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Making Animals
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Inside the ABC’s natural history archive
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Gay Hawkins and Ben Dibley
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First published by Sydney University Press
© Gay Hawkins and Ben Dibley 2024
© Sydney University Press 2024
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Sydney University Press
Gadigal Country
Fisher Library F03
University of Sydney NSW 2006
Australia
sup.info@sydney.edu.au
sydneyuniversitypress.com.au
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Reproduction and communication for other purposes
Except as permitted under Australia’s Copyright Act 1968, no part of this edition may be
reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or communicated in any form or by any means
without prior written permission. All requests for reproduction or communication should be
made to Sydney University Press at the address below:
A catalogue record for this book is
available from the National Library of
Australia.
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ISBN 9781743329719 paperback
ISBN 9781743329696 epub
ISBN 9781743329702 pdf
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Cover image: David Parer filming King Penguins at Lusitania Bay, Macquarie Island, 1975
© D. Parer & E. Parer-Cook.
Cover design: Nathan Grice
We acknowledge the traditional owners of the lands on which Sydney University Press is
located, the Gadigal people of the Eora Nation, and we pay our respects to the knowledge
embedded forever within the Aboriginal Custodianship of Country.
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Contents
Acknowledgements
Introduction
Crafting televisual animals
Captivating viewers
Early natural history television on the ABC
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Part One: Capturing
1 Cages and cameras
Screen animals before television
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Part Two: Provoking
3 Developing the natural history genre
How animals and the media apparatus interact
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Making-of documentaries
Turning working animals into natural history animals
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Conclusion
Political animals
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References
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Index
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Part Three: Inhabiting
5 The Nature of Australia series
Nationing nature
After nature, after animals
Inhabiting a damaged planet
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Crafting televisual animals
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Soon after the invention of “the box”, a new species was observed
roaming across the small screen: televisual animals. Their origins and
behaviours were complex. Partly a product of exhibitionary practices
that had emerged in zoos, museums and cinema, these televisual
animals were primarily the result of the strange media ecology that
was early television. This ecology supported animals that were
extraordinarily dynamic and expressive, narrated and usually set to
music. It also nurtured animals perfectly naturalised to fit the medium
and happy to perform on cue for the pleasure and edification of their
human observers. For if this new species hadn’t been convincing and
fun to watch, it certainly wouldn’t have survived in the extreme
conditions of television.
Today there are many different subspecies under the broad
category of “televisual animals”. Consider the long evolution of Disney
animals and their imperative to be cute, animated and funny, or the
grand tradition of wildlife TV and its showcasing of animals that are
timeless and spectacular. Then there are the apex predators hunting
and killing for ratings, or political animals posing questions about
human exploitation and abuse. The list goes on. What it shows is that
the only thing these subspecies really have in common is their shared
habitat: television. After that, it’s the differences that really matter: the
myriad techniques and mediations used to turn the material reality of
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an animal into a televisual reality; the different interactions and contact
zones televisual animals generate with audiences; and the multiplicity
of concerns that make these animals public and also make publics
interested in looking at them.
The particular subspecies under investigation here is the “natural
history animal”, a unique breed usually sighted in pristine natural
settings with little evidence of human civilisation.1 More specifically,
we’re interested in natural history animals that began inhabiting the
Australian Broadcasting Corporation’s (ABC) television service soon
after it first went to air in 1956.2 Other animals in related media
environments will also be investigated, but our primary focus is the
cultural and political evolution of the ABC natural history animal.
Like the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC), the ABC was the
product of a governmental commitment to building a broadcasting
institution in the interests of informing, educating and entertaining
populations. These commitments were seen as essential to the effective
operation of a democratic national culture. Animals were implicated
in this governmental project from the very beginning. The ABC’s
inaugural moment began with an animal soundscape. The first national
radio broadcast in July 1932 started with the song of a lyrebird that
filled living rooms and drew people to their radio sets.3 As ABC radio
audiences grew, listeners encountered talk about animals in everything
from news bulletins, to rural programs, to the children’s hour. The type
of talk was immensely varied: information about cattle prices, how to
manage diseases in sheep, stories and songs with animal characters and
sounds, a naturalist describing the insect life in his backyard. In these
soundscapes, mediated animals became present and palpable on radio,
inhabiting listeners’ everyday lives and imaginations.
The introduction of television in 1956 was a major shift in the
institutional ecology of the ABC. TV meant that animals could now
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Bousé 2000, 14–15.
The ABC became a corporation on 1 July 1983. Prior to that it was the
Australian Broadcasting Commission. Although funded by the government,
it is an independent statutory authority operating under the provisions of the
Australian Broadcasting Corporation Act 1983.
Australian Broadcasting Commission, Annual Report, 1933.
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be seen and heard; the issue was how to visualise them and why this
was important. What role could televisual animals play in realising the
purpose and charter of the ABC? Which animals were best suited to
the liberal humanist project of public broadcasting and how should
they perform? How should animals be represented in order to generate
pedagogic or entertaining or political effects? These questions drive
the historical and empirical focus of this book, and we explore them
through a series of case studies that are loosely chronological. However,
we are less interested in detailed institutional changes in the ABC than
in the shifting cultural techniques that crafted natural history animals
and made them public and potent for audiences. To this end, we begin
with an exploration of some early sightings of animals on Australian
newsreel and cinema screens long before the arrival of television. These
animals were public in the sense that they were visible and distributed
across various communication networks, but they were not yet “public”
in a governmental sense. They were not significantly burdened with
collective concerns about animal realities or human–animal relations,
nor were they expected to improve or educate populations. They were
there to amuse and fascinate human observers but not to pose
questions to them.
In its early years, ABC television nurtured a variety of new animals.
Just like radio before it, televisual animals popped up in numerous
programs manifesting all sorts of behaviours from cute and charismatic
to anthropomorphic. However, it was with the development of the
distinct format called “informational and documentary television” that
the ABC began to identify the new medium’s special appeal and
capacity for visualising animals.4 Almost as soon as it commenced
broadcasting, ABC television screened nature programs imported from
the BBC like the chat show Look (BBC, 1955–1968), which involved
animal footage interspersed with interviews with wildlife
cinematographers and naturalists. Gradually, the ABC began producing
a scattering of locally made “nature films” in which animals were
displayed and discussed as representative subjects of the natural world,
a place that was promoted as both important and newly accessible
thanks to the wonders of television. It was also a natural world that
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Australian Broadcasting Commission, Annual Report, 1957, 25.
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was to be increasingly framed through a settler-national lens as an
“Australian nature”, which ensnared televisual animals in relations of
colonial power.
These early natural history animals rapidly became very popular
and very influential. By the 1970s they had gained ascendancy over
the many other animals roaming the screens of ABC TV and were
identified as having a special role to play in educating and informing
audiences. Hence the establishment of their own enclosure, the Natural
History Unit, which was set up in 1973 to consolidate and co-ordinate
the production of nature programs.5 The animals captured and
contained in this unit had a range of duties. They were expected to
inform audiences about everything from the secrets of nature, to
scientific facts, to threats to the environment, to national identity. The
natural history animal was becoming a public servant, obliged to
captivate and bind audiences to animals in certain ways and to generate
various public effects and values.
This transition from the animal as entertainment to the animal as
public object and public servant signals a range of political questions
that inform our analysis. Paralleling our historical perspective is a more
pressing concern with how natural history animals have been made
public and the effects of this complex process. Our aim is to investigate
how natural history animals emerged and how these creatures acquired
the capacity to generate distinct forms of public interest and public
value. In the case of the ABC, for example, how did they become
implicated in the wider political rationalities of this broadcaster? Were
they recruited to service the ABC Charter, enrolled to give expression
to pre-constituted values and national culture? Or were they involved
in helping to shape and define these terms by producing specific animal
inflections for the categories “public” or “national” while
simultaneously emerging as a remarkable new species?
Central to our argument is the assumption that these categories
are unattached abstractions that are configured and given meaning
through the generative effects of making and circulating media content.
The issue is: How were animals implicated in this process? What sorts
of animal performances were seen as best suited to creating public
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Australian Broadcasting Commission, Annual Report, 1974, 32.
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interest or informing national audiences? What kinds of publicness did
natural history animals generate and how were audiences invited to
gather around them? And what positive effects were assumed to flow
from watching them? In posing these questions, we are less concerned
with the representational adequacies or excesses of natural history
animals on TV than with how they were made into what Noortje
Marres and Javier Lezaun describe as “devices of the public”.6
By the 1980s, especially with the screening of the internationally
celebrated series Nature of Australia (ABC, 1988), made for Australia’s
bicentenary, natural history animals on the ABC were celebrated for
nurturing environmental awareness, supporting conservation, making
previously inaccessible or disappearing species visible, communicating
science and much more. The rise of the televisual natural history animal
on the ABC was judged as good for audiences, good for the nation
and good for the environment, but what about for the animals? How
did their capture and containment by public broadcasters produce new
realities for them? And what questions did these animals come to pose
to us?
These questions drive this study. In pursuing them we want to
trouble two familiar critiques of natural history animals on television
and wildlife TV more widely. The first is a significant critique from the
huge field known as media studies; the second is the lesser known but
growing field of eco-media. Both these fields have devoted a lot of time
to investigating the representational inadequacies and troubling effects
of natural history animals. Across numerous studies, media analysts
have exposed everything from the exploitative conditions of
production central to these programs, to the excessive use of special
effects and techniques of simulation, to the proliferation of spectacular
purified natures that no longer exist. In this line of thinking, the nature
and animals portrayed in natural history television are considered so
fabricated, so removed from the reality of a degraded anthropogenic
world, that they operate in the realm of pure fantasy.7 Far from
supporting “environmental awareness” and conservation, natural
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Marres and Lezaun 2011, 489.
See, for example: Chris 2006; Cubitt 2005; Louson 2018; Mitman 2009; Pick
and Narraway 2013 for a sample of these critiques.
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history animals are accused of fuelling popular denial about the state of
the planet. In a brutal review of David Attenborough’s legacy, George
Monbiot wrote in The Guardian newspaper that the television naturalist
had created complacency, confusion and ignorance by refusing to show
audiences the reality of serious ecological collapse and massive species
decline.8
The second critique resonates with this but comes from
philosophically inflected animal studies. Here, the “electric animal”,
as Akira Mizuka Lippit terms it,9 is judged as a spectral effect of
industrialisation. As animals were removed from the phenomenal
world, they were displaced into the simulated and virtual worlds of
zoos and cinema. In this process, they became available to humans
as communication devices, as symbols of new structures of thought
about nature and the superiority of the human subject. For Lippit,
these technical animals are pale versions of their real selves, a lasting
reminder of the destruction and disappearance of animals. They may
now be abundant on screens, and humans may be comfortable being
surrounded by them, but electric animals manifest a technical echo not
a living voice.10
Both these critiques are rich and politically astute and signal
significant trouble in the televisual Edens that natural history animals
often inhabit. But they also have some serious limitations. In the rush
to identify cultural and ideological effects, the mediated vitality and
realities of these animals are often diminished. There is too much focus
on representations rather than on how they are composed and
accounted for, and how these textual animals acquire affective and
political capacities. For us, the key issues are what has actually come
to count as a “natural history animal” on ABC television and how
these animals have been variously composed over time. More critically,
we ask in what ways have these televisual creatures provoked new
modes of knowing animals and new modes of becoming affected by
them? What has been at stake, politically, in making animals visible and
public in this particular way? What new forms of political attention and
8 Monbiot 2018.
9 Lippit 2000.
10 Lippit 2000, 21.
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inattention about human–animal relations and plural worlds has the
rise of the televisual natural history animal generated?
Approaching animals from this perspective reconfigures many of
the concerns already swarming around screen animals and opens up a
whole new set of issues. For a start, it challenges the idea that natural
history animals on the ABC were merely surfaces on which existing
ideologies and forms of power over animals were inscribed. Sometimes,
this was definitely the case. There is no question that many natural
history animals have carried a range of symbolic and representational
burdens. They have been rendered passive objects of human curiosity,
definitive representatives of their species, capable of revealing scientific
facts and aesthetically spectacular. But they have been much more.
To confine natural history animals within the framework of
representation, and to deploy critique of these representations as the
primary mode of analysis, is to erase the presence and potency of these
mediated creatures. Of course, these are not embodied animals; they
don’t bite back.11 They are composed and “factitious”, but they are also
often vital, compelling and affecting. They have a televisual life that is
built up through everything from narrative, to camera points of view,
to soundtracks, to the force of their being but also, most critically, in
the interest and curiosity that comes from audiences watching them
and being lured by their performances. As Vinciane Despret argues,
showing an interest, feeling the pull of animals on the small screen that
enchant or move or terrify us, is an opening out to being transformed,
to caring.12 Our claim is that many natural history animals have
prompted audiences to view the world differently, to acknowledge
multispecies plurality, even to become more ethically attuned or
obligated to nonhuman others. This claim is not universal: the diversity
of natural history animals and animal stories means that there is no
singular “ABC natural history animal”; there are, instead, situated
animals with differing capacities to pose questions and to be affecting.
11 Despret 2016.
12 Despret 2016, 130.
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Approaching ABC animals: Mediation and mediatisation
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How then to investigate these animals and to understand the ways in
which they became televisual? Our experience in the ABC archives and
watching hours of footage shows that making natural history animals
was generally a complex and messy process involving myriad human
skills and practices, technical apparatuses and cultural conventions.
While this institutional media apparatus and ecology unquestionably
shaped these animals to fit particular demands, it was never a top-down
process of complete capture and containment. At the same time as
animals were corralled into the public broadcasting environment and
its constraints and conventions, they also pushed this environment into
new configurations and provoked new communicative techniques. The
origins of these natural history animals, then, were in the practices
and event of wrangling them to become televisual and public. ABC
animals were public in the literal sense that they circulated in accessible
free-to-air networks and addressed different audiences. But they were
also public in a more performative sense. These animals called publics
into being; they generated new interest in animals – what they were,
how they should be observed and why they mattered. Not only did
ABC animals become implicated in enacting the governing logics of
public service broadcasters (PSB), translating the rationalities of public
broadcasting through their bodily performances, they also generated
encounters with audiences in which new and different interactions
between humans and animals were made possible.
In pursuing the changing practices and cultural techniques
involved in making natural history animals on the ABC, we want to
shift understandings of “making” from a predominant focus on media
production practices to include a more ontological orientation. We are
interested in how animals practically got to be on ABC TV and how
they were made real in this context; how their performances depended
on particular styles of reference that rendered them plausible in this
setting. Our interest is in how natural history animal realities and
worlds were composed in various sites and on various occasions within
the ABC. We want to know what kinds of habits and manners of being
these animals came to display on television and how these versions
of animals were organised and framed. This ontological orientation
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assumes that animal realities on television are not self-evident; they
have to be crafted and they have to be explained and accounted for.
Understanding animal modes of being or ontologies on television,
then, is an empirical process focused on investigating the myriad
practices that composed ABC animals and how these practices
emerged and changed. What kinds of technologies, knowledges, visual
techniques and conventions made animals televisual and justified them
as the way natural history animals were meant to be? And how did
animals, themselves, participate in or resist these framings? Which
particular animals and animal qualities were privileged in the drive
to render them televisual, and which were excluded? How did these
animals perform and how did these performances configure the human
viewer? How did public animals provoke new human dispositions,
interests and concerns? For just as ABC television made animals public,
it also made publics that learned to be affected by these animals in new
and various ways.
The approach we develop in this book draws on three key
theoretical inspirations: science and technology studies (STS), screen
studies, and philosophically inflected animal studies that examine
“animalities” or how animal worlds are created. The idea of animality
disrupts reductive or mechanistic models of animal behaviour and
investigates the diverse textures of animality – for example wild,
domestic, technical or televisual – and their imbrication with the
“human”. This hybrid conceptual toolkit challenges many of the
assumptions underpinning existing media studies of televisual animals,
especially around issues of authenticity and fabrication. Within the
very broad and conceptually diverse field known as “media studies”
there has been growing interest in the rise of wildlife or natural history
television as a genre and the unique characteristics of these screen
animals. Beyond a focus on the historical evolution of the genre and
its political economy within the global television industry,13 there is
also a rich body of work exploring the technical and creative practices
involved in capturing and creating animal content for television.14
Many of these studies document and critique the extensive use of
13 See Chris 2006; Cottle 2004; Mitman 2009.
14 See Bousé 2000; Gouyon 2016.
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techniques such as reconstruction, staging and re-enactment, as well
as the use of stock footage or imprinted or domesticated animals to
simulate animal realities in the wild.15 Then there is the
post-production work of editing, narration, special effects and laying
down soundtracks in order to create convincing and entertaining
natural history animals.
While media studies accept these production techniques as
structurally necessary to making animals that are suitably televisual,
lurking between the lines is a lingering anxiety about the distorted or
fabricated nature of TV animals. For Phil Bagust, “special effects” have
become so fundamental to wildlife and natural history TV that the
result is animals that are fantastically enhanced and largely simulated.16
Derek Bousé echoes this point when he notes that wildlife media
convey the natural world in terms set down by the medium not reality:
“wildlife film and television depict nature close-up, speeded-up and
set to music, with reality’s most exciting moments highlighted and
the ‘boring’ bits cut out”.17 At the heart of these observations is the
implication that media representations of animals are never able to
adequately capture the preformed or authentic nature of animal being.
The expectation that animals must instrumentally service the economic
imperatives and cultural protocols of the format, that they be
obediently and properly televisual, is seen as undermining any
substantive commitment to actuality.18 The cumulative effect of these
critiques of media animals as “constructed” is that they are implicitly
equated with the fake and unreal. This confirms Bruno Latour’s
observation about the fundamental problem with the idea of
construction: “either something was real and not constructed, or it was
constructed and artificial, contrived and invented, made up and false”.19
The contrived and made-up nature of animals on the ABC is a
given. The challenge is how to get beyond the real/unreal opposition
and the moral anxieties this seems to generate about what “the media”
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See Bagust 2008; Chris 2006; Mitman 2009.
Bagust 2008, 213.
Bousé 2000, 3.
Mitman 2009.
Latour 2005a, 90 (emphasis in original).
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do to animals. Bousé describes this anxiety as “simulation and its
discontents”.20 He argues that when investigating screen animals, the
issue is not real versus unreal but how the relations between reality
and realism are configured. Rather than yearn for a referent in the
wild or critique these animals as fabrications, televisual animals need
to be understood as creating their own fields of reference, their own
accountability relations that establish what is plausible in this setting.
The challenge, as Phil Bagust argues, is to understand the nature of
these accountability relations and how they are generated in distinct
media ecosystems.21 For Bousé, techniques of media construction draw
attention to the conventions of realism and meaning-making, not the
unreal. The work of constructing a televisual animal involves the double
process of signification: making something real and making sense of it
at the same time.
This resonates with debates in STS about the making of realities. In
this field, construction has acquired a militantly performative meaning
and is akin to Bousé’s account of realism as a “reality effect”. John
Law, for example, argues that constructing realities involves three
interrelated processes: the making of particular realities, the making
of particular statements about those realities, and the creation of
inscription devices that produce those realities and statements.22
Because realities are multiple and constantly in the making, and
because they are not independent of the devices used to represent them,
they are difficult to essentialise. Instead, the challenge is to investigate
how particular entities or realities come to seem the way that they
are, to analyse how they are done. Enacting or performing realities
demands a focus on the practices and techniques involved, not with the
aim of assessing their representational adequacy but with the goal of
understanding which bodies, discourses, technologies, objects and so
on are brought into relations to assemble this reality.
This theory of reality prompts a range of philosophical questions
about the independence of an external or anterior reality, “out there”.
Two brief points can be made about this. First, the outside world is
20 Bousé 2000, 9.
21 Bagust 2008.
22 Law 2004, 31.
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independent of us and in the process of enacting realities it pushes
back and participates in how realities are done. Animal bodies and
behaviours, for example, have significant force and agency in
configuring the technical practices and inscription devices that are
deployed to make them televisually real. As many histories of the
evolution of wildlife television reveal, filming animals often involves
significant technological innovation and ingenuity to accommodate
their elusive, aggressive or strange activities. Second, this anterior
animal reality is not necessarily pure or authentic or unmediated. As
Latour23 and Nick Couldry and Andreas Hepp24 insist, we can never be
outside of mediation. Anterior reality, as Law describes it, is: “a large
hinterland of inscription devices and practices already in production”.25
The issue, then, is not where does an unmediated or real animal live but
how does this particular animal reality come into being?
This STS or performative approach to reality makes it possible to
investigate how natural history animals on television are enacted and
their various reality effects. It also challenges the assumption that media
observe and represent an unconfined fixed reality. Instead, the activity
of television production has to be seen as a provocation or event that
calls forth various animal realities. These realities are always partial
and always crafted, and plenty of the world is excluded, neglected or
othered. The critical point is that the idea of enacting or provoking
reality begins from the assumption that natural history animals on the
ABC had to be done rather than discovered.
Focusing on the ontologies that ABC natural history animals
display and how these were assembled enables a shift from a
representational idiom to a performative one.26 Rather than critique
the adequacy or accuracy of animal representations in relation to an
authentic animal reality, we want to investigate how ABC animals
emerged as contingent outcomes of numerous situated practices and
devices; how these animal realities were mediated and composed; and
their particular cultural effects and productivity. More critically, we
23
24
25
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Latour 2005a.
Couldry and Hepp 2016.
Law 2004, 31.
Muniesa 2014, 10.
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want to know how they shaped new perceptions and ways of knowing
animals. We are indebted to media studies investigations of animals
on screen, but we want to put these into conversation with STS and
its concerns with how the social is assembled. We see natural history
animals on the ABC as unique “reality engines”,27 as creatures that make
and mediate the social.
This approach assumes that media are thoroughly embedded in
shaping everyday social worlds. As Couldry and Hepp point out:
“material processes of mediation constitute much of the stuff of the
social”.28 This shift from the media and society to the social as mediated
opens up new lines of thinking about ABC animals. Firstly, it demands
an investigation of the specific practices of mediation that were
developed to communicate animals on television; a commitment to
understanding the myriad relations and relays that were developed to
attach animals to the project of public service broadcasting, to attach
meanings to these animals, and to attach audiences to animals. What
kinds of mediators transformed and translated animals so that they
could comfortably inhabit a televisual environment and domestic living
rooms? And how did these processes implicate humans in new social
relations with them; how did they provoke new ways of experiencing
animals?
Equally significant is an analysis of how this emerging species,
“the natural history animal”, was connected to wider changes that saw
the increasing “mediatisation” of animals throughout the 20th century.
Mediatisation is akin to Lippit’s idea of the electric animal or the
reappearance of animals in technological forms.29 It led to many
animals finding homes in new communication media, and to audiences
that became utterly comfortable with encountering them in these
settings, comfortable with the particular animal realities these media
created. These audiences were at ease with the idea that screen animals
were simply another mode of animal being and were open to being
affected by them as a result.30
27
28
29
30
Haraway 2008.
Couldry and Hepp 2016, 3.
Lippit 2000.
Lorimer 2015, 120.
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Mediatisation is distinct from mediation. It refers to those
large-scale and proliferating infrastructures of communication that
became central to constructing social realities over the 20th century.31
The creation of PSBs is one important example of this transformation.
These unique institutions were part of wider changes that incorporated
media into everyday life and shaped popular and political cultures.
Like all media, PSBs operate in clusters and associations with other
communications systems to create aggregates of change and new social
realities. So, when it comes to animals on the ABC, we have to consider
how the particular mediations and ecologies of television worked in
relation to other sites and media for making animals public such as zoos
and museums, radio, cinema and newspapers. How were televisual
animals connected to other infrastructures of communication that
made animals public in the 20th century? And what kinds of changes in
social reality did the widespread mediatisation of animals, particularly
the rise and normalisation of the televisual animal, prompt? To pursue
these questions, a dual focus is required. We need to develop an
approach that is attentive to the specificities of how ABC animals were
captured and how new realities for them were crafted in this unique
broadcasting and governmental ecology. And we need to be attuned
to how this species was part of wider transformations that saw the
increasing mediatisation of animals and the emergence of new social
perceptions and framings of them.
If ABC animals emerged from networks of mediation in this PSB,
and were also evidence of wider patterns of mediatisation, how can we
investigate these interrelated but distinct processes? What conceptual
toolkit is necessary for this task that is both a historical study of how a
media organisation made a new species of animal and an assessment of
how mediatised animals circulated and came to influence wider “social
figurations” or durable networks of meaning and communicative
exchange between humans and animals?32 By opening up a
conversation between screen studies, STS and animal studies, we aim to
develop a creative and politically incisive account of how ABC natural
31 Couldry and Hepp 2016, 35.
32 Couldry and Hepp 2016, 64.
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history animals were realised and how they generated significant
cultural and political effects.
As outlined, this approach diverges from critiques of wildlife TV
that foreground concerns with the unreality of televisual animals and
exploitative or ideological modes of vision. We also have concerns
about the realities ABC animals inhabit, but they take a different form.
We are interested in how these realities were assembled: What material
chains and relays involving myriad processes linked animals to the
screen and how were these realities framed and authorised? How were
audiences and publics implicated in these relays and how did they
provoke various intersubjective and political encounters? What kinds
of relations were established between humans and animals in natural
history programs? Did ABC animals invite audiences to become with
them as companion species or become alongside them as distinct but
connected; or become sovereign to them: human subjects happy to be
educated or entertained by animal objects?33 We want to open up a
space for deliberation and political analysis that proceeds from
concerns about what kinds of animal–human associations were
provoked in this televisual environment and in wider social figurations
that the ABC was connected to, such as, for example, colonial, national
and ecological dynamics.
Capturing, provoking, inhabiting
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How were ABC natural history animals crafted and what were the
impacts of their public circulation? In order to pursue this question
and its historical and political implications, this book is organised into
three parts. These parts focus on key practices that were fundamental to
realising a natural history animal: capturing, provoking and inhabiting.
Each of these practices is technical and performative. They foreground
the techniques and devices deployed to craft a natural history animal
and their reality effects: how these practices made animals that were
both credible and culturally durable. They also foreground the political
dynamics implicated in making animals public and shifting
33 Haraway 2008.
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human–animal relations. To capture or provoke animals is to implicitly
privilege human control, whereas to inhabit has the possibility of
exploring how we live in a common world with animals and share a
common fate. While most of the chapters that follow focus on the ABC
animal, some other examples have been selected to extend the analysis
and highlight different forms of capture, provocation and inhabitation
in related media.
In Part One we explore the practice of capturing animals for
human observation in early Australian screen culture and the various
forms of captivation this generated in audiences. Central here is the
relationship between cages and cameras. Just at the moment when
animals were disappearing from many natural and everyday settings,
early screen media often deployed cages to contain animals and
facilitate effective visual capture. The question is how did images of
captured or hunted animals in newsreels and cinema provoke curiosity
in audiences and shape distinct modes of interpretation and
engagement? What human dispositions and affects did animal capture
on screen provoke: superiority, curiosity, amusement? Chapter 1
explores two examples of pre-televisual capture that focus on endemic
marsupials that are in the process of being eradicated from their milieu
as it is encroached by settler agriculture. The first case explores the now
iconic 1933 newsreel footage showing the last thylacine in Beaumaris
Zoo pacing towards extinction in a desolate cage. The second examines
The Trail of the ’Roo, a 1931 documentary about a kangaroo cull in
the Riverina that also included capturing some live animals for urban
exhibition. These examples prefigure the rise of the televisual animal
in important ways. Not only do they highlight the technical necessity
of containment in crafting various animal realities on screen, they also
show different modes of publicness. These animals were public in the
literal sense of being visible and in wide circulation, but they were
not public in the more political sense of embodying various issues or
collective identifications. They were objects of human fascination or
entertainment, but their performances were not designed to educate
audiences or provoke forms of public interest or concern. The thylacine
might be almost extinct, the kangaroos might be terrified of capture,
but these animal realities were not framed in ways that called
concerned publics into being.
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With the invention of television, these capturing practices persisted.
Chapter 2 explores some of the earliest wildlife TV shown on the ABC.
David Attenborough’s first TV show, Zoo Quest (BBC, 1956), went to
air on Australian screens in 1960 and featured him on an expedition
to the jungles of Borneo capturing orang-utans for the London Zoo.
Cages play a critical role in this program and are central to making
these animals visible, but there is also a sequence showing Attenborough
tracking orang-utans through dense jungle and attempting to capture
them on film “in the wild”. In this sequence, the camera is not nearly as
effective as the cage as a technology of capture. Orang-utans in remote
treetops prove to be very elusive. Dancing Orpheus (ABC, 1962) is the
second example explored. This landmark, award-winning documentary
was one of the first “nature shows”, as they were called, made by the
ABC in 1962. It featured the superb lyrebird. Unlike Zoo Quest, Dancing
Orpheus had no humans or cages visible on screen. While the program
was narrated by an authoritative male voice, the lyrebird appears alone
in a state of spontaneous self-betrayal performing its beautiful natural
self. In Dancing Orpheus, making the lyrebird public involved various
strategies of aestheticisation that positioned viewers as lucky witnesses
to a natural performance that the wonders of television made possible.
In both these examples, the animal can be considered as an engine
of translatability for various public broadcasting imperatives. The logic
of the visual capture and narration is predicated on the imperative of
educating audiences rather than merely entertaining them. The lyrebird
is valued as aesthetically and scientifically important and therefore
worthy of televisual exhibition. The natural history animal was starting
to take form.
Central to the analysis in Part One is the claim that devices for
capturing and containing are not only structurally necessary to making
animals public, they also have distinct performative and political
effects. For Javier Lezaun and colleagues: “containment is to be
understood in the sense of confinement or restraint but also as a
holding … containment is close to the notion of a device which can
convey an idea of storing, separating, delineating and allocating but
also of articulating in discourse.”34 This account of containment
34 Lezaun, Muneisa and Vikkelsø 2013, 280.
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recognises it as both a form of capture and a dynamic process for
making realities. The containment device is not a neutral holder; it has
effects and it configures what is contained in two senses: by delineating
a boundary and separating things off from the world but also by
framing and projecting them back into the world and capturing or
orienting viewers to them. The effects of containment are not static,
they are dynamic and generative.35
The natural history animal was an outcome of numerous
containment processes, but it took a while to be configured within the
ABC. In many existing accounts, these animals are assumed to be the
product of the Natural History Unit (NHU) that was established in the
early 1970s and closed down in 2007. However, this assumption belies
the presence of animals across numerous departments in ABC TV long
before and after the demise of this unit. It also obscures the complex
processes whereby animals became contained and domesticated by the
classification “natural history”, which effectively marginalised other
realities for them. Evidence from the NHU’s early history shows that in
the period before the classifications and cultural codes of the natural
history genre had been fully established, there was not always a clear
notion of how animals should be captured for TV, or how they might
captivate viewers’ interest; what televisual animals might be and how
they should perform was uncertain. Codes, conventions and
compelling ways of accounting for animals took time to be stabilised
before animal performances on TV could be normalised and accepted
as believable in this context, before the natural history animal could
confidently inhabit television.
Part Two explores the processes whereby the actual material reality
of animals becomes a televisual reality. The central concept driving the
analysis is provoking or intervening to trigger an effect. Provocation
challenges that idea that natural history television observes and
represents an unconfined reality. Instead, the activity of television
production has to be understood as an incitement, an event that calls
forth various animal realities. These realities are always partial and
always crafted, and plenty of the world is excluded, neglected or
othered. The critical point is that the idea of enacting or provoking
35 Hawkins, Potter and Race 2015.
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reality assumes that ABC animals had to be composed and staged
rather than found and documented. Rather than yearn for an
unmediated or authentic animal, provocation foregrounds the myriad
practices whereby a particular reality is enacted. Making animals public
on television was an exercise in extensive and multiple relays of
intervention, creativity and mediation – the issue is how were animals
provoked and how were their performances authorised and accounted
for as credible?
Our research in the ABC archives revealed innumerable technical
and material interventions into animal worlds in order to make a
natural history animal. In investigating these archives, there was no
accounting for what you might find. Consider this random sample:
extensive correspondence with a conservation biologist about how to
safely fly a platypus from Tasmania to the ABC’s Melbourne studio
for a film shoot; an expenses claim from a cameraman who’d been
living in remote Australia waiting – unsuccessfully – to film a rare bird;
requests for a docile domesticated wombat that could stand in for a
wild one and endure the rigours of filming. These examples offer rich
insights into the complexities of composing a natural history animal:
the vast material chains and relays involved in assembling its televisual
reality and the ways in which the material reality of the animal had
to be both negotiated and provoked. They also highlight the laborious
processes of assemblage, the art of bringing about a reality suitable
for television. In these processes the “real” animal, the referent behind
the representation, was often an elusive element, confirming Michael
Lynch’s claim that “referential truth is not an essence that is transported
from beginning to end; rather it is a contingent, certified, assessment”.36
Chapters 3 and 4 explore the dynamics of provoking. In Chapter 3
the experiences of filmmakers, artists and scientists working on ABC
natural history film shoots during the 1970s and 80s are analysed. Key
documents investigated include the 1973 shooting diary of legendary
Australian natural history cameraman, David Parer AO, when he was
in the field filming the Wildlife of Papua New Guinea (ABC, 1975)
series. Here we see how the natural history genre was practically crafted
and materialised. We also examine reflections from scientists and
36 Lynch 2005, 37.
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artists involved in making natural history programs about the
challenges and frustrations of wrangling animals. These empirical
materials reveal how animal worlds were intervened in, how animals
pushed back or refused to co-operate, and how the provocations of TV
production incited a reality rather than discovered it.
Chapter 4 examines the Sky TV series David Attenborough’s
Conquest of the Skies (Atlantic Productions, 2014), which screened on
the ABC in 2015. The key focus is Episode 4, called “The Making of
David Attenborough’s Conquest of the Skies” (Colossus Productions,
2014). This behind-the-scenes episode supposedly “showing all”
revealed the mess and contingency of wildlife production and also
the agency of the animal body. It plays off the difference between the
disciplined and objectified natural history animal that screened in the
official series and the domesticated working animal that was actually
used in the shoot and that was an unpredictable “talent”: in this case, a
whooper swan imprinted on a human trainer and incited to perform a
scientific fact on cue, over and over again.
Finally, where did natural history animals live? In Part Three we
examine the dynamics of inhabiting. Throughout the evolution of these
animals, different locations have been privileged as their “home”. These
locations have a profound effect on how animals are represented.
Modes of inhabitation shape not only animal habits but also how
humans are positioned in relation to them. Are humans part of the
same world or looking in on a separate wild, remote or disappearing
reality? The most popular places animals have inhabited on the ABC are
“nature”, “the environment” and the nation. However, in late 2020 the
“planet” entered the scene with some groundbreaking ABC programs
on the fate of animals and ecologies in this time of climate change. Each
of these sites displaced “the outback”, one of the most popular locations
prior to the rise of natural history animals. They also generated distinct
animal modes of being and public concerns. “Nature” was very different
from “the environment” and posed far fewer questions to audiences.
It was often a purified and timeless space, whereas the environment
recognised human actions and impacts and invited audiences to accept
some level of responsibility for the fate of animals.
Chapter 5 explores the acclaimed natural history series, Nature of
Australia: A Portrait of the Island Continent (ABC, 1988). Produced as
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part of the ABC’s contribution to Australia’s 1988 bicentenary, Nature
of Australia made visual the geological and biological processes shaping
the continent and the species that inhabited it. It did this in terms that
were at once both natural and national. Nature of Australia framed the
continent’s geology and wildlife as always already national by weaving
national time into the fabric of the continent’s deep geological time.
Equally significant was how this extraordinary crafting of national
wildlife was deemed “safe” in the controversial year marking the advent
of the continent’s European colonisation by inserting First Nations
perspectives into the final episodes. First Nations’ opposition to the
bicentenary events were significant during 1988 and signalled that the
celebration was controversial and contested. Nature of Australia skirted
around this controversy by acknowledging Indigenous relations to
animals and land management, as well as the environmental impacts of
white settlement. These acknowledgements were limited and carefully
controlled in order to maintain the dominant focus in the series on
nationing nature. Curiously mirroring the processes of colonisation
that the bicentenary painfully highlighted, this mode of inhabiting was
contingent on the subordination of other temporalities – of the
evolutionary, of the geological, of the Indigenous – to national time.
In Chapter 6 the recent emergence of a planetary focus in natural
history or factual television on the ABC is examined. After the Natural
History Unit was disbanded in 2007, production of this type of content
was generally outsourced to independent production companies. In
December 2020 the ABC ran a themed series of programs titled “Your
Planet”. In various on-air and online promotions, the focus of the series
was described as “the changing environment and solutions to climate
change”. Programs like Big Weather: And How to Survive It (Northern
Pictures, 2020), Wild Australia: After the Fires (Northern Pictures,
2020) and Reef Live (Northern Pictures, 2020) all invoked a “sense of
planet”;37 that is, a deterritorialisation of the links between culture,
place and environment and a recognition of how humans, animals and
habitats are mutually implicated in whole earth processes. What was so
remarkable about these programs about planetary modes of inhabiting
was how they evoked ethical effects that disrupted anthropocentrism
37 Heise, 2008.
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and connected animal lives to human lives in ways that suggested
mutual implication in forces beyond control.
Animals as devices of the public
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The chapters that follow show how ABC natural history animals
emerged out of various practices of capture, provocation and
inhabitation. However, there is another practice that underpins all these
– making these animals public. Investigating the dynamics of this
practice and its effects is at the heart of this study. We want to
understand how animals were authorised, exhibited and circulated by
the ABC and how publics were called into being and gathered around
them. Central to our analysis is the assumption that there are diverse
publics and forms of publicness and various processes for constituting
these. But how can we assess these processes and ascertain their
political effects? What kinds of “publicness” did ABC animals realise?
One approach would be to critically evaluate how effectively ABC
animals represented the ABC Charter; to read these creatures as
successful or unsuccessful expressions of public value, public interest
or citizen engagement. The problem is that this assumes that public
value or public interest are the fixed preconditions for making ABC
animals, rather than the contingent outcome of how these animals were
visualised and circulated. Or to put this another way: ABC animals
didn’t express pre-existing normative values for the ABC, they helped
to constitute them. They helped make the fiction of “the public” real.38
They provoked new forms of engagement in audiences who were often
configured as citizens or publics through their pleasure and interest
in watching animals on screen. This performative approach highlights
the ways in which publicness was enacted discursively and practically.
Just as animals had to be made real in the ABC, so too did their
suitability and credibility as public things – as media objects suitable for
realising the ABC’s obligations as a public broadcaster, as things worthy
of televisual exhibition.
38 Warner 2002, 15.
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While “public” may be inscribed in the legislative and institutional
frameworks that justify the ABC, and while it informs the wider
governmental rationalities of the organisation, our interest is in the
ongoing processes and techniques of public-making. There is a
governmental dimension to this in the sense that policies and
entrenched institutional practices and conventions framed how ABC
animals were shown: which animals and modes of visualisation were
privileged and why. But there is also an experimental dimension to
publicness and public-making, and this is what we are more interested
in. Our archival research revealed numerous debates about how to
capture and engage audiences who were the constant imaginary
collective invoked in the dynamics of provoking animals. Which
audiences will be incited by this animal content? How will their
curiosity be aroused? How will they be captivated and invited to look?
How will they be addressed? This fixation with audiences underpins
most televisual production, but in the ABC the audience has the
potential to be more than a demographic or ratings measure. It is also
a site where various calculations about the nature of publicness – what
counts as public value or public interest – emerge. Of course, there
are numerous other sites, such as in the commissioning process or
in the internal allocation of funds, where these calculations happen,
but audiences are often privileged. Even so, audiences and publics are
not equivalent or interchangeable. They are, however, related, and it
is the way they become related and entangled, and how animals are
implicated in this, that is of central interest here. The issue is: How did
natural history animals make audiences into citizen-viewers capable of
distinct modes of public engagement with their screen realities?
Some of the ways this happened in the ABC was through
invocations of citizen interest or national identity or by making animals
matters of concern. In these situations, viewers were invited to comport
themselves as audiences and as publics; sharing common
identifications or collective anxieties about animals and their habitats
and fate. These particular versions of citizenship or national identity
were mediated by the form of public engagement, by the way animal
realities were accounted for and how these accounts provoked
particular modes of viewing and orientations to animals; how they
encouraged audiences to watch as a citizen, or as an Australian. These
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accountability relations implicated ABC animals in ontologies of
governance. They made them engines of translatability between
governmental discourses committed to educating, informing and
entertaining populations and intimate domestic practices of watching
in private homes. “Public” communication was made private through
particular modes of address, accounts and animal performances that
provoked certain conventions, hierarchies and exclusions. That made
for very particular animal realities and animal–human interactions.
The types of publics and publicness generated in the ABC were
diverse and constantly shifting. A significant focus in the chapters that
follow is how shifts in publicness involved different engagements or
contact zones with animals. In the early years of making animals
televisual, the deficit model of the public was in evidence everywhere.
This involved a mode of address and accounting for animals that
presumed viewers knew little about them and needed to be educated.
This pedagogic model configured the animal as an observable specimen
and scientific object inviting citizen interest in its strange other world.
Watching TV to learn was normalised as a distinct value and quality
of the ABC–audience relationship. Animals realised this governmental
relationship when they connected watching wildlife TV to becoming an
informed citizen.
Numerous other genres of public-making were also in evidence.
These ranged from engagements with animals as uniquely “Australian”,
as creatures who embodied and expressed the nation and invited
national identifications, and, in more recent years, animals as public or
political issues. The realisation of animal realities that provoked matters
of concern, that posed questions to audiences about exploitation and
abuse and species loss, is suggestive of “more-than-human” publics.39
It also signals the escape of animals from the confines of the natural
history genre with its limited codes and avoidance of too much
controversy, and the emergence of animals as political objects and
subjects. At the heart of our analysis is a focus on how different publics
and modes of publicness are realised and how animals became shifting
public and political beings in the history of the ABC.
39 Blue 2015.
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