quitavit M. de Mongoor miles usuarium et proprietatem bosci Raaldi et sextarium frumenti quem petebat a vallelucenti. Hec quitatio facta ratione compositionis habite inter ipsos. 1. De Nemore de Cervins XIII MC31 E. Quitavit Stephanus Plomet querelam de nemore Raaldi 1. Nemus de Cervins XVI MC32 E. Homines de Sancto Martino Super Orosam quitant viam quam petebant per novalium de Cervins (the same as previous). 1. III de grangia de Cervins MC33 E. Homines de Sancto Martino super Orosam quitavit viam quam petebant per novalia de Cervins. 1. Cervins 2. V. de grangia de Cervins MC34 E. ... Decima et terragio de Fayel 1. De Maregn. Xa Va MC35 E. ... [qui]tat quicquit in iuris habebat infra finagium de Cervins 1. X de grangia de Cervins MC36 E. Mauricius de Paili dedit terram sitam in Valle de Vilenoil 1. de Cervins IIIa MC37 E. Nicholaus de Sancto Remigio dedit XIII arpenta prata sita apud Colleium. 1. Va de villis circa Cervins MC38 E. Iohannes de Colleon quittat viginti solidos annui census. 1. XVI de grangia de Cervins. 2. Corleon. MC39 E. M. de Ternantis vendere Vallis Lucentis III sextarios frumenti quos percipiebat annuatim in Cervins et dimidium arpentum prati. 1. XIII de grangia de Cervins. MC40 505 E.(?) Guiardus de Plesseto quitavit et concessit fratribus de Chevereia in omnibus terris et nemoribus suis aesentias et pasturis dumtaxat et in glande et alias querelas quitavit. 1. De Pasture de Chevrei et Cervins IIa MC41 D? Compromissum factum in Erm[anciam]m dominam Trianguli super querelis habitis inter Vallislucenses et Paraclitenses super nemoribus terris et cenu molini de Poiseio. 1. . . . Secunda iia MC42 E. (? does not sound like D rhetoric) Huius carta denunt' a quibus primitis ccensus Beati Martini fuit acquisita. 1. III c. MC43 5992, sci spo adsit nobis gra(tia) ex una parte et dominum Gaufridus evantatum de plaisseto etcetera, terminari fecerunt. E. 5992a rubric Abbates qui comitissa et aliis abbates quod quidem milites et communitates villarum nichil habent in usuario nemoris abbatis vallis lucentis. Rubric to 5992: Quod blancha comitissa campanie et abbates quinciaci et fontis johannis querelam quam habebant inter se abbas et fratres vallis lucenti NC1 1. Alexander III secundum. 2. De donisque possessionibus nostris. 3. Alexander papa III in protectione suo suscipit monasterium nostro granchias de Beavoor, de Tochebuef, de Luvenne, de Armentieres, de Cereilli, de Bernieres confirmat etiam dona plurimorum sicut hic notantur et vineas de Senone et de Chalaute et omnes possessiones nostras habitas et habendas ubicumque fuerint, nec alicui decima solvere tenemus. NC2 1. Potui. Alexander III 2. de decimis et de violentia manuum iniecti. NC3 1. iii Tertium privilego 2. Alexander III in protec. . . et inspecialiter Chevroi et Cervins et parte nostram de nemore Raaldi et totam terram de Voloirs et cetera plura. NC4 Same as #205. NC5 1. Se grueria ... lucentis NC6 1. Fulco decal...Iuris habebat. Not a familiar back hand NC7 1. Compositio inter nos et Andream presbiterum de Corgenaio pro decimis. NC8 1. De Gronu xa Senon. NC9 copy 1 1. Secunda de Fonteneto 2. Margarita ... virgultum. copy 2 506 NC10 1. Garnerius et Doa uxor eius 2. De villis circa Cervins (2x) 3. XXII 4. Torigni NC11 copy 1 1. iiia de senon. copy 2 1. Senon. viia NC12 1. Secunda de Senon. 2. Compositio inter ecclesiam Vallis Lucentis et Sancti Petri Vivi Senonensis. NC13 1. Carta de terragio de Charmoi NC14 1. Carta de terragio de Charmoi NC15 1. IIIIa 2. Odo Noblet et uxor sua danate se et sua 3. de Fonteneto Bauseri NC16 1. Ansellus cognovit donum Guidonis Gateble patris sui de ii sextariis in decima de fontibus iuxta Triagn. 2. De fontibus iuxta triang. 3. De f...s vii(i)a NC17 1. Illegible, not D NC18 Illegible NC19 1. De Charmoy Prima. 2. In fine huius carte continetur elemosina Marie de Charmoy de tribus modiis bladi. NC20 1. In VIIa de domina de Charmeio 2. In this charter 3 muids of Grain went to the abbey (more or less) NC21 D(?dubious) testificatur comes Th. donum Marie de Charmeio ... vi et tres modios bladi. 1. De Charmoi iia NC22 1. Quarta de Charmoi NC23 1. XX de villis circa bernerias NC24 1. Back illegible NC27 1. Escheg. XIIa 507 NC28 1. illegible NC29 1. De Rigni. XIIIa 2. De Regniaco .... 3. Gufridus filius humberti (close to Scr. E) NC30 1. De Cerilli VIII NC31 1. Reigni Quarta 2. Parentes Iohannis et Luce laudant dona NC32 1. Laudat dominus feodal. 2. ... dat tres obolos .... 3. Reigni 4. XX IIII NC34 1. Effaced writing on back. NC35 1. Various hands on back, no E. 2. De Sancto Martino XXXII NC36 1. XXIX Javoh et illus de castile (Dubious transcription... maybe upside down) 2. Comes testatur donum Guarsie de Pratis et quod tenet ad vitam suam granchiam de sancto martino. NC37 1. Chal.tra 2. iiii de bernerias NC38 1. Littere Petri de Maleio 2. Pro I de Pailli NC39 1. De Villis diversis 2. Garnerius et Theodericus fratres dederunt IIII sextarios annone in terragio de Paleyo. NC40 1. Milo de Ternantis recognovit quod non habebat ius in nemore de Cervins 2. XX AC1 1. VIIa De Villa Nova 2. Erardus quitat nobis .... 508 APPENDIX I CHARTERS IN CHRONOLOGICAL ORDER Dates marked n.st. fall between December 25 of the previous year and Easter. 172 146 208 209 152 153 144 305 207 206 184 173 174 176 301 143 311 186 204 319 149 NC4 380 383 296 205 169 175 177 180 1127 (o. st.). [1128 - 1129] June. 1129, April 1. 1129, April 1. [1129, April 1] [ca. 1129, April 1] 1130, July 18. [1129 - 1134] 1135 (o. st.). 1136 (o. st.). [1127 - 1137] February 4. [1127 - 1139] [1127 - 1139] [1127 - 1139] [1127 - 1139, May 4] [1127 - 1142] [1127 - 1142] [1127 - 1147] [1127 - 1147] [1127 - 1147] [1146 - May, 1147] [ca. 1147] [1147 (n. st.)] Traînel.] [1147 (n. st.)] Traînel.] [1147 (n. st.)] Traînel.] 1147 (n. st.) [1135 - 1148] 1148, December 30. [1148 - 1150] [1127 - 1151] [1127 - 1151] [1127 - 1151] 182 183 [1127 - 1151] [1127 - 1151] 381 382 Monstuez. Vauluisant. Villemaur. Nanges. Vauluisant. Traînel. Nanges. Vauluisant. Vauluisant. Saint-Julien, in the camera of the archbishop. Sens, in the Pontifical Palace. Sens, in the curia of the Archbishop. Troyes, at the house of Anseric de Chacenay. Vauluisant, in the cloister of the monks. Traînel, in the house of Domnus Anselm [I]. Traînel at the monastery [Priory] of the Paraclete. Recognition at Vauluisant. Nogent-sur-Seine. [Traînel, in the house of Domnus Anselm de [Traînel, in the house of Domnus Anselm de [Traînel, in the house of Domnus Anselm de Traînel, in the house of Domnus Anselm de Traînel. Villemaur -- woods between Coulours and Cérilly. [Sens], chapter of Saint-Pierre-le-Vif. Confirmation at Foissy. Sens, in the house of Etienne de Thorigny. Vauluisant, in front of the doors to the oratory. Traînel. Conceded by his wife and sons at Villemaur. 509 188 192 193 [1127 - 1151] [1127 - 1151] [1127 - 1151] Vauluisant. 187 [1139 - 1151] 312 [1142 - 1151] 387 [1145 - 1151] 392 [1145 - 1151] 306 [1145 - 1151] MC8 [1142 - 1152] 394 [1148 - 1152] 328 1152, November 14. 298 [1127 - 1154] 151 [1147 - 1154] MC15 1155 (o. st.). 309 1155 (o. st.). 132 [1144 - 1158] 292 1158 (o. st.), March 15. 131 1158 (o. st.). 147 [1127 - 1160] 189 [1127 - 1160] 291 [1127 - 1160] 294 [1127 - 1160] 148 [1142 - 1160] 154 [1142 - 1160] 155 [1142 - 1160] 304 [1142 - 1160] 313 [1142 - 1160] 314 [1142 - 1160] 156 [1142 - 1161] 401 [1127 - 1161] MC2 1161, May 1. NC6 1161, August 1. 287 1161 (o. st.). 307 1161 (o. st.). 315 1161 (o. st.). 316 1161 (o. st.). 317 1161 (o. st.). 321 1161 (o. st.). 330 386 391 396 MC1 290 393 308 178 179 181 1161 (o. st.). 1161 (o. st.). 1161 (o. st.). 1161 (o. st.). 1161 (o. st.). [1142 - 1162] 1162 (n. st.) 1162 (o. st.). [1127 - 1163] [1127 - 1163] [1127 - 1163] Traînel, in the house of Domnus Anselm. Traînel, in the house of Domnus Anselm. Sens, in the camera of the archbishop of Sens. Auxerre, in the bishop's curia. Seignelay. Villemaur. Chapter of the Sens Cathedral. Pontigny. Villemaur, in front of Domna Helia. Paris. Vauluisant, in front of the portarius' house. Lailly. Molinons, in the house of Garnier. Traînel. Vauluisant. Lailly. Vénizy. Villeneuve-sur-Vanne [-l'Archevêque] Joigny. valley called Masnil-Guitun between Boeurs and Séant. In front of the church of Saint-Florentin. Joigny. Traînel. Provins. Traînel. Confirmed at Traînel. Villemaur. 510 185 190 191 194 195 196 197 198 [1127 - 1163] [1127 - 1163] [1127 - 1163] [1127 - 1163] [1127 - 1163] [1127 - 1163] [1127 - 1163] [1127 - 1163] 200 201 216 293 300 302 303 [1127 - 1163] [1127 - 1163] [1127 - 1163] [1127 - 1163] [1127 - 1163] [1127 - 1163] [1127 - 1163] 297 299 397 398 399 400 402 403 [1127 - 1163] [1127 - 1163] [1127 - 1163] [1127 - 1163] [1127 - 1163] [1127 - 1163] [1127 - 1163] [1127 - 1163] 405 199 139 140 142 145 150 320 322 384 385 141 288 310 326 388 389 390 [1127 - 1163] [1135 - 1163] [1142 - 1163] [1142 - 1163] [1142 - 1163] [1142 - 1163] [1142 - 1163] [1142 - 1163] [1142 - 1163] [1142 - 1163] [1142 - 1163] [1145 - 1163] [1145 - 1163] [1145 - 1163] [1145 - 1163] November 30. [1145 - 1163] [1145 - 1163] [1145 - 1163] 404 406 [1148 - 1163] [1159 - 1163] Traînel. 1163 (o. st.). 1163 (o. st.). 1163 (o. st.). 130 157 202 Confirmation at Joigny. Villemaur, in the house of Gautier Treissin. Fontevannes. Confirmed at Joigny, in the house of Gilo, priest. Confirmed at Villemaur and at Lenis (Ligny?). Confirmed at Villemaur and Maupas. Confirmed at Villemaur. Ervy-le-Châtel. Saint-Florentin. Outside of Ervy-le-Châtel, at the entrance to the woods. Sormery. Saint-Florentin. Confirmed at Traînel. Nogent, in the curia of Domnus Berard, chaplain, next to the church. Villemaur. Church of Vauluisant. Sens, curia of Dominus Hugues, archibishop. Confirmed at Dilo. Confirmed at Traînel. Vauluisant. Recognized in the curia of the bishop of Troyes. The house of Thibaut, canon. Vauluisant. Bernières. Village called "à-SaintAubin." Traînel, in the house of Dominus Garnier de Sens. Sens. Sens. 511 MC16 NC1 407 408 414 MC40 323 NC24 MC14 164 162 210 329 203 211 MC9 MC10 MC11 134 158 MC13 MC12 324 395 289 410 413 161 163 165 167 93 415 417 219 416 1163 (o. st.). 1163, November 22. 1164 (o. st.). 1164 (o. st.). 1164 (o. st.). [1162-1164] 1166 (o. st.). 1166 (o. st.). [1152 - 1167] [1159 - 1167] 1167 (o. st.). 1167 (o. st.). 1167 (o. st.). [1142 - 1168] [1142 - 1168] [1142 - 1168] [1142 - 1168] [1142 - 1168] [1159 - 1168] [1159 - 1168] [1151 - 1168] [1151 - 1168] 1168. [1148 - 1169] 1171 (o. st.). 1172 (o. st.). 1172 (o. st.). 1174 (o. st.). [1168 - 1176] [1168 - 1176] [1168 - 1176] [1169-76] [ca. 1176] [ca. 1176] 1176 (o. st.). 1176 (o. st.). Sens, the cathedral chapter.. Sens. Traînel. Provins Troyes. Joigny. Montreiul. Sens. Provins. Cormery, in the chapter house. Sens, the pontifical palace. On the road between Sens and Molinons. Curia of the Archbishop of Sens. Foissy, in the chapel of the priest of the nuns. Troyes, in Count Henry's house. 418 1176 (o. st.). Troyes 419 1176 (o. st.). [ca. September 14] Cîteaux, at the Chapter General meeting. 411 1177 (o. st). 420 1178 (o. st.). Sens, the archiepiscopal curia. NC2 [1166 - 1167, or 1179] Lateran. NC3 1179 [n.st.], January 15. Tusculan. MC19 1180 (o. st.). Sens, in the Pontifical Palace. NC5 [1152 - 1181] 171 1182 (o. st.). 168 1183 (o. st.). 409 1183 (o. st.). 170 1183 (o. st.). 166 1183 (o. st.). Sens. 75 [1183-1193] 512 275 374 160 332 MC20 159 412 274 233 226 236 377 MC3 MC21 235 277 225 238 240 363 364 378 133 NC7 223 MC22 MC23 40 218 NC38 65 333 272 NC26 221 MC4 222 2 79 NC39 NC8 63 76 98 224 232 114 MC25 66 MC24 MC41 [1184 - 1193] [1184 - 1204] 1184 (o. st.). 1184 (o. st.). 1184 (o. st.). [1161 - 1185] [1176 - 1185] 1185 (o. st.). 1186, December 19. 1186 (o. st.). 1186 (o. st.). 1186 (o. st.). 1186 (o. st.). 1186 (o. st.). 1188, July 2. 1188, April 22. [ca. 1188] 1188 (o.st). 1188 (o. st.). 1189 (o. st.). [1178 - 1190] [ca. 1190] 1190, June. 1190, December. 1190 (o. st.). 1190 (o. st.). 1190 (o. st.). 1192 (o. st.). [1176 - 1193] [1179 - 1193] [1185 - 1193] 1193, August 3. 1193, August 5. 1193, August 5. 1193 (o. st.). 1193 (o. st.). [1188 - 1194] 1194 (o. st.). 1194 (o. st.). 1194 (o. st.). 1195, April 24. 1195 (o. st.). 1195 (o. st.). 1195 (o. st.). 1195 (o. st.). 1195 (o. st.). [ca. 1196] 1196 (o. st.), February. 1196 (o.st.) [1193?]. 1196 (o. st.). 1196 (o. st.). Marigny[-le-Châtel] Vénizy Provins. Troyes. Sezanne. Sens. Sens, in the archiepiscopal curia. Sens. Sens. Sens. The church of Coulours. Chapter of Vauluisant. Sens. Sens curia. Sens. Traînel. 513 362 [1181 - 1197] 365 [1181 - 1197] 366 [1181 - 1197] 276 [1193 - 1197, December 5] 105 [circa 1197] NC19 1198, December. 102 1198 (o. st.). 109 1198 (o. st.). 220 1198 (o. st.). 234 1198 (o. st.). NC20 1198 (o. st.). NC21 1198 (o. st.). NC22 1198 (o. st.). 117 1199, June. 60 1199, November. 108 1200 (o. st.). 361 1200 (o. st.). End of the Twelfth Century Begininning of the Thirteenth Century 239 [1193 - 1201], December. Villeneuve[-l'Archevêque ?]. 85 1201 (o. st.), January. NC37 1201 (o. st.). 39 [1193 - 1202] 16 1202, November 12. NC40 1202, August 31. MC26 1202 (o. st.), March. 229 1202 (o. st.). 26 1203, November 18. 284 1203 (o. st.). Troyes. 371 1203 (o. st.). 376 1203 (o. st.). 81 1204, May 4. 270 1204, December 2. Troyes. 6 1204 (o. st.). MC27 1204 (o. st.). MC28 1204 (o. st.). MC29 1204 (o. st.). MC30 1204 (o. st.). Troyes. MC31 1205, June 9. Provins. 37 1205 (o. st.), March. 78 1205 (o. st.), March. Troyes. 77 1205 (o. st.). 138 1205 (o. st.). 273 1205 (o. st.). 244 1206, July 23-29. 250 1206, December 12. NC9 1206 (o. st.), February 8 245 1206 (o. st.), February 23. NC10 1206 (o. st.), February 23. 31 1206 (o. st.), March. Sens curia. 247 1206 (o. st.). 514 MC32 MC33 20 246 MC34 248 MC35 NC32 342 283 90 278 280 228 MC36 372 8 104 251 257 345 MC38 24 4 341 MC37 121 28 30 36 27 237 118 242 252 254 MC5 34 7 367 MC42 343 101 116 241 227 95 271 NC27 71 NC12 1207, May 10. Thursday. 1207, May 10. 1207, May. 1207, July. 1207, July. 1207 (o. st.). [1207] 1208 (o. st.), January 31. 1208 (o. st.), January. [1209 n. st] 1208, March [1 - 24]. 1208 (o. st.). 1208 (o. st.). 1209, September. Coulours. 1209, December. 1209 (o. st.), day after Mortua. 1209 (o. st.). 1209 (o. st.). 1210, June 26. 1210, November. 1210 (o. st.). 1211, November 1. 1211, October. 1211 (o. st.), February 3. 1211 (o. st.), February 28. 1211 (o. st.). 1211 (o. st.). 1212, December. Paris. 1212, April 23. 1212, November. 1212 (o. st.), March. 1212 (o. st.). 1212 (o. st.). Séant (Bérulles). 1213, May. Troyes. 1213, July. 1213, July. 1213, July. 1213, July. 1213, November 25. Sens curia. 1213, November. 1213 (o. st.), January 3. 1213 (o. st.), January. 1213 (o. st.). 1214 (o. st.). 1214 (o. st.). 1215 (o. st.), January. 1215 (o. st.), March 15. 1215 (o. st.), March. Romilly-sur-Seine, priory of Saint-Hilaire. 1215 (o. st.). 1216, August 2. 1216, November. 1217, July. 515 NC11 115 59 61 38 336 73 358 337 334 335 62 MC6 MC7 120 96 64 282 249 5 88 NC13 NC14 255 67 347 379 348 354 100 94 86 32 359 46 112 129 74 92 285 3 256 57 111 346 50 110 123 281 350 351 1217, August. 1217 (o. st.), March. [1207 - 1218] 1218, April 23. 1218, May. 1218, June 24. 1218, June 24. 1218, June. 1218, August. 1218, September 6. 1218, September. 1218, November. 1218, September. 1218, September. 1218 (o. st.), March. 1219, May. 1219, June. 1219, June. 1219, July. 1219, November. 1219, November. 1219 (o. st.), January 6. 1219 (o. st.), January 6. 1219 (o. st.), January. 1219 (o. st.). 1220, December. [ca. 1220] 1220, April 29. 1220, August. 1220, November. 1220 (o. st.), March. 1221, May. 1221, June. 1221 (o. st.), February 19. 1221 (o. st.), March. 1221 (o. st.). 1221 (o. st.). 1221 (o. st.). 1222, May 2. 1222, July. 1222, April 28. 1222, August. 1222, November. 1222, November. 1222, November. 1222, December. 1222, December. 1222 December. 1222 (o. st.) January. 1222 (o. st.), January. 1222 (o. st.), January. Traînel. Séant (Bérulles). 516 49 357 21 15 91 353 29 51 13 72 119 122 124 230 258 262 18 349 54 263 340 NC28 10 12 261 356 NC29 375 339 253 53 352 368 70 82 106 58 25 87 89 113 22 69 97 NC15 11 68 269 NC30 369 14 1222 (o. st.), February. 1222 (o. st.), March. [1223 n. st.] 1222, April 1. 1222 (o. st.), April. 1222 (o. st.), April. 1223, April 25. 1223, October. 1223, December 2. 1223, December 11. 1223 (o. st.), January. Vauluisant. 1223 (o. st.), January. 1223 (o. st.), January. Séant (Bérulles). 1223 (o. st.), January. 1223 (o. st.), January. 1223 (o. st.), February 23. 1223 (o. st.), February 23. [1224 n. st.] 1223, February 29. 1223 (o. st.), February. 1223 (o. st.), March. 1223 (o. st.), March. 1223 (o. st.), April. 1223 (o. st.). Saint-Julien d'Auxerre. 1224, April 29. 1224, August 20. 1224, August 28. 1224, August. 1224, August. 1224, October. 1224, November 1. 1224, November. 1224, December 6. 1224, December. Preuilly. 1224, December. 1224 (o. st.), January 7. Nailly. 1224 (o. st.), January. 1224 (o. st.), January. [1225 n. st.] 1224, February 22. 1224 (o. st.), February. 1224 (o. st.), February. 1224 (o. st.), February. 1224 (o. st.) February. 1224 (o. st.), March. 1224 (o. st.), March. 1224 (o. st.), March. 1224 (o. st.), April. 1224 (o. st.). 1225, April 30. 1225, April 30. 1225, May 28. 1225, May. 1225, June 17. 517 NC16 279 268 370 41 52 84 267 99 43 42 45 83 338 35 44 373 48 265 264 128 260 56 NC31 9 33 107 243 NC17 355 19 23 344 47 NC23 135 136 MC39 1 17 212 213 231 137 217 259 80 NC34 103 125 126 1225, July 6. 1225, July. 1225, August. 1225, September. [122]5, October. 1225, October. 1225, October. 1225, October. 1225, November 22. 1225, November 24. 1225, November. 1225, November. 1225, November. 1225, November. 1225, December. 1225 (o. st.), January. 1225 (o. st.), January. 1225 (o. st), January 26 - February 16. [1226 n. st.] 1225, February 8. 1225 (o. st.), February 23. 1225 (o. st.) February. [1226 n. st.] 1225, March 11. [1226 n. st.] 1225, March 20. [1226 n. st.] 1225, March 26. 1225 (o. st.), March. 1225 (o. st.), March. 1226 (o. st.), April. 1226, June. 1226, August. 1226, October. 1226, December 28. 1226, December 28. 1226 (o. st.), January. [1227 n. st.] 1226, March 11. 1226 (o. st.). [1227], April 23. Lateran. [1227], April 23. Lateran. 1227, June 3. [1227], August 3. Anagnie. 1227, August 30. 1227, August. 1227 August. 1227 (o. st.), March. [ca. 1228] [ca. 1228] 1228, July 8. 1228, October. 1228, December 24. 1228 (o. st.), February 22. 1228 (o. st.), January. 1228 (o. st.), January. 518 127 NC33 215 55 NC18 NC35 NC36 AC1 AC2 AC3 AC4 214 360 1228 (o. st.), January. [1227-9] (o. st.), March. 1229, July 27. 1229, September. 1229, September. 1229, June. 1229, June. 1231, September. 1236, September 29. After 1229, January. 1988, January 16. No date. No date. Gate of the church of Vauluisant. 519 APPENDIX J GLOSSARY Introduction What follows is a list of terms found in the cartulary which may need some explanation. They are organized under the following rubrics: Political Terms, Income, Usage Rights, Geographical Terms, Currency, Chronological Terms, Personal Titles, and Legal Terms. Each entry consists of a term followed by definition and concluded with by a series of charter numbers from the cartulary and their corresponding folio numbers in parantheses. This plan is the ideal form. Please note that these lists are not complete; some charters where the term has had to be interpolated or is mistranscribed are not listed. My definitions rely primarily on internal evidence; material outside of the cartulary, including many valuable secondary sources, rarely enter consideration. As a result of this prejudice toward cartulary evidence, a pedantic edge creeps into some definitions (e.g., solidus, below). In any case, the definitions and bibliographic references that I provide here should not be interpreted as being authoritative. Also, this list is largely unchanged since my M.A. essay, so most changes that occurred between April and November 1994, most notably the charters that are not in B.N. Lat. 9901, are, with a few exceptions, not included. Those listings that state "No listing provided," occur in cases where the sheer volume of the occurences in the cartulary, or the difficulty in separating integrating orthographically difficult words by computer, moved me to recuse from compiling a list. Further, I have not included every word worthy of a glossary entry. In addition, these definitions are largely inferences from context; not only does the understanding of these words presented here carry little weight outside of the cartulary, even within the cartulary there may be variations in usage that I missed. The principal purpose of this admittedly incomplete section is to indicate what my understanding is of some of the critical Latin words, so that others with a different interpretation can more easily map their divergence from my explanation. A secondary motive is to supplement the extensive internal cross-referencing system and function in the place of an index. The reader is cautioned that, in spite of my diligence, I may have incorrectly reported the gender of one or more of these terms. In this appendix, all dates are reported in new style. I. Political terms Feodum Feodum almost always refers to the feudal rights that a lord has over property, whether land or income. Hence, to translate it as "fief" presents some difficulties. The holder of a feodum does not appear to occupy the land, rather, some one else holds that land from or of that person's feodum (de feodo). Hence, a piece of property is said to be held in fief (in feodum) as opposed to in property (in proprium) or in allod (in allodium).1 Most commonly, feodum is rendered as "feudal rights" or "feudal domain." More rarely, 1see #380 for a comparison of feodum and proprium. 520 feodum does appear to be used as some sort of property, although this may merely be a grouping of feudal rights (#175, 313, 332). #14 (5v), 49 (14r), 55 (15r-v) 76 (21r) 106 30r), 109 (30r-v), 116 (31v), 117 (31v-32r), 120 (33v35r), 143 (40v), 145 (40v), 149 (41v), 156 (42v), 160 (43r), 162 (43v), 173 (45r), 174 (45r), 175 (45r), 176 (45r), 180 (45v-46r), 182 (46r), 184 (46r), 187 (46v), 190 (46v), 194 (47r), 196 (47r), 206 (48v), 208 (49r), 209 (49r), 210 (49r-v), 231 (55r-v), 248 (59r-v), 279 (74r), 297 (81r), 299 (81r), 301 (81r-v), 310 (82v83r), 313 (83r), 314 (83r), 315 (83v), 318 (83v-84r), 323 (84v-85r), 324 (85r), 332 (86r-v), 337 (89r-v), 339 (89v-90r), 341 (90v), 344 (91r-v), 367 (98v), 369 (98v-99r), 380 (102r), 381 (102r), 386 (102v-103r), 391 (103v), 393 (103v-104r), 396 (104r-v), 404 (105r). Casamentum This appears to be a synonym for feodum. For example, charter number 162 contains the clause, "de quorum casamento sive feodo predicta nemora erant." This word does not appear after 1184. #162 (43v), 304 (81v and 78r), 408 (105v-106r), 409 (106r), 414 (107r-v). Hommagium I translate this "homage" and understand it to mean the obligations that a person holding property in fief (in feodum) owes to the lord whose feudal domain it is (de cuius feodo est). #49 (14r), 120 (33v-35r). II. Income Census The census referred to in the cartulary is without exception a ground rent specified in cash. It was paid annually by the tenant to the lord who held the cens in that area (also called a censiva, see below). The most common date on which it was paid was the feast of Saint Remy, but it could be paid on other dates as well. On the whole, the sums indicated to be paid were nominal; rarely is a cens of greater than a sous rendered, most of the time the charge is a few deniers. However, it does appear, according to the Vauluisant Cartulary, that, from at least 1163, it was desirable in alienations to obtain the confirmation of whoever held the cens in an area (#157). Perhaps this is where holding the cens becomes lucrative and explains some of the exorbitant purchases such as is the case with numbers 41-45 (11v-13r), 84 (24r-v), where Martha de Provins sells and gives one livre of cens annual income for 55 livres cash.2 It would seem that holding the cens in a region (the censiva) signifies the holder's jurisdiction over the land; that is, cens seems to indicate landlordship of some sort. Cens is used more rarely to indicate a piece of property that is held with a rent to a specific individual or institution (in censu + genitive)in the same way that feodum is used (e.g., #157, 43r, 1163 and #102, 29r, 1198). No listing available. Censiva This term refers to the cens possessions of an individual or an institution. It is used in the cartulary to refer to who holds the cens on a particular piece of property in the form of "in the censiva of N." In this sense, it supersedes the earlier in censu construction. Censiva first appears in 1207 (#20). #20 (6v), 22 (7r), 51 (14v), 80 (22r-v), 245 (58r-v), 283 (74v-75r), 335 (88v-89r), 342 (90v), 354 (94v-95r). 2more excessive examples of such cens purchases can be found. 521 Terragium Terragia appear to have been originally annual exactions of grain levied on areas recently cleared and brought into production. These often became customary and were levied on land that had long been under cultivation. See in particular numbers 27 and 220 for this original sense. #27 (8r), 29 (8v), 52 (14v-15r), 57 (16r), 71 (18v-19v), 189 (46v), 220 (52r-v), 254 (61r), 271 (69v-70v), 277 (72v-73r), 280 (74r-v), 283 (75r-v), 358 (95v). Decima The tithe, a fraction (traditionally a tenth, but this may not be the case) of all primary income (i.e., the fruit of the land). With a harvest, this fraction is measured in the fields, before the seed-grain has been removed. With animals, this fraction is taken to mean a portion of the increase of the herd. No listing available. Atrium Atrium appears to be the way in which the word altarium is spelled in this cartulary. It has two separate meanings in these documents. As a source of income, I believe atria are the gifts made upon the altar of the parish church. This is the sense in which atrium is used in most of the charters. Atrium can also simply mean altar, as it does in numbers 152, 208 and 209. #152 (42r), 197 (47r), 208 (49r), 209 (49r), 270 (66r-69v), 301 (81r-v), 318 (83v-84r), 319 (84r), 319 (84r). Molitura Grains taken at a mill as a fee for milling. I assume that molitura (called mouture in my summaries) was assessed as a fraction of the total grain to be milled. This term first appears in the cartulary in 1218, but this late appearance is more likely indicative of the monastery's delayed entry into the ownership of off-site mills. #32 (9r-v), 33 (9v-10r), 48 (13v-14r), 120 (33v-35r). III. Usage rights Usuagium Usuagium is a generic usage right, and often appears qualified in some way. I translate it as usage rights. No listing available. Pastura Pastura almost always refers to pasturage rights and not to physical pastures, although occasionally it appears to signify both (e.g., #333). Pasturagium appears to have the same meaning and is used in number 118. #9 (4v), 72 (19v-20v), 78 (21v), 109 (30r-v), 118 (32r-33r), 119 (33r-v), 121 (35r-36r), 122 (36rv), 123 (36v-37r), 124 (37r), 129 (37v-38r), 141 (40r), 165 (44r), 211 (49v), 230 (55r), 232 (55v-56r), 270 (66r-69v), 271 (69v-70v), 272 (70v-71v), 333 (86v). Pasnagium Pannage. The right to run pigs in the woods to feed on acorns and other edible products of the forest that pigs like to eat. #118 (32r-33r), 270 (66r-69v), 271 (69v-70v), 272 (70v-71v), 333 (86v). 522 Glans, -dis Acorns. Pigs are fed on acorns, so often a reference to glande is to rights to acorns in an area, that is, to glandage rights. Note that glandage is distinct from pannage as the former is a right to a product (often collected) and the latter signifies a sort of woodsy pasturage right, hence the permission in number 78 for the monks to "glandem sument" in the woods, but not to run their animals there. The distinction is most clearly brought up in the clause from number 333, "In tempore glandis porci unius anni vel ultra pro pasnagio quatuor donabunt denarios porci infra annum duos denarios Lactentes vero porci pro pasnagio donabunt." Glans are the actual acorns, while pannage is the right to eat them in the woods. #78 (21v), 118 (32r-33r), 156 (42v), 162 (43v), 165 (44r), 204 (48r-v), 270 (66r-69v), 271 (69v70v), 272 (70v-71v), 322 (84v), 333 (86v). Carbonagium In most of its occurances in the text, carbonagium appears in conjunction with usuagium (and the men of Séant, for that matter), and the combination seems to mean rights of usage of charcoal. However, in at least one charter (#236), it exists alone and means the right to manufacture charcoal. #72 (19v-20v), 119 (33r-v), 122 (36r-v), 226 (53v-54r), 236 (57r). Ferragium This is the right to forge iron. 109 (30r-v), 225 (53v). IV. Geographic terms A. Buildings and their appurtenances Masura Manse. This would appear to indicate a farm of some sort with (ideally) a structure on it. Note that in number 101, the manse appears to be part of the monastery's viticultural operations at Vaux, just south of Auxerre (cf. #51, 61, 99). #101 (29r), 252 (60v), 258 (62r-v), 332 (86r-v), 379 (101v). Herbergagium This word appears twice and appears to signify some sort of a dwelling, possibly a farm house. I translate it either as dwelling or homestead. That a herbergagium does not include a farm or other land is suggested by its use in number 369 (98v-99r -- 1225), "Herbergagium vero suum cum tota porprisa recognovit se dedisse." Another suggestion has been that this could be a barn-like structure for storing hay. #335 (88v-89r), 369 (98v-99r). Porprisa Porprisa seems to signify the gardens, garbage-piles, dung-heaps and trees surrounding a dwelling. Indeed, it appears to refer to the piece of land which, along with a house, forms a functional residence. I translate porprisa somewhat awkwardly with "surroundings." The problem with this interpretationis that each charter seems to use the word in a different manner. Charter number 4 uses porprisa in a singular, suggesting an undifferentiated piece of property, whether building or garden, mentioning "quandam domum cum porprisia suam." Number 52 similarly uses porprisa in the singular. But charter number 245 gives the distinct impression of a porprisa being a structure of some sort, recording the gift of a house "cum porprisa eidem domui adiacente." On the other hand, the passage from number 369 cited above uses porprisa as if it were something that 523 could be divided, possibly land.3 Even more confusing is the fact that, while number 335 also uses the phrase "cum tota porprisa," in the next sentence reference is made to an arpent of land "infra porprisium," using a neuter accusative ending. While these could be cleared up by reading porprisiam for porprisium, I have yet to come up with a satisfactory understanding of this word. Were these summaries in French, I could simply supply pourpris. #4 (3v), 52 (14v-15r), 107 (30r), 245 (58v), 335 (88v-89r), 369 (98v-99r). Appendices When used in reference to a house, appendices are the other buildings associated with the main structure. When used more generally (#223, 288), appendices are holdings proper to something. When used in reference to this edition, appendices are all things that are not part of the M.A. thesis. #5 (3v-4r), 23 (7r-v), 56 (15v-16r), 212 (49v), 213 (49v-50r), 223 (53r), 251 (60r-v), 287 (76r). Ortus Ortus appears to refer to a fairly large garden or farm; hence the grange of Luvanne is called an ortus in number 120. I translate it with the word garden. #32 (9r-v), 41 (11v-12v), 115 (31v), 120 (33v-35r). Oschia This is a pernicious word. Evidently, in the Parisian basin, Oschium, vulgarly called Ouche, signifies some sort of garden. Nevertheless, the cartulary uses the term exclusively in reference to villages and cities, and often supplies larger integral numbers that would be expected of a simple garden. For these reasons, I render oschium as a plot, which may or may not have vegetables growing on it. This reading is reinforced by number 71, where Henri de Basson states, "Ego lego ecclesie vallis lucentis sex oschias apud molinons illas scilicet quas habui pro prato domini nicholai salva iusticia earundem oschiarum quam mihi retineo," suggesting that oschia are contiguous plots. Theodore Evergates translates ochii as "house plots." #4 (3v), 32 (9r-v), 41 (11v-12v), 50 (14r-v), 71 (18v-19v), 75 (20v-21r), 263 (63v). B. Roads, boundaries and locations Territorium, Finagium Both these terms refer to the rural area surrounding a village. I translate territorium as territory and finagium as finage. As charter 380 demonstrates, the rubricator was not as diligent in keeping the terms distinct. Not only did he use a finagium rubric to refer to a documentary territorium, but he also employed finagium in number 144 to indicate parrochiam, i.e., a parish. In any case, the only extra-rubrical example of finagium being used in a charter before 1190 is number 163 (1168-76). Territorium: #31 (8v-9r), 33 (9v-10r), 37 (10v), 38 (10v-11r), 39 (11r), 46 (13r-v), 50 (14r-v), 53 (15r), 61 (16v), 64 (17r-v), 93 (26r-v), 97 (27v-28r), 110 (30v-31r), 142 (40r-v), 149 (41v), 158 (43r), 169 (44v), 181 (46r), 182 (46r), 186 (46r-v), 187 (46v), 195 (47r), 197 (47r), 198 (47r), 199 (47r-v), 204 (48rv), 205 (48v), 270 (66r-69v), 280 (74r-v), 283 (75r-v), 297 (80r-81r), 298 (81r), 299 (81r), 300 (81r), 302 (81v), 303 (81v), 308 (82r-v), 312 (83r), 319 (84r), 321 (84v), 330 (86r), 340 (90r-v), 362 (97r), 363 (97rv), 365 (98r), 366 (98r-v), 369 (98v-99r), 380 (102r), 381 (102r), 382 (102r), 383 (102r-v), 391 (103v), 393 (103v-104r), 406 (105r-v), 409 (106r), 410 (106v), 412 (106v), 413 (106v-107r). Finagium: #3 (3r-v), 50 (14r-v), 63 (17r), 91 (25r-v), 92 (25v-26r), 109 (30r-v), 121 (35r-36r), 144 (40v), 163 (43v-44r), 210 (49r-v), 271 (69v-70v), 343 (90v-91r), 362 (97r), 365 (98r), 366 (98r-v), 373 (100r), 380 (102r), 380 (102r). 3The other possibility is a wealth-producing structure, such as a mill, which could be owned in parts, but this does not seem to be the connotation here. 524 Via As can be imagined, via signifies a road of some sort in almost all the charters of Vauluisant. The only exception (#71) uses via in a figurative sense, in this case as part of a clause translated as "the way of all flesh." In one charter (#32), a cart road, viam quadrigarium, is specified. #32 (9r-v), 41 (11v-12v), 71 (18v-19v), 95 (27r-v), 96 (27v), 117 (31v-32r), 120 (33v-35r), 139 (40r), 147 (41r), 154 (42r-v), 159 (43r), 165 (44r), 180 (45v-46r), 204 (48r-v), 210 (49r-v), 220 (52r-v), 265 (64r-v), 270 (66r-69v), 271 (69v-70v), 309 (82v), 401 (105r), 408 (105v-106r), 409 (106r), 414 (107rv). Semita I generally translate semita as "path." In some charters (#265, 271), however, it appears to be used in reference to a specific location, most persuasively this passage from number 271, "De via que iuxta cartam eorum debet habere triginta quinque tesias de assensu parcium ordinavimus ut quindecim tantum tesias habeat et trasferatur a loco determinato ad locum illum qui in cartis eorum semita nuncupatur protendenda semper usque ad nemus." #210 (49r-v), 265 (64r-v), 270 (66r-69v), 271 (69v-70v), 272 (70v-71v), 333 (86v). Calceia Apparently a paved road. #32 (9r-v), 120 (33v-35r), 328 (85v). Fossatum A trench or ditch used for irrigation, drainage or boundaries. #8 (4r-v), 32 (9r-v), 86 (23v-24r), 100 (28v-29r), 104 (29v), 120 (33v-35r), 274 (71v-72r), 359 (95v-96r). Pirum This appears to be a boundary marker of some sort, perhaps a stone. #154 (42r-v), 204 (48r-v). Meta Definitely a stone used to demarcate boundaries. Appears in the plural throughout the cartulary. 38 (10v-11r), 118 (32r-33r), 154 (42r-v), 274 (71v-72r). C. Land Terra, Planus Terra usually signifies arable land. Nevertheless, at times this word terra is qualified with cultis et incultis (e.g., number 410), meaning arable land in cultivation or lying fallow. In this connection, sometimes terra refers to land in the broader sense, hence number 408, which mentions, "terris scilicet cultis, pratis, pascuis et incultis." Terra also appears to mean earth in the sense of "dirt;" Number 32 appears to employ terra in this manner. Planus appears to have the same specific signification of arable land as terra, but is less frequently used. Whatever the case, the most common use of these words is in the formulaic transfer of rights to an area (e.g., terra: #147, planus: #211). No listing available. 525 Pratum This term indicates a meadow, usually near a source of water and occasionally (as outlined in #271) irrigated or flooded, where grasses are grown, cut, dried into hay and used to feed animals. That the designation of lands as prata is reserved for a laborintensive activity, is suggested by number 409, "agros quoque berneriarum et pascua et prata, si voluerint, arabunt vel prateabunt," where pratum is verbalized and the resultant process is rhetorically given the same force as the cultivation of fields. Nevertheless, there are occasional references to animals feeding on prata as if they were pastures (number 97), No listing available. Pascua (n. pl.) Pastures; land used for grazing cattle of all sorts. Apparently, the use of land as pasture does not require much maintenance, hence the absence of a verb "to pasturize" in the formula from number 409 cited for pratum above. In a passage in number 408, viz., "fratres berneriarum pascua domini girardi libere acciperent et apud nogentum et alibi ubicumque sua esset iusticia et homines de nogento similiter acciperent pascua berenariarum exceptis pratis et segetibus," pascua appears to have a meaning closer to pastura. #3 (3r-v), 91 (25r-v), 92 (25v-26r), 151 (41v), 221 (52v), 270 (66r-69v), 309 (82v), 408 (105v106r), 409 (106r), 410 (106v), 413 (106v-107r), 414 (107r-v). Aqua Clearly, this term refers to any generic body of water. Most commonly, aqua is used as part of a formulaic surrender of rights (e.g., #380). No listing available. Marleria Sometimes spelled marneria, this term refers to a pit where marl is dug up. Many of the references to a marleria, sometimes indicated with a variation on the phrase "terram unde extrahitur marla," (#414) are in connection with a marl pit that the monks used to enrich the soils of their grange of Bernières. v). #22 (7r), 362 (97r), 365 (98r), 396 (104r-v),401 (105r), 408 (105v-106r), 409 (106r), 414 (107r- Cretaria Apparently, cretaria indicates a chalk mine of some sort. This word appears only in charter number 9. #9 (4v). Viridarius Another term for which there is an easy French translation: verger. I believe that somewhere in Flaran 6, a viridarius is described as an orchard with rows of vegetables between the trees. Whatever viridarius may signify, it is used twice, once to refer to the royal franchise town of Voisines and once to the grange of Cérilly. #27 (8r), 271 (69v-70v). Nemus/Boscus Woods of some sort. No listing available. 526 Foresta A much larger accumulation of trees than woods; a forest. In the cartulary, the forests of Foissy, les Rajeuses and one belonging to Mahaud de la Chapelle are mentioned. #109 (30r-v), 119 (33r-v), 121 (35r-36r), 124 (37r), 218 (51r-v), 219 (51v-52r), 230 (55r), 270 (66r-69v), 394 (104r). V. Measures Modius The largest measure of grain or wine used in the cartulary, known in French as the muid. As Houdeard's corrody contained in charter number 93 demonstrates, less than three modii of grain was deemed sufficient for the annual sustenance of a rich adult female patron. Hence, I am tempted to suggest that a modius is roughly equivalent to a cartload. The modius of wine, and presumably the sextarius as well, was considerably smaller; Houdeard was also allotted 20 modii of wine per year. #32 (9r-v), 33 (9v-10r), 40 (11r-v), 48 (13v-14r), 55 (15r-v), 57 (16r), 71 (18v-19v), 77 (21r-v), 93 (26r-v), 94 (26v-27r), 96 (27v), 120 (33v-35r), 123 (36v-37r), 128 (37v), 129 (37v-38r), 170 (44v), 224 (53r-v), 228 (54v-55r), 253 (61r), 369 (98v-99r). Sextarius Another unit of measurement used in reference to grain or wine, equivalent to one-twelfth of a modius, as shown by charter number 40, which describes "unum modum annone singulis annis percipiendum in decima de torigniaco infra octabas sancti remigii: tres sextarios frumenti tres sextarios siliginis et dimidium modium tremesius." At the time of the revolution, a setier of Troyes was equivalent to 37.312 decalitres.4 #10 4v-5r), 17 6r), 19 6r-v), 21 6v-7r), 23 7r-v), 29 8v), 30 8v), 32 9r-v), 37 10v), 40 11r-v), 47 13v), 55 15r-v), 66 17v), 71 18v-19v), 72 (19v-20v), 74 (20v), 77 (21r-v), 81 (22v), 85 (23v), 88 (24r-v), 90 (25r), 93 (26r-v), 94 (26v-27r), 107 (30r), 112 (31r), 120 (33v-35r), 122 (36r-v), 153 (42r), 166 (44r), 168 (44rv), 228 (54v-55r), 254 (61r), 271 (69v-70v), 358 (95v), 361 (97r), 367 (98v). Mina A unit of measurement of grain, wine or metal equivalent to half of a sextarius, as shown by #254, which mentions the donation of "duos sextarios bladi videlicet tres minas frumenti et unam minam ordei sive siliginis." #10 (4v-5r),17 (6r), 32 (9r-v), 37 (10v), 109 (30r-v), 121 (35r-36r), 254 (61r), 261 (63r). Minellum A unit of measure, presumably less than a mina. Both of the times that minellum is used in the cartulary, it is in reference to oats. #101 (29r), 251 (60r-v). Bichetus This measurement appears in a few charters to refer to grain, often oats. Its use in charter number 55, where there is a donation of "dimidium modium ordei uno bicheto minus," implies that bichetus is smaller than a modius, possibly about the same measure as a sextarius. It appears that the bichetum and the boissellum signified approximately 4Tables de Comparaison entre les mesures anciennes de l'Aube et celles qui les remplacent dans le nouveau système métrique. . ., Troyes, 1799-1800 (Republican year VIII), p. 29. 527 the same measurement, but were not used interchangeably. In any case, either was 1/16th of a setier.5 #47 (13v), 55 (15r-v), 248 (59r-v), 261 (63r), 267 (64v-65r). VI. Currency Basically, the output of three mints figure there way into the cartulary. Most prominent is the mint of Provins. Sporadic mention is also made of Paris and Auxerre (61, 1218) currency throughout the period covered. The exchange rate between Paris and Provins currency provided by Baldwin is 3:4 in 1202/03. For those interested in how the increasingly royal livre tournois matches up, the 1221 ratio between l. parisis and l.t. is 4:5.6 According to this construction, the provinois/tournois ratio would be 16:15. Anyway, there is some evidence that in the mid-1220s, the currency of Provins was revalued; charters number 265 (1226) and 80 (1228) speek of money "Pruvinensis fortium" and 82 (1225) indicates "sexdecim librarum Pruvinensium veteris monete" The main form of currency was the denarius. The denarius of Paris in the first half of the thirteenth century weighed approximately 1.10 grams and was 38-40 percent silver.7 I believe the denarius of Tours had .321 grams of silver.8 The money of Provins was equivalent to the the coins produced by the Angevin kings in 1184; by 1202-3 it is slightly higher.9 By 1225, the provinois was devalued, from 32 to 30 percent silver (.343 to .320 grams).10 Finally, the denarius of Auxerre is about 35 percent silver for a .327 gram silver weight.11 Librus Known in French as the livre, the librus (rendered as l.) is the largest measure of currency to appear in the cartulary.12 Except for the libris parisiensis mentioned in numbers 22 (1224) and 213 (1227), the mint of origin that is specified for all other livres is Provins. 5ibid. 6John Baldwin, The Government of Philip Augustus: Foundations of French Royal Power in the Middle Ages, Berkeley, 1986. p. xv. 7Françoise Dumas, "La monnaie dans le royaume aut temps de Philippe-Auguste," pp. 541-574 in La France de Philippe-Auguste - Le temps des mutations, ed. Robert-Henri Bautier, Paris, 1982, p. 544. Unfortunately, in my copy, the silver weight of the denier parisis is obscured, but it would be between .418 and .440 grams. 8ibid., p. 548. The weight is for the deniers struck in the name of Saint-Martin of Tours rather than the king, but Dumas calls the weight "équivalent." 9ibid., p. 551. Dumas cites Lot and Fawtier for the latter ratios (1.34-1.35 provinois to 1 parisis vs. 1.431.46 angevin to 1 parisis. Yet, if these ratios are based on exchange rates, such as the 1.33 - 1 provinois parisis ratio mentioned in connection with Baldwin, then the two coins, while not equal, could perhaps be indicated as equivalent in another document. 10ibid. Dumas cites a 1225 charter in the Vauluisant cartulary that mentions "6 deniers de Provins de vieille monnaie." I have not been able to find this charter, but perhaps Dumas is referring to #82 (22v), which is dated January, 1224 (o. st.) which contains the only reference to "old money" of Provins in the cartulary. She also indicates Bourquelot's deduction from a 1230 act that 20 l. provinois equalling 18 l. 4 d. tournois for a ratio of 1.11 to 1. 11ibid., p. 553. 12The mark of silver does appear in MC17, but not the cartulary proper. 528 #15 (5v), 22 (7r), 23 (7r-v), 37 (10v), 41 (11v-12v), 42 (12v), 43 (12v-13r), 44 (13r), 47 (13v), 67 (18r), 68 (18r-v), 69 (18v), 71 (18v-19v), 80 (22r-v), 82 (22v), 88 (24r-v), 93 (26r-v), 96 (27v), 118 (32r33r), 121 (35r-36r), 138 (40r), 141 (40r), 170 (44v), 176 (45r), 213 (49v-50r), 224 (53r-v), 234 (56r-v), 256 (61v-62r), 268 (65r-v), 278 (73r-74r), 282 (74v-75r), 285 (75v-76r), 335 (88v-89r), 337 (89r-v), 338 (89v), 340 (90r-v), 343 (90v-91r), 348 (92r-v), 350 (92v, 94r), 351 (94r), 353 (94v), 354 (94v-95r), 363 (97r-v), 373 (100r), 410 (106v), 413 (106v-107r). Solidus A solidus (rendered as s.) is an amount of currency which is one-twentieth of a librus and is a French sous. Again, most of these solidi are either of unspecified currency or Provins. The Auxerre solidus mentioned in numbers 61 (1218) and 25 (1224) is the only exception to this. The approximate value of the solidus is suggested by number 196 (before 1150), where Pierre de Lumni donates property to the abbey, "et filius eius Ansellus, qui etiam duos solidos pro una tunica habuit." #15 (5v), 25 (7v-8r), 41 (11v-12v), 42 (12v), 43 (12v-13r), 44 (13r), 45 (13r), 50 (14r-v), 54 (15r), 55 (15r-v), 59 (16r), 61 (16v), 62 (16v-17r), 64 (17r-v), 71 (18v-19v), 84 (23r-v), 85 (23v), 87 (24r), 89 (24v-25r), 93 (26r-v), 98 (28r-v), 102 (29r), 113 (31r-v), 120 (33v-35r), 121 (35r-36r), 133 (38v-39r), 138 (40r), 148 (41r-v), 196 (47r), 248 (59r-v), 249 (59v-60r), 251 (60r-v), 256 (61v-62r), 258 (62r-v), 261 (63r), 263 (63v), 265 (64r-v), 267 (64v-65r), 268 (65r-v), 270 (66r-69v), 271 (69v-70v), 272 (70v-71v), 278 (73r-74r), 302 (81v), 305 (82r), 331 (86r), 332 (86r-v), 333 (86v), 335 (88v-89r), 337 (89r-v), 338 (89v), 343 (90v-91r), 345 (91v), 347 (92r), 348 (92r-v), 349 (92v), 357 (95v), 359 (95v-96r), 364 (97v98r), 372 (99v-100r), 397 (104v), 410 (106v), 413 (106v-107r). Denarius Translated by denier, this is essentially a penny. There are twelve denari to a solidus. The approximate value of a denarius is indicated by charter number 94 (1220), where some customs are given to the monastery, including, "duos panes sub precio quatuor denariorum." #41 (11v-12v), 46 (13r-v), 47 (13v), 50 (14r-v), 52 (14v-15r), 54 (15r), 57 (16r), 68 (18r-v), 77 (21r-v), 80 (22r-v), 83 (22v-23r), 84 (23r-v), 94 (26v-27r), 95 (27r-v), 98 (28r-v), 101 (29r), 103 (29r-v), 110 (30v-31r), 111 (31r), 214 (50r), 220 (52r-v), 236 (57r), 248 (59r-v), 251 (60r-v), 252 (60v), 257 (62r), 258 (62r-v), 265 (64r-v), 270 (66r-69v), 272 (70v-71v), 282 (74v-75r), 324 (85r), 333 (86v), 339 (89v90r), 340 (90r-v), 344 (91r-v), 346 (91v-92r), 347 (92r), 348 (92r-v), 351 (94r), 357 (95v), 359 (95v-96r), 362 (97r), 363 (97r-v), 365 (98r), 366 (98r-v), 379 (101v), 397 (104v), 413 (106v-107r). Nummus The old Roman word for penny, nummus has the same signification in the Vauluisant cartulary, i.e., a denarius. This is shown by number 148, where Vauluisant procures a five percent interest in the sale of houses of the men of Houdoin Manent. A list containing examples of this five percent includes, "de XX solidis XII nummos de XL solidis ii," shows that twelve denarii equal a solidus. #5 (3v-4r), 139 (40r), 147 (41r), 148 (41r-v), 154 (42r-v), 170 (44v), 180 (45v-46r), 189 (46v), 201 (47v), 214 (50r), 324 (85r), 331 (86r), 397 (104v). Obolus This is a half-penny. Called an Obole in french, I refer to it as a half-denarius. That it is worth half of a denarius revealed by its usage; either it is employed in the singular following an amount of denarii (e.g., "quindecim denarios et unum obolum," number 339, 1224) or the number of oboli that is given is odd. (104v). #41 (11v-12v), 50 (14r-v), 52 (14v-15r), 84 (23r-v), 98 (28r-v), 339 (89v-90r), 346 (91v-92r), 397 529 Pictavina Allegedly a Poitevin coin, but worth the same as an obolus for the same reasons: always given in odd numbers or singular and attached to deniers. I am somewhat confused on the orthography of this word. Many times it is abbreviated, and when it is spelled out, it always appears in the cartulary in the plural accusative as pictavines or pictavinas. I have rendered it as a feminine pictavin, -is or pictavina, -ae depending on the context, but I will need to recheck my transcription. #41 (11v-12v), 84 23r-v). VII. Chronological terms Crastinum The day after. #10 (4v-5r), 16 (5v-6r), 17 (6r), 18 (6r), 24 (7v), 28 (8r-v), 32 (9r-v), 43 (12v-13r), 61 (16v), 64 (17r-v), 70 (18v), 103 (29r-v), 110 (30v-31r), 120 (33v-35r), 128 (37v), 245 (58v), 258 (62r-v), 261 (63r), 262 (63r-v), 264 (63v-64r). Octavae The octaves. This term seems to have two meanings. It can either mean the week following a feast, as is probably the case with the formula "infra octabas," (number 26, 1203), or the eighth day following a feast. Judging from the use of "in crastino octavarum" (number 32, 1221), it would appear that the preposition in is used in connection with this latter signification of a single day. #26 (r), 32 (9r-v), 38 (10v-11r), 40 (11r-v), 55 (15r-v), 104 (29v), 120 (33v-35r), 166 (44r), 168 (44r-v), 244 (58v), 270 (66r-69v), 272 (70v-71v), 277 (72v-73r), 283 (75r-v), 333 (86v). Quindena Distinct from the modern French quinzaine, which is used to refer to the weeksbefore and after a feast, quindena indicates the two weeks following a given feast. Presumably, like octavae, quindena can refer to the two week period, or the last day. All uses of quindena that appear in the cartulary, however, appear to indicate the day two weeks after the event. All this is suggested by the date "crastino quindene pasche" given in charter number 10 (1224). If quindena is understood in the modern sense of quinzaine, it would be coterminous with the octaves and this usage, referring to the Monday after quasimodo Sunday, would be redundant. I translate quindena with the English quindene. #10 (v-5r), 48 (13v-14r), 227 (54r-v), 270 (66r-69v), 271 (69v-70v), 273 (70v-71v). VIII. Persons Note that the use of witness lists in the twelfth century is responsible for the larger numbers of examples from this time period, particularly of the humbler classes. A future edition would list the names, times and locations of every significant person of each specified rank. A. Laypersons Villicus A manorial administrator, I believe charged with operating a villa in the absence of the lord. Presumably non-noble. The two villici of the monks mentioned by name are Hugues de Lailly (#141, 1145-1163) and Bernualis (#201, before 1164) #141 (40r), 198 (47r), 201 (47v), 211 (49v), 294 (79v), 320 (84r-v), 407 (105r-v). Forestarius Translated as "forester," a forestarius was an individual who, I believe, exercised the judicial, if not bannal, rights in the wooded territory of a seigneur. Whatever the 530 case, the term appears in two documents. Number 278 (1208) presents two forestarii acting in an apparently impartial judicial manner. Meanwhile, number 271 (1215, also in translation) depicts the forestarius as exercising rights equivalent to that of the abbot. #271 (69v-70v), 278 (73r-74r). Hospes The meaning of the term Hospes when used in a monastic context seems to me somewhat problematic. The conventional definition of hospes relates the use of the term to a unique status brought about by the considerable movement of unfree people in twelfth and thirteenth-century Champagne. One authority defines a hostes as a person newly settled in a new town, who receives a hostise, a house and land under more or less onerous terms.13 Another claims a hospes to be a unfree person subject to a distant lord and therefore free from the jurisdiction of the local lord.14 Du Cange provides several options, including a privileged status for an unfree individual. The Cistercian statutes use hospes in the traditional Benedictine sense of abbatial visitors. One more option is to associate hospes with an innkeeper. The few times that hospes is used in the Vauluisant cartulary, the word seems to indicate an individual technically unfree, but holding some responsibilities for the management of the abbey's temporal affairs in a town. I end up arguing very tentatively that the term hospes may mean a "guest" of the abbey, residing on abbatial property in a town, and by virtue of that residency and guest status, entitled to the abbey's exemptions from customary and seigneurial exactions, especially those on marketable goods. Without further research, this conclusion must remain tentative. For an explanation of how I attained such results, see Chapter 3. Prepositus15 The prepositus is in most cases the administrator appointed in charge of the operation of a village. He was only rarely a miles, as in the case of Hugues, the prepositus of Villeneuve-l'Archevêque (#111, 1222). The prepositus is usually the person who performs the collection of cens and other taxes, invests and divests property and administers oaths to sergeants. #5 (v-4r), 12 (5r), 14 (5v), 52 (14v-15r), 57 (16r), 72 (19v-20v), 105 (29v-30r), 107 (30r), 110 (30v-31r), 111 (31r), 119 (33r-v), 122 (36r-v), 133 (38v-39r), 134 (39r-v), 140 (40r), 142 (40r-v), 146 (40v-41r), 149 (41v), 150 (41v), 155 (42v), 156 (42v), 159 (43r), 160 (43r), 165 (44r), 169 (44v), 226 (53v-54r), 236 (57r), 242 (58r), 246 (58v-59r), 252 (60v), 256 (61v-62r), 268 (65r-v), 270 (66r-69v), 273 (71v), 285 (75v-76r), 287 (76r), 290 (78r), 291 (79r), 296 (79v-81r), 297 (81r), 299 (81r), 304 (81v), and (78r), 313 (83r), 316 (83v), 320 (84r-v), 321 (84v), 322 (84v), 325 (85r), 329 (85v-86r), 330 (86r), 332 (86r-v), 364 (97v-98r), 379 (101v), 384 (102v), 394 (104r), 395 (104r), 396 (104r-v), 399 (104v), 41 (105r), 406 (105r-v), 408 (105v-106r), 409 (106r), 411 (106v), 414 (107r-v). 13Maurice Prou, "Les coutumes de Lorris et leur propagation aux XIIe et XIIIe siècles," pp. 139-209, 267320, 441-57, 523-56 in Revue historique de droit français et étranger, 18 (1884), p. 160-1. 14Theodore Evergates, Feudal Society in the Bailliage of Troyes under the Counts of Champagne, 11521284, Baltimore, 1975, pp. 24-27. 15On the surface, there seems to be some difficulty with the ranks of prepositus and maior. While I borrow many of my details from Germaine Lebel, Histoire administrative, économique et financière de l'abbaye de Saint-Denis étudiée spécialement dans la Province ecclésiastique de Sens, de 1151 à 1346. Paris, 1935. pp. 38-58, Lebel's assertion that the maior is superior in rank to the prepositus does not seem to be borne out by the evidence. In this regard, Maximilien Quantin, "Recherches sur le Tiers-État au Moyen-Age, dans les Pays qui forment aujourd'hui le Département de l'Yonne," Bulletin de la Société des Sciences Historiques et Naturelles de l'Yonne, v. 5 (1851). p. 40, appears to have the correct order by stating that the maior is the humblest of officers. 531 Maior An administrator and protector of a village who, when he existed, functioned at the level below that of prepositus. As near as I can tell, maior was a position that was inherited.. Judging from the maioria of Marigny-le-Châtel, which provided 100 sous a year (#62), the maior collected some form of income. Note that the citations that follow are incomplete; in trying to avoid including nicknames and patronyms, I tried to limit the inclusion of appearances of maior to those where either the location of the mayorship or the lord of the mayor was known. #62 (16v-17r), 113 (31r-v), 115 (31v), 147 (41r), 157 (43r), 159 (43r), 164 (44r), 165 (44r), 178 (45v), 202 (47v), 233 (56r), 277 (72v-73r), 278 (73r-74r), 294 (79v), 314 (83r), 395 (104r), 411 (106v), 413 (106v-107r), 414 (107r-v). Armiger A squire. Ideally, at some point armigeri were to become milites. Increasingly in the thirteenth century, not all armigeri become milites.16 #49 (14r), 50 (14r-v), 84 (23r-v), 198 (47r), 338 (89v). Miles The title of knight. No listing available. Nobilis Vir The various creators of the charters used nobilis vir to indicate somebody of noble (as opposed to knightly) rank. In the Vauluisant cartulary, it is rarely, if at all, applied to anyone below the rank of castellan. Evidence for the use of this term goes back to the foundation document (#172). #2 (3r), 72 (19v-20v), 119 (33r-v), 172 (45r), 227 (54r-v), 256 (61v-62r), 268 (65r-v), 279 (74r), 282 (74v-75r), 285 (75v-76r). Nobilis Mulier While translated as noble woman and often used in parallel with nobilis vir, nobilis mulier seems to signify both women of nobility and of the knightly rank. Of course, this could merely be the effect of knights marrying up in society. The earliest instance of the usage of this term is 1208 (#278). #33 (9v-10r), 35 (10r-v), 41 (11v-12v), 43 (12v-13r), 46 (13r-v), 55 (15r-v), 72 (19v-20v), 74 (20v), 80 (22r-v), 84 (23r-v), 97 (27v-28r), 278 (73r-74r), 343 (90v-91r). Dominus, -a Evergates claims that dominus had a complex evolution, and during a period roughly coterminous with the era covered by the 1164 and 1185 cartularies, dominus referred to a member of an exclusive group of Champenois families who would never be referred to as milites. However, by the early thirteenth century, dominus was "debased" and employed by those persons who would also style themselves milites.17 In any case, it looks like, in the Vauluisant cartulary, dominus refers to both castellans and local lords of both sexes. The most popular "alternate spelling" for dominus is domnus. No listing available. 16Evergates, 17op. Feudal Society in the Bailliage of Troyes. p. 93. cit., pp. 97-98. 532 Ballivus Identical with the French bailli, the ballivus was a representative of the count or king with at least judicial powers. #133 (38v-39r), 213 (49v-50r), 241 (58r), 242 (58r),. Vicecomitus A Viscount, someone at the rank below count, usually appointed by a king or other official. Viscounts of Corbeil (#132, 1144-1158l; Goderic, 131, 1144, Guibert), Sens (#140, 1142-1165, Salo), Joigny (which is also the seat of a county, #156, 11421160, Isnard and Esmirille; #220, 1190-1195, Jocelin) and Rigny-le-Ferron (#227, 1216, Jean). #131 (38r-v), 132 (38v), 140 (40r), 145 (40v), 156 (42v), 159 (43r), 179 (45v), 187 (46v), 194 (47r), 220 (52r-v), 227 (54r-v), 239 (57v), 253 (61r), 256 (61v-62r), 267 (64v-65r), 268 (65r-v), 282 (74v75r), 285 (75v-76r), 287 (76r), 301 (81r-v), 318 (83v-84r), 330 (86r). Comitus, -tissa Count. This is the usually the count of Champagne or the regent countess. #33 (9v-10r), 84 (23r-v), 106 (30r), 116 (31v), 117 (31v-32r), 118 (32r-33r), 119 (33r-v), 120 (33v-35r), 122 (36r-v), 123 (36v-37r), 125 (37r-v), 127 (37v), 130 (38r), 131 (38r-v), 162 (43v), 200 (47v), 204 (48r-v), 213 (49v-50r), 227 (54r-v), 238 (57v), 240 (57v-58r), 275 (72r-v), 305 (82r), 323 (84v-85r), 329 (85v-86r), 341 (90v), 365 (98r), 376 (100v-101r), 377 (101r-v), 391 (103v), 394 (104r), 408 (105v-106r), 409 (106r), 413 (106v-107r), 414 (107r-v). Rex The king. Three kings appear in the Vauluisant cartulary: Louis VII (#130, 1158; #131, 1163), Philip Augustus (#133, 1190) of France and King Jean de Brienne of Jerusalem (#119, 1224). #119 (33r-v), 130 (38r), 131 (38r-v), 133 (38v-39r). B. Secular Clergy Clericus A generic indicating any sort of ecclesiastic, clericus generally signifies a member of the lower ranks of the clergy, at most a priest. #1 (3r), 4 (3v), 11 (5r), 22 (7r), 37 (10v), 68 (18r-v), 69 (18v), 71 (18v-19v), 73 (20v), 75 (20v21r), 84 (23r-v), 86 (23v-24r), 90 (25r), 110 (30v-31r), 125 (37r-v), 146 (40v-41r), 160 (43r), 161 (43r-v), 164 (44r), 198 (47r), 199 (47r-v), 208 (49r), 209 (49r), 210 (49r-v), 231 (55r-v), 233 (56r), 260 (62v-63r), 267 (64v-65r), 279 (74r), 290 (78r), 304 (81v and 78r), 307 (82r), 315 (83v), 317 (83v), 323 (84v-85r), 324 (85r), 330 (86r), 336 (89r), 345 (91v), 348 (92r-v), 359 (95v-96r), 363 (97r-v), 403 (105r), 408 (105v106r), 414 (107r-v). Sacerdos, Presbiter Both these terms seem to refer to priests. The only direct equation between the two appears in the rubric of #79 (1194) which reads, "sententia contra presbiteros de rigni pro decima." In the text, these presbiteri are referred to as sacerdotes. Sacerdos: #75 (20v-21r), 79 (21v-22r), 146 (40v-41r), 157 (43r), 202 (47v), 212 (49v), 235 (56v-57r), 291 (79r), 302 (81v), 313 (83r), 332 (86r-v), 345 (91v), 412 (106v). Presbiter: #9 (v), 41 (11v-12v), 71 (18v-19v), 79 (21v-22r), 86 (23v-24r), 88 (24r-v), 89 (24v-25r), 94 (26v-27r), 96 (27v), 102 (29r), 147 (41r), 150 (41v), 152 (42r), 153 (42r), 156 (42v), 162 (43v), 165 (44r), 177 (45r-v), 178 (45v), 180 (45v-46r), 193 (46v-47r), 194 (47r), 200 (47v), 201 (47v), 204 (48r-v), 208 (49r), 213 (49v-50r), 214 (50r), 220 (52r-v), 222 (52v), 224 (53r-v), 229 (55r), 246 (58v-59r), 249 (59v60r), 256 (61v-62r), 259 (62v), 264 (63v-64r), 268 (65r-v), 269 (65v-66r), 276 (72v), 283 (75r-v), 284 (75v), 285 (75v-76r), 290 (78r), 80r(-v297 81r), 304 (81v and 78r), 311 (83r), 313 (83r), 317 (83v), 343 (90v-91r), 348 (92r-v), 364 (97v-98r), 372 (99v-100r), 386 (102v-103r), 389 (103r), 392 (103v), 395 (104r), 397 (104v), 401 (105r), 404 (105r), 405 (105r), 406 (105r-v). 533 Decanus Translated by deacon, this is the ecclesiastical official with administrative responsibilities for a deaconry (or deanery). The deacons that appear in the Vauluisant cartulary are those of Pont-Sur-Seine, Traînel, Troyes, Provins and Villemaur (Diocese of Troyes), and the deacons of Sens and the Vanne Basin (actually, decanus de riparia vanne, probably better translated by some awkward construction as "dean of the banks of the Vanne), sometimes referred to as simply the deacon of riparie (Diocese of Sens). The deacon of Paris (Diocese of Paris) also appear in a document. The Latin of the charters does not distinguish between rural deans, administrative deans in cities, and heads of colleges of canons. Some deacons appear to be somewhat more regular and attached to chapters of canons. Perhaps the latter group includes the deacons of SaintGermain d'Auxerre, Notre-Dame-de-Val-Provins, Saint-Quiriace, conis (Corbeil area?), Molinons. Another group of chapter heads would include the priests attached to the family of castellan or higher rank. This would explain the deacons of Sens, Troyes, one of the deacons of Traînel (there is a rural deanery based there, as well as a chapter of canons), Nogent-sur-Seine, Rigny-le-Ferron, and possibly Paris. When more than one type of deacons appear in the same town, often the administrative deacon ("rural dean") will style himself "decanus de Christianitate" to distinguish himself from the regular models. The deacons of the Vanne Basin (who appear to have used the Easter Style of dating) for the decade of the 1220s are, Renaud (#281, January 1222 n. st.-- #83, November, 1225), Jean (NC31, March 26, 1226 n. st.), and Felix (#103, February 28, 1229 n. st.). #42 (12v), 69 (18v), 71 (18v-19v), 72 (19v-20v), 75 (20v-21r), 77 (21r-v), 82 (22v), 83 (22v-23r), 85 (23v), 86 (23v-24r), 88 (24r-v), 90 (25r), 92 (25v-26r), 95 (27r-v), 97 (27v-28r), 103 (29r-v), 104 (29v), 121 (35r-36r), 134 (39r-v), 142 (40r-v), 146 (40v-41r), 150 (41v), 152 (42r), 156 (42v), 157 (43r), 161 (43r-v), 167 (44r), 202 (47v), 208 (49r), 209 (49r), 218 (51r-v), 253 (61r), 268 (65r-v), 269 (65v-66r), 277 (72v-73r), 278 (73r-74r), 279 (74r), 281 (74v), 282 (74v-75r), 284 (75v), 285 (75v-76r), 291 (79r), 308 (82r-v), 310 (82v-83r), 313 (83r), 337 (89r-v), 338 (89v), 339 (89v-90r), 340 (90r-v), 341 (90v), 343 (90v91r), 347 (92r), 348 (92r-v), 350 (92v, 94r), 351 (94r), 354 (94v-95r), 356 (95r-v), 357 (95v), 359 (95v96r), 362 (97r), 364 (97v-98r), 365 (98r), 366 (98r-v), 373 (100r), 375 (100v), 379 (101v), 395 (104r), 403 (105r), 406 (105r-v), 408 (105v-106r), 412 (106v), 414 (107r-v). Archidiaconus Originally holding duties similar to those of a decanus, the archidiaconus apparently expanded his role and in doing so challenged that of the bishop. I believe the archdeacon, as I call him, controlled the archdeaconry that included the episcopal or archiepiscopal seat. This would explain why when the jurisdiction of the archdeacon is mentioned, it is inevitably Sens, Troyes, Paris and possibly Auxerre, in that order of frequency. The archdeacon's curial practice mirrors that of the bishop; approximately two decades after the archbishop of Sens em1ploys an officialis, an "officialis curie Senonensis archidiaconis " (#255, 1222) appears. #57 (16r), 78 (21v), 81 (22v), 94 (26v-27r), 114 (31v), 121 (35r-36r), 140 (40r), 142 (40r-v), 143 (40v), 146 (40v-41r), 150 (41v), 152 (42r), 153 (42r), 155 (42v), 162 (43v), 167 (44r), 206 (48v), 208 (49r), 218 (51r-v), 256 (61v-62r), 270 (66r-69v), 273 (71v), 277 (72v-73r), 280 (74r-v), 282 (74v-75r), 284 (75v), 291 (79r), 301 (81r-v), 310 (82v-83r), 318 (83v-84r), 322 (84v), 363 (97r-v), 369 (98v-99r), 376 (100v-101r), 387 (103r), 412 (106v), 414 (107r-v). Officialis "L'officialis est un clerc qui, n'ayant par lui-même aucune juridiction, exerce en vertu d'un mandat la juridiction spirituelle d'un dignitaire ecclésiastique dont il tient tous 534 ses pouvoirs."18 The officialis first appeared at Reims in the last three decades of the twelfth century. They come into being as an effort on the part of the bishops to keep episcopal power from slipping to the archdeacons as the increase in written material required more time than the bishops had available. Fournier claims that each bishop had several officiales -- some resident, and others itinerant with limited power. For these reason he claims that the Archbishop of Sens had officiales at Brienon and Saint-Julien du Sault.19 Whatever the case, only one Sens officialis at a time issued the documents contained in the Vauluisant cartulary. According to the Vauluisant cartulary, the Sens officiales were: 1190 1195 1196 (o.st.) 1202 1204-1207 1209-1216 1218-1221 1222-1229 Guy, deacon of Provins, and Renaud de Cepeio P. de Medunta and P. de Sainte-Columbe Renaud de Cepeio and P. de Sainte-Columbe Hamo de Sancto Romano Curie, Master J. and H. Master Jobert de Pont Master Philippe Master Hugues Master Michel #(All officiales)3-38, 41-59, 67-68, 71, 94, 99, 215, 227, 244-6, 250-69, 323, 336, 338, 360, 3678, 370, 408. Episcopus Clearly, an episcopus is a bishop. I will repeat here the pertinent series from Pius Bonfacius Gams, Series Episcoporum Ecclesiae Catholicae, Graz, 1957. I have rendered most of the Latin names into French. Auxerre (p. 629): 52. March 5, 1116 †August 8, 1136 S. Hugues de Montaigu 53. January 1, 1137 †October 10, 1151 Beat. Hugues de Maçon, O.C. 54. ca. October 30, 1152 - 1167 Alanus, O.C. 55. July 2, 1167 cs. †February 27, 1182 Guillaume de Toucy 56. March 13, 1183 el. - †Septeber 29, 1206 Hugues IV de Noyers 57. February 9, 1207 cs. - tr.February 26, 1220 Guillaume de Seignelay 58. September 20, 1220cs.†January 18, 1234 Henri de Villeneuve for Auxerre, we also have Constance Brittain Bouchard's research, which I will reproduce in part here: Hugh of Montaigu, 1115-1136 Hugh of Mâcon, 1136-1151 Alain, 1152-1167 William of Toucy, 1167-1181 Hugh of Noyers, 1183-1206 Williajm of Seignelay, 1207-1220. 54. 55. 56. Troyes (Gams, p. 643) 1123 sed. 1145 Hatto 1145 †January 30, 1169 Henri de Carinthia, O.C. 1169 †September 28, 1180 Matthaeus 18Paul Fournier, Les Officialités au Moyen Age, 1880, Paris. p. 3. My description is heavily indebted to Fournier's work. 19ibid., pp. 12014. 535 57. 58. 59. 60. 61. 1181 1190 April, 1193 i. p. February 20, 1207 cf. ex. August, 1223 †June 11, 1190 †February 20, 1193 †April 14, 1205 †February 7, 1223 †June 3, 1233 Manasses de Pougy Bartholomé Haïce de Plancy Garnier de Trainel Hervée Robert Other bishops that are mentioned in the Vauluisant cartulary include the bishops of Châlons-sur-Saône, Langres, Meaux, Paris and Soissons #2 (3r), 39 (11r), 60 (16 r-v), 61 (16v), 62 (16v-17r), 63 (17r), 64 (17r-v), 65 (17v), 74 (20v), 76 (21r), 79 (21v-22r), 80 (22r-v), 81 (22v), 132 (38v), 137 (39v), 141 (40r), 149 (41v), 162 (43v), 167 (44r), 222 (52v), 227 (54r-v), 232 (55v-56r), 239 (57v), 247 (59r), 276 (72v), 288 (76v), 292 (79r), 305 (82r), 306 (82r), 307 (82r), 308 (82r-v), 310 (82v-83r), 312 (83r), 315 (83v), 317 (83v), 324 (85r), 327 (85v), 328 (85v), 332 (86r-v), 334 (88v), 335 (88v-89r), 362 (97r), 376 (100v-101r), 383 (102r-v), 387 (103r), 388 (103r), 389 (103r), 390 (103r-v), 392 (103v), 393 (103v-104r), 395 (104r), 406 (105r-v), 413 (106v107r). Archiepiscopus The Archbishop, the ecclesiastical official in charge of a metropolitan see. In the Vauluisant cartulary, this is the Archbishop of Sens. According to Gams, p. 629, these archbishops were: 61 December, 1122 el. - †January 10, 1142 Henri Sanglier 62 1142 †February 3, 1168 Hugues de Toucy 63 1168 tr tr. August 8, 1176 Guillaume de Champagne 64 1176 †December 21, 1193 Guy de Noyers 65 April 24, 1194 cs. †November 28, 1199 Michael de Corbeil 66 1200 tr. †March 6, 1222 Pierre de Corbeil 67 1222 cs. †April 20, 1241 Gautier Cornut #5 (3v-4r), 7 (4r), 14 (5v), 40 (11r-v), 55 (15r-v), 66 (17v), 70 (18v), 72 (19v-20v), 75 (20v-21r), 94 (26v-27r), 110 (30v-31r), 111 (31r), 114 (31v), 119 (33r-v), 120 (33v-35r), 122 (36r-v), 124 (37r), 134 (39r-v), 135 (39v), 139 (40r), 140 (40r), 142 (40r-v), 143 (40v), 144 (40v), 145 (40v), 146 (40v-41r), 148 (41r-v), 149 (41v), 150 (41v), 152 (42r), 153 (42r), 154 (42r-v), 155 (42v), 156 (42v), 157 (43r), 158 (43r), 161 (43r-v), 162 (43v), 163 (43v-44r), 165 (44r), 166 (44r), 167 (44r), 168 (44r-v), 202 (47v), 203 (47v), 205 (48v), 206 (48v), 207 (48v-49r), 208 (49r), 209 (49r), 210 (49r-v), 211 (49v), 218 (51r-v), 223 (53r), 225 (53v), 226 (53v-54r), 227 (54r-v), 228 (54v-55r), 229 (55r), 230 (55r), 270 (66r-69v), 278 (73r-74r), 283 (75r-v), 287 (76r), 290 (79r), 292 (79r), 301 (81r-v), 304 (81v and 78r), 311 (83r), 312 (83r), 313 (83r), 316 (83v), 318 (83v-84r), 320 (84r-v), 321 (84v), 322 (84v), 325 (85r), 326 (85r-v), 327 (85v), 328 (85v), 329 (85v-86r), 330 (86r), 331 (86r), 333 (86v), 363 (97r-v), 364 (97v-98r), 383 (102r-v), 384 (102v), 385 (102v), 386 (102v-103r), 391 (103v), 393 (103v-104r), 406 (105r-v), 407 (105v), 410 (106v), 412 (106v), 413 (106v-107r). Legatus A papal legate; an ecclesiastical official given representative powers by the Pope. Two legates appear in the Vauluisant cartulary: The archbishop of Sens, Guillaume de Champagne, and the Cardinal Priest Melior. Both employ the phrase "apostolice sedis legatus" in their intitulationes. No listing available. Delegatus Translated by delegates, delegati are individuals, usually ecclesiastical officials, appointed by the pope for some specific purpose, such as to arbitrate a dispute. #104 (29v), 114 (31v), 121 (35r-36r), 227 (54r-v), 270 (66r-69v), 276 (72v). (There are certainly more than these) 536 Cardinalis Presbiter Technically, a priest of one of the seven (?) churches in the city of Rome. Unlike cardinal bishops, cardinal priests were irregularly appointed. The only such cardinal priest that appears in the Vauluisant cartulary is Melior, who is also the papal legate to France. #79 (21v-22r), 220 (52r-v), 276 (72v). Pope Like all major figures in the history of religion, the pope goes by many names. For this reason, I have not accumulated a list of his appearances in the Vauluisant cartulary. No listing available. C. Regular Clergy Conversus, -a A conversus is a lay brother. Normally, this means that a conversus is the person who, for the most part works the monastic land and operates the granges. A Domina Houdeard is also mentioned as a conversa. See the general introduction for more information on conversi and conversae. The names of conversi as provided in the Vauluisant cartulary are: #34 (1213) religiose mulieris hudeardis converse #93 (1169-72 ) De conversis: reinaldus, aubertus, stephanus, andreas, galterus sutor, richardus pelliparius, galterus, werricus rotarii. #98 (1195) stephanus converso #101 (1214) frater milo conversus noster magister cellarii nostri de vallibus #201 (before 1163) girardus leogardus filius conversus #262 (1224) gilonem de regniaco conversum #274 (1185) : Galterus rotarius (wheelwright), Andreas de Ceriliaco #293 (before 1163) iosbertus de castellione conversus de valle lucente pascherus MC20 (1183) Stephanus quoque, Andreas, Gauterus, Opilio, prefate ecclesie conversi: Monachus A monk of some sort. When used to refer to specific members of the Vauluisant community, monachus indicates a choir monk. The names of monks and monastery officials provided in the cartulary are: #55 (1229) hugonem monachum #93 (1169-72) Urricus prior, fulco subprior, P. cantor, ysembardus, guido succentor, reignerius, robertus de regni, ernaudus, willelmus de stampis, Hugo rufus, Girardus, herbertus cellerarius, radulphus #98 (1195) odo eiusdem ecclesie cellerarius #265 (1184-93) radulphus prior petrus cantor hugo magister conversorum herveus monachus girardus monachus filius eiusdem iosberti, pontius de pruvino, mainardus infirmarius, gullelmus subcellararius, milo de trecis et dominus aerardus de nogento. (Some of these may not be monks) #274 (1185) pontius de rigni monachus #293 (before 1163) ernaldus monacus MC20 (1183) Guillelmus; Gauterus, monachi Vallislucentis Abbas The abbot. The list of abbots of Vauluisant provided by Honoré Bouvier in "Histoire de l'Abbaye de Vauluisant," pp. 24-122 in Annuaire de l'Yonne 1887. p. 94, 537 which was compiled from the Gallia Christiana, and which the cartulary of Vauluisant cannot further elucidate is: Norpaud, 1127 - 1159 (this is based on number 396 (106v, 1161), which states, "Factum est hoc secundo anno quo tenebat abbas p[etrus] ecclesiam. Anno ab incarnatione domini m. c. lx. i. Indictus ix." But if this is taken to mean "in the second year," then Norpaud could still have been abbot at the beginning of 1160.) Pierre, 1159 - 1179 Félix, Ulric 1183 Guillaume 1193 - 1196. [NC19-22] show Guillaume active in 1198. Thomas 1204 Gauthier 1204 - 1222 Aubert 1222 - 1239 Felix II 1240 - 1253 Please note that these dates are based on their appearance in the charters. Félix does not appear in any of the documents, but as the Gallia Christiana says that the necrology lists him as the third abbot, Bouvier includes him there. What Bouvier does not mention is that the Gallia Christiana states that the necrology lists Félix as being the third abbot and exercising that office around 1200. IX. Legal terms Causa Apparently a formal, legal lawsuit. I translate it as case. Controversia "Controversy," a dispute. Querela Querela usually refers to a legal complaint against an individual or corporation, but sometimes takes the meaning of a larger dispute. Compositio An agreement where, usually, both parties make concessions to settle the issue; in the South, this might be called a covenant, a convenientia. Compromittere Not a compromise in the modern sense, but rather a bilateral promise to adhere to the decision of a (usually) third party. Both parties agree, and often give sureties, to submit the issue to arbitration by a judge or judges. Reclamare I translate this as "to demand;" again, this appears to be a legal verb for lodging a request for immovables. 538 APPENDIX K SEALS, COMMUNES AND CHARTERS: #205, NC4 The original document that forms the basis for cartulary charter #205 presents some difficulties. First, an earlier version exists on the recto side (NC4) and claims to be sealed with the seal of Herbert, abbot of Saint-Pierre-le-Vif (See figure 30). Further, a notation above the string by which the seal of the abbot of Saint-Pierre-le-Vif is attached to the charter indicates "Sigillum Herberti Abbatis Sancti Petri Vivi Senonensis" (there is also a similar statement for the now-missing seal of Hugues, archbishop of Sens). The association of this seal with Abbot Herbert is taken up by Douët d'Arcq in his inventory of seals which we have seen and follows word for word in this form: Saint-Pierre-le-Vif de Sens (HERBERT, ABBÉ DE) (1148) Fragment de sceau ogival, en cuvette de 60 mill. -- Communiqué de type abbatial, la crosse à droite et de biais SIGIL. . . . RI WI (Sigillum . . . . . . . . Petri Vivi) Provenant des archives de l'Yonne.1 Auguste Coulon provides a more thorough description, but makes fundamentally the same assumption in his somewhat more regional inventory, which we have seen and follows in this form: Herbert, Abbé de Saint-Pierre-le-Vif de Sens, 1148 Fragment de sceau en navette, en cuvette, de 75 et 43 mill. environ, sur cordelettes de chanure. Cire blanche. -- Arch. de l'Yonne H 710; Douët d'Arcq, no. 9099. Abbé de bout, de face, cum corona, le capuchon relevé, tenant un livra dans la main droite, la crosse de biais, volute en dehors, de la main gauche. SIGIL . . . . . . . . . WI Acquisition par les religieux de Vauluisant, du monastère de Saint-Pierre-le-Vif, le III de calendes de janvier (30 décembre) 1148. Nota - Il y a deux actes écrits sur une même feuille de parchemin, le second au verso et au bas de la feuille; cette dernière partie retournée, puis rabattue sur la première, y est reunie de chaque côte par les attaches de deux sceaux énoncés dans l'acte, à 1Collection de Sceaux, v. III, Paris, 1868. no. 9099. 539 dextre celui de l'archevêque de Sens, à senestre celui de l'abbé décrit ci-dessus.2 Nevertheless, the act that Coulon assumes the charter pertains to is the one on the recto side, precisely the one that was superceded by the later, verso side charter (although he does take the date from the verso charter). What appears to have happened is that the charter was drawn up after the agreement and was to be sealed later by Herbert, but between the agreement and the sealing, Herbert was killed in front of the gates of his abbey on May 1, 1147 during a popular uprising of the commune of Sens, and thus could not seal the document, as the verso charter states ("sigilli sui impressione hoc firmare non potuit"). Moreover, the charter explicity states that his successor, Abbot Girard, sealed the document. Further, judging from its remains, the actual seal does not give the name of the abbot. And, of course, this is the only seal indicated by Coulon and Douët d'Arcq for Herbert, and they do not indicate the existence of a seal for Girard. So the basis for the previous association of the seal with Herbert apparently rests on the testimony of the later text written above the cord associating the seal with Herbert. This text most likely was written by someone with little more, and perhaps less, information than that which is provided here. This supposition is corroborated by the annotation in the same script above the seal of Bernard of Clairvaux in the original for #319, which states Sigillum Sancti Bernardi. Bernard was not canonized until 1174,3 so, assuming that the monks of Vauluisant refrained from referring to the last church father as a saint until this event, the earliest this notation could have been written was some 26 years after the act. This intervening generation was more than enough time to obscure the circumstances surrounding the transaction.4 Hence, the issue of whose seal this actually is remains open, but given the delay of over a year and a half between Herbert's death and the issuance of the second charter, the seal is most likely that of Girard, as the last clause of the text indicates. 2Inventaire de Sceaux de la Bourgogne, recueillis dans les dépots d'archives, musées et collections particulières des departements de la Côte-d'Or, de Saône-et-Loire et de lYonne, Paris, 1912. p. 238, no. 1441 3Artaud Giry, Manuel de Diplomatique, Paris, 1894, p. 282. 4In any case, my recollection seems to be that many late-twelfth-century charters have these seal notations, suggesting that the seals were catalogued towards the end of the century. 540 APPENDIX L THE AUTHENTICITY OF NC6 It seems that charter NC6 is a suspect device; several features suggest, but do not conclusively demonstrate, a post-twelfth-century origin for this document. The attached vidimus demonstrates that this charter formed the basis for a sixteenth-century claim to tithes from the region described within, which would suggest a possible motivation for its fabrication. Unfortunately, my paleographical skills are not developed enough to determine whether the irregularity of this twelfth-century hand is within normal bounds or evidence of the unfamiliarity with the hand that a forger would have (The reader is invited to consult the photograph, figure 30). I can, however, say that several aspects of the form of the document are suspicious. The size of the text and the parchment on which it is written is considerably smaller than contemporary donations (the charter is 8.2 x 18.6 cm. for 130 words or roughly 1.17 cm2 per word; compare, e.g., to the deathbed donation of Foulques, which is 11.3 x 31.8 cm. for 137 words or 2.62 cm2 per word). Most charters are at this point written in large book hands; this book hand is rather diminutive. Further, almost all of Vauluisant's charters have archival marks, noting the series (such as de villis circa abbatiam) and the number of the charter. No such markings appear on the rough verso side of the document. Nor is there unaccounted-for illegible writing where such marks would have been. Moreover, the content of the charter seems rather irregular. First, some of the orthography is suspect. No other contemporary charters that I have seen render Valle as Vale. Mochis appears for monachis, also unusual in a time when, judging by the quality of the Latin of the other documents, scribes exercised considerable care in composing charters. Further, the phrase reliquit in manu archiepiscopi Senonensis is used in #144 and the surrender of tithes by reliquit in manu of the archbishop also appears in #208-9, but all these examples hail from 1129 or 1130. Certainly, Foulques' own surrender of tithes, dating from 1129, uses similar language, but in that act Foulques and Marie, his wife, not Foulques alone, dimiserunt in manu Domni Henrici, Senonensis archiepiscopi.1 Admittedly, this relay action of surrendering the tithe to the archbishop, who then surrenders it to the abbey parallels the feudal action of divestment and investment of property, which manifests itself in other Vauluisant charters, particularly from the last decade of the twelfth century onward. While one could use this secular analogy as a basis for an argument that this form of transfer was still employed in 1161, the evidence suggests that the explicit transfer of tithes through the archbishop fell out of usage after the 1130s. An 1161 charter issued by the archbishop notes a surrender of tithes to Vauluisant without such terminology.2 Moreover, all these early tithe transactions are surrenders of tithes from property explicitly or implicitly worked by the monastery. The abbey does not seem to have 1#152. 2#330. 541 pursued or desired income from tithes before the closing years of the twelfth century. Outside of the charter under consideration, the earliest surviving document explicitly involving a gift to Vauluisant of tithes unrelated to land worked by the abbey dates from 1189.3 Nevertheless, the monks had owned income from tithes before this date. For example, between 1142 and 1160 Abbot Norpaud gave to the church of Rigny-le-Ferron, through the representative of its priest, Vital, the tithe that his abbey held in Rigny, except the tithe on the lands worked by the monks.4 Not only does this particular set of tithes imply an early uneasy attitude of the monastery and its abbot to tithe income, but the treatment of these tithes in a later document provides further evidence of when an open acceptance of such income replaced this uneasiness. In 1194, Vauluisant reacquired the tithe on a technicality; the abbot and monks demanded and won a judgment against the contemporary priests of Rigny and successors of Vital for these tithes on the grounds that Vital had used the tithe for himself and not his church, and had done so without the approval of the chapter of Vauluisant.5 In any case, it seems highly unlikely that, in 1161, the church of Vauluisant would try to acquire such tithes and, once acquired, produce a document such as this to record it. In addition, the double appellation of Foulques, Fulco de Laileio et de Molinondis, is unique among all charters that I have seen. Other lords of two or more territories consistently use only one toponymic. Even more perplexing, in all the charters in which Foulques de Lailly appears, he is never associated with Molinons, nor is he called a miles elsewhere.6 Doubt also springs from what is donated. The use of the possessive when referring to villages and parishes (totas decimas de parrochiis et villis suis de Laileio et de Molinondis) is unique to this document. This usage of the possessive, combined with totas decimas and the donation of "whatever rights" he had in another tithe, suggests that Foulques possessed all the tithe in Molinons and Lailly, and a part of Villeneuve-surVanne. This is patently false. In 1129 the priest of, it must be confessed, Lailly and Molinons surrendered to Vauluisant whatever tithes he held on land worked by the abbey.7 Between 1142 and 1161, Anselm, son of Houdier, gave property in Lailly, but maintained his part of the tithe in that town.8 The existence of Villeneuve-sur-Vanne at this time is a somewhat touchy subject which I will not broach here (see Appendix A). The confirmations and witnesses raise additional concerns. Foulques' family, viz., Marie, Arthur and Emengard is consistent with other charters. Along with the witnesses, however, this list of names appears to be a suspicious reduction of the names in #139 (1142-63), Foulques de Lailly's deathbed donation. The only name missing from the family confirmation is Wanreia, Arthur's wife. The names of the witnesses, Hugo, priest of Lailly, Thibaut, Isembard and Ernaud, are the same as the first four names of the witnesses in #139, namely Hugo de Laileio; et filii eius, Theobaldus et Isembardus; Ernaudus de Laileio. Since Hugues de Lailly, the father of Thibaut and Isembard, was alive at the time of Foulques' death, he was alive at the time the scribe drew up this charter, assuming, of course, the scribe was contemporary to Foulques de Lailly. One would therefore expect Hugues, the father, to be present with his sons, or his sons to be identified as his sons. The only roughly contemporary priest of Lailly mentioned in the documents is a certain Lambert, who appears sometime between 1142 and 1160.9 The 3#363. 4#313. 5#79. 6although 7#159. 8#142. 9#313. in #184 (1127-37) he is called Domnus Foulques. 542 only other Hugues de Lailly indicated by my sources is a Hugues, villicus monachorum;10 these two Hugues may be identical. Finally, it is by no means certain that Foulques lived to see 1161. His deathbed donation can only be placed between 1142 and 1163.11 Further, there are two cases which could have occurred at the absolute latest in 1160 where Foulques' son-in-law (gener) and heir, Arthur de Lailly, turns up without Foulques. First, in an act between a local magnate (I believe of Villeneuve-aux-Riches-Hommes) and Vauluisant which took place between 1142-1160, Dreux Strabo, the dominus of Villemaur, is mentioned, as are many major regional feudatories, including Arthur de Lailly, Foulques' son-in-law, but not Foulques himself. The list of witnessess merits being cited here, Donnus Holduinus; dominus Villemauri, Drogo Strabo; Iosbertus, frater eius; Garnerius de Fosseio; Philippus Bibens Seccanam; Iterus Boisuns; Arnulfus Boisuns; Helyas de Malopasso; Arturius de Laileio; et alii multi.12 At this stage of my research, I cannot with any certainty provide a more precise range of dates. Nevertheless, I can demonstrate that the previous list contains members of a younger generation than other charters. Compare, for example, to the witnesses to a donation by Hugues de Blivia: ex parte ipsius Hugonis, Milo Bussuns; Bovo, filius Arnulfi de Insulis; Philippus filius Radulfi Bussuns; Warnerius Brununs; Theodericus, famulus ipsius; ex parte abbatis et monachorum, Philippus Bibens Sequanam; Fulco de Lailleio; Warnerius de Fusseio; et Anselmus, frater eius; Hugo Paltenerius; Radulfus Buissuns; Hugo de Laileio; Ivo, faber; Iohannes, palmarius; Theobaldus, filius Hugonis de Laileio.13 Both charters contain Philippe Boit-la-Seine and Garnier de Foissy as witnesses. Milo and Raoul Buisson and Raoul's son, Philippe, appear in the latter document; all three are absent from the former. Itier and Arnulf represent the Buisson clan in the charter with Arthur de Lailly. Other documents mention Itier as the son of Milo Buisson14 and Arnulf as the son of Raoul.15 It would seem that these two Buissons are acting in this text as the senior members of their branches of the family; Raoul and Milo were dead by the time of the composition of #148. Similarly, Arthur de Lailly's appearance without his father-inlaw can be explained by the latter's death and the former's functioning as the head of the family. The second case where Arthur de Lailly appears before 1160 without his fatherin-law is even more conclusive. Between 1142 and 1160, Arthur de Lailly entered a dispute with Abbot Norpaud of Vauluisant over some usage rights which he and the men (homines) of Lailly claimed in the woods of Vauluisant.16 This charter clearly 10#141, (1145-63). 11#139. 12#148 (1142-60). 13#154 (1142-60). 14#150 (1142-63). 15#380 (1147). 16#155. 543 demonstrates Arthur representing the people of Lailly, a role, one suspects, that Foulques would have assumed, were he still alive. Once again, the suggestion that Foulques was dead by 1160 implies, but does not prove that the charter under consideration is a forgery. In conclusion, this charter is suspicious, but the evidence for its validity or fabrication is, unfortunately, indecisive 544 Figure 1 545 Figure 2. Folio 41v, Script A. 546 Figure 3. Folio 83v. Enlarged Script A sample 547 Figure 4. Folio 43r. Script B.1 in le� Column, B.2 in top �ght, the last two charters in C. 548 Figure 5. Folio 43r. Enlargement of Script B.1. 549 Figure 6. Folio 43r. Enlargement of Script B.2. 550 Figure 7. Folio 47v. Script B.3, middle charter, right column; Script B.4, botom right. Others Script A. 551 Figure 8. Folio 47v. Enlargement of Scripts B.3 and B.4. 552 Figure 9. Folio 85r. Script B.5, top le�; B. 6, middle le�. 553 Figure 10. Folio 105v. Script B.6, middle le� and all of right. 554 Figure 11. Folio 105v. Enlarged Script B.6 sample. 555 Figure 12. Folio 43v. Script C 556 Figure 13. Folio 85r. Enlarged Script C sample. 557 Figure 14. Folio 86v. Script D. 558 Figure 15. Folio 4v. Script E. 559 Figure 16. Folio 24ra. Enarged Script E sample. 560 Figure 17. Folio 28v. 1229 rubric numera�on is in top-le� corner, later numera�on scheme in the center of page (on the right side of the image). 561 Figure 18. Folio 43v. High-contrast image from microfilm showing effaced numeral cviii in top-le� margin. 562 Figure 19. Folio 76v. Script F, showing poor quality of parchment (note bleed through from f. 75v). 563 Figure 20. F. 50r. Script F. 564 Figure 21. Folio 78r. Script F, with old folia�on #80 in middle-botom of half-folio. 565 Figure 22. Folio 96r: Scripts F (top) and G (botom). 566 Figure 23 Folio 2v. Index of Rubrics in Script F. Note the grange abbrevia�ons in the right column. 567 Figure 24. Folio 7v. Fr. Hand on inserted paper page. 568 Figure 25. Folio 95r. Four systems of numera�on: Early fourteenth century (vii top middle), pagina�on (183 right middle), old folia�on (91 top-right on original parchment), new folia�on (95 top right on repair). 569 Figure 26 570 Figures 27, 28 571 Figure 29, Figure 30 572 Figure 31 573 Th0 Cartulary of Vauluisant 591 1926 appearance of Vauluisant as a modern electrificd farm Jone in imitation of the 1692 lithogrnph. "Le Domaine de Vauluisant: Electrification d'une ferme du XVI siècle," pp. 575-77, L'illustration no. 4JG9 (Novcmber 27, 1926). p. 575. Figure 32 ·��...,,�...t:,. �in:�,..: *• �- ....:-c�-- · ...• ,�:'f. ·..:.-." t� ?"'-;. !:t.." ,.,., :; :� ""' •• -- :'... ::.. �:sfl Le domaine de Vauluisant, de nos Jours, d'apr� un croquis de Mm • Adolphe Javal. Figure 33 577 BIBLIOGRAPHY Primary Sources Manuscript Auxerre, Archives Départementales de l'Yonne, H 674 - 786 (fonds Vauluisant). Auxerre, Archives Départementales de l'Yonne, H 1402, 1461 (Pontigny). Auxerre, Archives Départementales de l'Yonne, H 430 (Saint-Jean de Sens). Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, Latin MS 5468. (Gagnières 18th century registers of charters in cartulary; also contains a fragment of what appears to be Dom Maillot's 17th century "chronicle" of Vauluisant based on the abbey's charters). Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, Latin MS 5465 (Pontigny Cartulary, 14th century). Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, Latin MS 9887 (Pontigny Cartulary, 12-13th centuries). Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, Latin MS 9901, (The Vauluisant Cartulary). Paris, Archives Nationales, S 4967, (Documents pertaining to the Commandery of Coulours.) Troyes, Archives Départementales de l'Aube, 10 H 1 (fonds Vauluisant). Troyes, Bibliothèque Municipale, MS 2284, (Paraclete Cartulary). Printed Arbois de Jubainville, Henri d', Études sur l'état intérieur des Abbayes Cisterciennes et principalement de Clairvaux au XIIe et au XIIIe siècle, Paris, 1863. 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