"Garstang's El Arabah Tomb E.1"

he World of Middle Kingdom Egypt (2000-1550 BC) Contributions on archaeology, art, religion, and written sources Volume I Edited by Gianluca Miniaci, Wolfram Grajetzki Middle Kingdom Studies 1 his title is published by Golden House Publications Copyright © by the authors if not otherwise stated A catalogue record for this book is avaiable from the British Library Front cover: Detail of canopic stopper from Shat 106, Dahshur (cf. Baba, Yazawa: “Burial Assemblages of the Late Middle Kingdom”, pp. 18-9 © Baba, Yazawa) All rights reserved; no part of this publication may be produced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical photocopying, recording, or otherwise, except as permitted by the UK Copyright, Designs, and Patents Act 1988, without prior written permission from Golden House Publications. Printed in the United Kingdom by CPI London 2015 ISBN 978-1-906137-43-4 ii To hybrid creatures iii Middle Kingdom Studies Series Editor-in-Chief Gianluca Miniaci Advisory Board Marilina Betrò Juan Carlos Moreno García Stephen Quirke Gloria Rosati Danijela Stefanović Pascal Vernus v Table of Contents Preface Gianluca Miniaci ix Introduction Wolfram Grajetzki, Gianluca Miniaci xi List of contributors xv List of Abbreviation xvii Burial Assemblages of the Late Middle Kingdom: Shat-tombs in Dahshur North Masahiro Baba, Ken Yazawa 1 Stone Objects from the Late Middle Kingdom Settlement at Tell el-Dab‘a Bettina Bader 25 Late Middle Kingdom or Late Period? Re-Considering the “Realistic” Statue Head, Munich ÄS 1622 Helmut Brandl 43 he Statue of the Steward Nemtyhotep (Berlin ÄM 15700) and some Considerations about Royal and Private Portrait under Amenemhat III Simon Connor 57 houghts on the Sculpture of Sesostris I and Amenemhat II, Inspired by the Meket-re Study Day Biri Fay 81 London BM EA 288 (1237) – a Cloaked Individual Biri Fay 85 Neferusobek Project: Part I Biri Fay, Rita E. Freed, homas Schelper, Friederike Seyfried 89 A Torso gets a Name: an Additional Statue of the Vizier Mentuhotep? Rita E. Freed 93 hree Burials of the Seventeenth Dynasty in Dra Abu El-Naga José M. Galán, Ángeles Jiménez-Higueras 101 A Middle Kingdom Stela from Koptos (Royal Pavilion & Museums, Brighton & Hove HA282043) Wolfram Grajetzki 121 Hathor and her Festivals at Lahun Zoltán Horváth 125 King Seankhibra and the Middle Kingdom Appeal to the Living Alexander Ilin-Tomich 145 A unique Funerary Complex in Qubbet el-Hawa for Two Governors of the Late Twelth Dynasty Alejandro Jiménez Serrano 169 In the Realm of Reputation: Private Life in Middle Kingdom Auto/biographies Renata Landgráfová 177 he So-called Governors’ Cemetery at Bubastis and Provincial Elite. Tombs in the Nile Delta: State and Perspectives of Research Eva Lange 187 vii he Archetype of Kingship: Who Senwosret I claimed to be, How and Why? David Lorand 205 Tracing Middle Kingdom Pyramid Texts Traditions at Dahshur Antonio J. Morales 221 New Approaches to the Study of Households in Middle Kingdom and Second Intermediate Period Egypt Miriam Müller 237 he (social) House of Khnumhotep Melinda G. Nelson-Hurst 257 Scribes of the Gods in the Coin Texts Rune Nyord 273 he Signiicance of the Hieroglyph ‘he Egg with the Young Bird Inside’ Mohamed Gamal Rashed 309 he Canopic Chest of Khakheperreseneb/Iy – Louvre E 17108 Patricia Rigault 325 I am a Nbt-pr, and I am Independent Danijela Stefanović, Helmut Satzinger 333 Garstang’s El Arabah Tomb E.1 Angela M. J. Tooley 339 Colour plates 357 viii Miniaci, Grajetzki (eds.), he World of Middle Kingdom Egypt (2000-1550 BC) I, MKS 1, London 2015, 339-355 Garstang’s El Arabah Tomb E.1 Angela M. J. Tooley Abstract A collection of previously unpublished objects in the Manchester Museum prove to be from El Arabah Tomb E.1 discovered during Garstang’s irst season of excavation in Egypt. his paper examines those objects in detail and considers their dating in comparison with comparable material. he context of the tomb within Garstang’s Cemetery E in the North Cemetery at Abydos, is discussed with the conclusion that some ‘Intermediate Period’ tombs, so-called by their early excavators, may date to a transitional period between the hirteenth and Seventeenth Dynasties and that this cultural continuity indicates that this part of the necropolis was in use for longer than has been suggested. I. Introduction During a visit to the storerooms at the Manchester Museum, I noticed a curious fragmentary statuette marked with ‘E 1’ in pencil. Further enquiry indicated that it came from the Abydos cemetery at El Arabah and that the pencilled excavation number was one of Garstang’s, from his work there in 1899-1900. The Accession Registers stated that several other objects came from the same locus, tomb E.1, and indeed several other items bear excavation marks for E.1. My interest piqued, I looked further into this locus and discovered that very little indeed had been published and that the fragmentary statuette was not mentioned at all. This paper looks at the background to Garstang’s concession at El Arabah and attempts to reconstruct the nature of tomb E.1 and the deposits within, gathering evidence from the excavation report and the objects themselves. Under the auspices of the Egyptian Research Account, John Garstang’s irst foray into Egyptian archaeology was El Arabah in the North Cemetery at Abydos.1 The results of this excavation are published in the eponymous report and are presented as groups of objects in context, Garstang’s expressed intention being that doing so would allow a better understand the site and the archaeology therein.2 During the late Nineteenth and early Twentieth Centuries the Abydos cemeteries were excavated by a number expeditions none of which produced an accurate map, ei1 2 GarstanG, El Arábah. Op. cit., 3. ther of individual concessions or of overall relationships between sites. Several modern scholars have attempted to reconcile the early records; the most comprehensive synthesis has been produced by Richards.3 Confusingly, early excavators tended to refer to their concessions within the Abydos cemetery ields in alphanumeric terms. Garstang was no exception and the El Arabah cemetery was consequently designated Cemetery E, with each individual tomb given a sequential number. Garstang’s Cemetery E can fairly accurately be placed in the area of the North Cemetery between Mace’s Cemetery D and the Shunet ez-Zebib (Khasekhemwy enclosure);4 an area of the North Cemetery he would return to in 1907. The North Cemetery is an area of intensive Middle Kingdom activity, ranging in date from Eleventh Dynasty through to the Second Intermediate Period.5 Richards has described the Abydos North Cemetery as “quintessentially provincial”6 because the site lacks the social ranking seen at other sites where elite tombs are the focus for lower ranking satellite burials. Instead, here the focus is the Royal Wadi and proximity to Osirian festivities. It has been noted that there is a development from north to south of the cemetery, the earlier Middle Kingdom tombs richards, Society and Death, 125-56, igs. 60-2. GarstanG, El Arábah, 1-2, pl. 2. On the location of the various Abydos cemeteries including Garstang’s Cemetery E, see Kemp, merrillees, Minoan Pottery, 105-9, 288, ig. 36; snape, Mortuary Assemblages from Abydos, 4-22, in particular 20, igs. 1-2; richards, Society and Death, 125-56, igs. 60-2, in particular 142-4, ig. 63. 5 richards, Society and Death, 136, 158. 6 Op. cit., 126. 3 4 AngelA M. J. Tooley to the north spreading southwards during the Twelfth and Thirteenth Dynasties, with Second Intermediate Period burials further south still.7 Garstang’s Cemetery E is set towards the middle of this general spread and tomb E.1 towards the northeast of Garstang’s concession. Although presenting the results of his work as object groups, Garstang’s publication of the El Arabah season is highly selective, even the intact groups he features are incomplete. It is dificult at this great distance in time to understand why the selection was made, particularly in 7 Fig. 1 - Plan of the El Arabah concession, Garstang’s Cemetery E. After GarstanG, El Arábah, pl. 2. Courtesy of the Petrie Museum of Egyptian Archaeology, UCL peet, The Cemeteries of Abydos, 54-5; richards, Society and Death, 136 and ff. 159-61. 340 GarstanG’s El arabah tomb E.1 the case of disturbed contexts. Nevertheless, the report remains our primary source since no excavation notes survive for comparison. It is our business to utilize these early reports to best advantage and to extricate the information they contain. Unlike the featured tomb groups in the report, our tomb E.1 is not a closed context. We are reliant on a mere ten lines of text scattered throughout the publication and one or two images together with the objects themselves. II. The El Arabah tombs Because Garstang did not directly describe tomb E.1 it is necessary to make some inferences from both the evidence in the report and other sources. Like Mace’s Cemetery D,8 Garstang’s Cemetery E comprised shaft and pit tombs largely ranging in date from the late Middle Kingdom through to the New Kingdom. What can be said of the location of tomb E.1 is that it sat in the north-eastern sector of Cemetery E, oriented to local north and is clearly marked on the cemetery plan. On the cemetery plan (Fig.1) Garstang plotted the relative positions of the tombs which he mentions, sometimes very briely, in the report. The majority of the tombs follow an orientation to local north as dictated by the course of the Nile in this area. Tomb E.1 is in fact a row of ive rectangular shafts set side-by-side and numbered 1 to 5. The plan is drawn at a scale of 1:800. Rough measurements of E.1 indicates that the range was approximately nineteen feet long (about eleven meters) and eight feet wide (about three meters).9 Slightly offset to the east is a smaller rectangular structure without labelling or numbering. South of E.1 is E.2, comprising three rows of off-set shafts numbering seven in total, each range numbered separately 1 to 3. No reference to any objects from this locus is made in the report. To the west of E.1 is E.3, comprising a row of three shafts, each separately numbered. E.3 is distinguished by containing a number of undisturbed burials within two of its shafts and consequently is described in greater detail, although even this is limited to four burials from a potential eight separate chambers.10 The construction of tombs in Cemetery E is only briefly noted as are certain surface features.11 What is clear from Garstang’s plan is that tomb E.1 is of a well-known Middle Kingdom and Second Intermediate Period design, along with many other tombs on his plan. These 8 randall-mciver, mace, El Amrah and Abydos, 63-9. Compare for example the dimensions of Abydos tomb 416 A’07, a six shaft range tomb: Kemp, merrillees, Minoan Pottery, ig. 37. 10 GarstanG, El Arábah, 25-6. See the tomb register p. 44. 11 Op. cit., 20-2, pls. 30-5. 9 may be termed row or range tombs. Peet characterises the construction as being typically two to four shafts set in row, often with one shaft left uninished and no more than a couple of meters deep with no burial chamber cut.12 The shafts are cut through the soft surface sand strata to a depth of two to ive meters depending on the underlying geology, the upper section being brick-lined to a point when the harder gravels have been reached and where the lining ends.13 Oriented to local north, the shafts have one or more chambers cut to north or south, some with multiple chambers on both sides of the shaft and at different depths, one above the other.14 Garstang’s tomb E.3 shaft 3 (the easternmost shaft) is described as very deep with four chambers at each end, being eight chambers in all.15 The same tomb also features chambers at different levels.16 Richards describes excavations in the North Cemetery in 1988 when a row or range of nine such shafts was discovered, tomb E760/N855.17 Of these, only four shafts were excavated. Two were found to be incomplete and without burials or chambers, one shaft without chambers had a burial in the bottom of the shaft and one shaft had a chamber constructed on the north side with a burial within. Surface structures at Abydos are dificult to analyse. Garstang noted that in Cemetery E a walled structure could surround a group of shafts or be set off to one side, either on the east or west side. Such structures were envisaged as chapels serving the shafts they were associated with, the entrances and paving appearing to be oriented towards the shaft(s).18 Peet noted a range of surface structures including what he termed “miniature mastabas”.19 Most shafts therefore, would have been associated with a brick-built chapel, often shared between shafts for the emplacement of stelae, altars and statuettes.20 Garstang illustrates the nature of burials within the 12 peet, The Cemeteries of Abydos, 35-6 describing tombs in Cemetery S. 13 Op. cit., 40-1. See also Kemp, merrillees, Minoan Pottery, 109; GarstanG, El Arábah, 20. 14 See note 12 and conveniently the section through tomb 416 A’07 in Kemp, merrillees, Minoan Pottery, ig. 37. 15 GarstanG, El Arábah, 25. 16 Op. cit., 25. See also pl. 32 for sub-structure details of tombs E.45 and E.22. Tomb E.30 is described as an “ordinary” shaft: six meters deep, brick-lined to 1.5 m with a chamber on the south side. 17 richards, Society and Death, 162, ig. 80. See also 186-9, ig. 88. The excavation of this range was incomplete; a possible tenth shaft may exist. 18 GarstanG, El Arábah, 21-2, pl. 32. 19 peet, The Cemeteries of Abydos, 40; richards, Society and Death, 146. 20 richards, Society and Death, 55, 163, 165, 167, igs. 767, 79. 341 AngelA M. J. Tooley shafts in Cemetery E by reference to the undisturbed interments in tombs E.3, E.30, E.45, E.100 and E.230. Of these E.3 and E.45 are described as typically Twelfth Dynasty, while the remainder are said to be of an “intermediate period”.21 Several burials were laid in wooden cofins22 with polychrome decoration and in one instance, text.23 Many of the bodies had been overlaid with a covering of stucco, some with traces of polychrome decoration,24 and augmented with small plaster masks.25 The types of objects placed with each interment are typical for late Middle Kingdom and Second Intermediate Period burials in a provincial cemetery.26 That row or range tombs are family structures and could be in use over a period of several generations would appear logical.27 There appears to be no signiicant difference in construction between late Middle Kingdom and Second Intermediate Period row or range tombs.28 We 21 GarstanG, El Arábah, 24. See further below n. 26. The survival of wooden artefacts at Abydos has been subject to the predation of white ants. Where wooden cofins remained these were usually in poor condition and could not be retrieved, GarstanG, El Arábah, 25; peet, The Cemeteries of Abydos, 41; Kemp, merrillees, Minoan Pottery, 111. 23 GarstanG, El Arábah, 26. The fourth burial from E.3 is described as being laid in a cofin decorated with blue and green rectilinear designs on a white ground. The burial from E.230 was placed in a wooden cofin with well-preserved coloured text. The text is sadly, neither described nor illustrated. Decorated cofins from other burials include: 22 • Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge E.238.1900, from E.281: GarstanG, El Arábah, 34, 45 (tomb register), pls. 10-1; Bourriau, Pharaohs and mortals, 94-5, cat. 75. • University of Pennsylvania Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology E12505a-g, from E.234: GarstanG, El Arábah, 17, 36, 45 (tomb register), pl. 26. 24 GarstanG, El Arábah, 26. Burials in E.3 and E.230. The latter was decorated with green and blue geometric designs. 25 GarstanG, El Arábah, 10, pl. 14. Burials in E.3 and E.100. See also Kemp, merrillees, Minoan Pottery, 111. 26 richards, Society and Death, 142, 144, 149 for the dating of material to Twelfth and Thirteenth Dynasties; richards, Society and Death, 155 interpreting most early excavators’ dating to “intermediate period” as signifying Thirteenth Dynasty, with references. 27 As noted above, often one of the shafts is left uninished and has no burial chamber indicating that shafts were dug to a full depth and completed as needed. These row tombs may have been constructed by a group of people related in some way, if not ilial then perhaps occupational. On the other hand, burials of more than one individual within a chamber and even those found within the shaft would seem to indicate use over a considerable period of time. An estimate of a period of about one hundred years has been suggested: Kemp, merrillees, Minoan Pottery, 111. 28 peet, The Cemeteries of Abydos, 54-5 noting that Second Intermediate Period tombs tend to be found towards the southern extremity of Cemetery S. should expect therefore, that objects placed within these tombs could span some considerable time. The tendency for early excavators to publish all material from a context together, without reference to speciic ind-spots or to elaborate upon the relationships between a tomb and its chambers, burials and objects poses problems for the modern scholar. Without such recording it is dificult to date tombs unless diagnostic material is present. Even under these circumstances, unless a context is closed datable inds may be of limited use. III. The nature of tomb E.1 In considering the nature of tomb E.1 as a structure, clues are left for us by Garstang in the plan, since no written description is available, and from the extant objects themselves. Not only is E.1 a row or range tomb with ive separately numbered shafts, these shafts appear to be substantially constructed. On the cemetery plan more substantial walls are indicated by thicker lines (Fig. 1). The lines delineating tomb E.1 are considerably thicker than those indicated in the tombs surrounding it, including E.2 and E.3, those closest to it. This suggests that tomb E.1 was a well-constructed tomb with thickly brick-lined shafts. Each of the shafts is individually numbered. Some of the less substantial row tombs towards the south of the plan clearly have multiple shafts but none of them are numbered. Since Garstang does not indicate the logic behind his numbering or lack of it, one wonders whether it is it possible that objects or burials were located in numbered structures and shafts. Furthermore, shaft 5 in the range E.1 produced a number of objects which are now in Manchester. These are marked with the tomb number, shaft number and also the designation λ (Fig. 9). In the illustration of tomb E.45, a shaft containing two chambers, one chamber is designated a and the other λ.29 This would strongly suggest that shaft 5 in tomb E.1 had at least two chambers. A less substantial structure off-set to the east at the northernmost end of the range is indicated on the plan. Bearing in mind Garstang’s comments regarding surface structures, is it possible that this structure is the remains of a brick chapel that once served the tomb, perhaps? From the evidence available, it is possible to infer that tomb E.1 was a substantially brick-lined range tomb with ive shafts, at least one shaft contained two burial chambers. Possibly the range was associated with a brick chapel. 29 GarstanG, El Arábah, pl. 32. Curiously, the lambda is written in reverse form on both the plan of E.45 and on the objects from E.1. 342 GarstanG’s El arabah tomb E.1 2. Scarab (Fig. 3 left) Present location unknown Material: unknown, assumed to be glazed steatite Dimensions: 1.9 cm long Bibliography: GarstanG, El Arábah, 16. pl. 25 IV. Catalogue of objects from tomb E.1 Garstang describes the inds from tomb E.1, totalling nine objects, very briely on page 44 of the report. Presented below are irstly the objects mentioned in the report, followed by the objects now in Manchester. Objects described in the report as coming from tomb E.1: 1. Mirror handle (Fig. 2) Manchester 1234b Material: ivory Dimensions: 11.7 cm long Bibliography: GarstanG, El Arábah, 10, 44, pl. 14; lilyquist, Mirrors, 40, n. 45430 The mirror handle (Fig. 2) has a closed or partially open lotiform head with carefully incised petals between six sepals. Below the lower head are four incised horizontal bands. The bottom of the handle is lat and has an incised line around the base. The entire handle is hollow. At the base the hole is round, approximately 1.6 cm in diameter and at the head end the hole is roughly square, approximately 1.9 x 2 cm across. It is likely there was a wooden insert at both ends: possibly conical at the bottom end and lat at the head end into which a slot would have been cut to take the tang of the mirror disk. This type of mirror handle is broadly dated late Middle KingFig. 2 - Ivory mirror handle. E1 in pencil dom to Second Interis clearly visible on the handle. Manchester mediate Period. 1234b 30 Parallels include: • Kyoto (no number given), from Badari 5218: lilyquist, Mirrors, 20-1, n. 239-40, ig. 36; Brunton, Qau and Badari, vol. III, 2, pl. 2. • Museum of Fine Arts, Boston 21.10559, from Naga ed-Deir 453b: lilyquist, Mirrors, 38, n. 437, ig. 53. • Abydos 416 A’07 (present location unknown): lilyquist, Mirrors, 40, n. 439, ig. 55; Kemp, merrillees, Minoan Pottery, 130-1, pls. 10-11. • Esna 80E (present location unknown): downes, The Excavations at Esna, 109-10, ig. 98 and tomb register. The irst scarab illustrated in the report (Fig. 3 left) is described as “curious” and “not intelligible”.31 The design on the base features a rearing cobra confronting hieroglyphic signs within an oval or cartouche over a nb-sign. Garstang was unable to read the signs within the cartouche. Perhaps because of this he comments on it no further. Since Garstang’s time scarab studies have progressed considerably. The signs within the cartouche, although drawn without understanding, comprise the signs a, n, ra. The scarab is of a type known as Anra.32 Following Richard’s classiication the scarab is type C(iii)a, which is Anra within a cartouche33 and further distinguished by also belonging to the Htp-sequence,34 with the addition of a Htp-sign within the cartouche. Only the base of the scarab is illustrated so that the type of head, back and legs remain unknown. This type of scarab originates from Palestine/Canaan and was likely imported into Egypt.35 Whilst the date range for Anra scarabs is greater in Palestine, they are found in Egypt during the Second Intermediate Period.36 The scarab is of signiicance since the only other attestation of Anra within a cartouche found in Egypt is from two sealings made from the same scarab found at Nubt,37 thus adding to the corpus of this type of scarab within Egypt. 31 GarstanG, El Arábah, 16, pl. 25. Daphna Ben-Tor, personal communication. I would like to thank Daphna for her valuable assistance and for discussing all three scarabs from tomb E.1 with me, as well as other scarabs considered in this study. For a comprehensive study of the Anra type scarab see richards, The Anra Scarab. 33 richards, The Anra Scarab, 72, 109-11, ig. 4.18. See also Ben-tor, Scarabs, Chronology and Interconnections, 83-4, 133-4, 165-6, pl. 85.13; Ben-tor, in BietaK, czerny (eds.), Scarabs of the Second Millennium, 27-41, in particular 323, 35. 34 richards, The Anra Scarab, 101, 109-11, ig. 4.32. Parallels include: • GEZ5, from Gezer III.16: richards, The Anra Scarab, 250. 32 • TEA68, from Tell el-Ajjul G 214 748: op. cit., 288. • MEG10, from Megiddo T.24: op. cit., 243. • NEW11, without provenance: op. cit., 339; Ben-tor, in andrássy, BudKa, Kammerzell (eds.), Non-Textual Marking Systems, 83-100, in particular 86-7, igs. 11-4. 35 Ben-tor, Scarabs, Chronology and Interconnections, 133-4. See above n. 33. 37 petrie, quiBell, Naqada and Ballas, pl. LXXX.45; richards, The Anra Scarab, type C(iii)a, 72, 305, ig. 4.17; Ben-tor, Scarabs, Chronology and Interconnections, 83 and passim. 36 343 AngelA M. J. Tooley ble with another character at the end which may be λ. Since other objects are marked in a similar way, this object possibly comes from shaft 5 in tomb E.1, chamber λ. Faience igures of animals can be said to be typical of some classes of late Twelfth and Thirteenth Dynasty burials.41 3. Cowroid (Fig. 3 right) Present location unknown Material: unknown, assumed to be glazed steatite Dimensions: 1.7 cm long Bibliography: GarstanG, El Arábah, 16, pl. 25 Fig. 3 - Anra scarab (left) and cowroid (right). After GarstanG, El Arábah, pl. 25. Courtesy of the Petrie Museum of Egyptian Archaeology, UCL 5. Pottery igure Present location unknown Material: unknown, assumed to be terracotta, unglazed ware Dimensions: unknown Bibliography: GarstanG, El Arábah, 44 The scaraboid or cowroid (Fig. 3 right) features hieroglyphic signs representing the red crown, and a-signs as well as the Horus hawk and nTr-motif.38 This latter motif is primarily a Palestinian design distinguished by the nTr-sign being a simple right-angle. The back of the seal amulet is not described or illustrated. This type of cowroid dates to the Second Intermediate Period.39 Apart from the listing in the tomb register of a “pottery igure”, nothing further is known of the nature of this object. It is tempting to see in this description a human igurine, perhaps a terracotta fertility igure, although where these are found at El Arabah Garstang terms them “dolls”.42 Other types of pottery igures were found at El Arabah by Garstang, most notably the ‘bear and cub’ from tomb E.251.43 6. Green glaze ball beads Present location: uncertain – see no. 10 below Material: faience Dimensions: unknown Bibliography: GarstanG, El Arábah, 44 4. Lion igurine (Pl. xxviii) Manchester 1229 Material: faience, blue glaze over white body Dimensions: 6.2 cm long, 3.8 cm tall, 2.4 cm wide Bibliography: GarstanG, El Arábah, 4440 7.a. Stone vessel (Fig. 4 left) Manchester 1233 Material: travertine, Egyptian alabaster Dimensions: 4 cm tall, base diameter 2.2 cm, rim diameter 3.1 cm, 3.5 cm wide at the shoulder Bibliography: GarstanG, El Arábah, 44 The lion igurine (Pl. xxviii) lies recumbent on the rectangular base facing forward. Areas of the base, forepaws, ears, nose and left lank are either damaged or missing. The glaze is a bright turquoise blue which is pitted and cracked. Details of the lion’s body and head such as the mane, face, the fur of the back and striped tail are picked out in an indistinct dull purple-black. The tail is curled over the left haunch. A large area of brown discolouration covers the right side of the body. The underside of the base has an excavation mark in pencil which is largely rubbed off and is dificult to discern even with a loupe. Only the E is clearly reada38 Ben-tor, Scarabs, Chronology and Interconnections, design class 3A4, 76-7, pl. 33.33; Ben-tor in andrássy, BudKa, Kammerzell (eds.), Non-Textual Marking Systems, 84-6, ig. 8. 39 Ben-tor, personal communication. See also Ben-tor, Scarabs, Chronology and Interconnections, 83-4, design class 3C, as typical of Second Intermediate Period cowroids. 40 For a list of parallels see Kemp, merrillees, Minoan Pottery, 141, including: • Ashmolean Museum, Oxford E 3302B, from Abydos 416 A’07: Kemp, merrillees, Minoan Pottery, pl. 14. • Petrie Museum, UC16679, from Kahun: petrie, Kahun, Gurob, and Hawara, 31, pl. VIII.1. • Manchester 168, from Kahun: Griffith, The Manchester Museum, 24. 7.b. Stone vessel (Fig. 4 right) Manchester 1230 Material: travertine, Egyptian alabaster Dimensions: 4.7 cm tall, base diameter 3.6 cm, (remaining) rim diameter 3.5 cm, 4.8 cm wide at the shoulder Bibliography: GarstanG, El Arábah, 44 The larger of the two shouldered kohl pots (Fig. 4 right) is of coarse banded stone. The jar has been heavily abraded and chipped. It is missing most of the rim, which ap41 Bourriau, in quirKe (ed.), Middle Kingdom Studies, 3-20, in particular 11-4; Kemp, merrillees, Minoan Pottery, passim; GrajetzKi, Harageh, 47-8; GrajetzKi, Burial Customs, 57. 42 GarstanG, El Arábah, 13, 44 (E.5, limestone), 46 (E.312, pottery), pl. 17. In this respect, Manchester 3994, a headless terracotta fertility igure from El Arabah (without any excavator’s marking on it) is a possible candidate. The igure is type 3 according to Pinch’s typology, pinch, Votive Offerings, 201-3. 43 GarstanG, El Arábah, 6, 45, pl. 4 said to come from a disturbed context mixed with objects dated Thirteenth Dynasty. 344 GarstanG’s El arabah tomb E.1 yond the excavator’s description “kohl pot of blue marble”, which implies, as the Museum Register states, that the material is blue anhydrite.45 However, the term ‘kohl pot’ is usually used to describe a shouldered jar rather than a cylindrical jar. Objects in the Manchester Museum collection known to have come from tomb E.1 and which are not described in the report: Fig. 4 - Travertine vessels. Both kohl pots retain much of the ine grey powdered contents. Manchester 1233 (left) and 1230 (right) pears to have been one with the neck. The base is also chipped. Despite this damage the surface does not appear to have been polished. The interior of the jar retains traces of a ine grey powder. The smaller jar (Fig. 4 left), although lightly chipped on the rim and base, is of much iner grained stone and retains much of the surface polish. The jar is a translucent pale, almost greenish hue. The rim is carved as one with the neck and is bevelled on the underside with a groove between the rim and neck.44 The interior of the jar retains much of its ine dark grey powdered kohl. Both jars have excavation marks on the base in pencil: E1 5 λ. The dating of stone vessels is problematic. The possibility of re-use of such objects is high because of their relative value. However, the better preserved of the two vessels, Manchester 1233, is of Second Intermediate Period date. 9. Torque (Fig. 5; Pl. xxxiv) Manchester 1228 Material: silver wire Dimensions: 9.9 cm diameter Bibliography: unpublished The metal of the torque (Fig. 5; Pl. xxxiv) is very well preserved with little or no corrosion. The metal is tarnished a dull grey with a few areas where the bright silver is visible. It is formed from a single metal wire, round in cross-section with lattened ends which are twisted into open loops to form the closure. The Manchester Museum Accession Register states that this object is from E.1. Grajetzki notes that torques are items of jewellery most often worn by women during the late Middle Kingdom.46 At least eight examples are known to have come from cemetery sites. The apparent non-Egyptian form 8. Stone vessel Manchester 1232 Material: blue anhydrite Dimensions: 3.6 cm tall, 4.2 cm wide at shoulders Bibliography: GarstanG, El Arábah, 44 Although this jar is held in the Manchester collection it has not been possible to examine the object nor is there an archive image extant. It is therefore impossible at present to determine the form or nature of the vessel be44 For the form see aston, Stone vessels, type 159, 146 dating to the Second Intermediate Period. The form is described as having a thick angled rim with a notch below. For the dating of this form see the vessel from Hu tomb Y269: petrie, Diospolis Parva, pl. 30; Bourriau, in maGee, Bourriau, quirKe (eds.), Sitting beside Lepsius, 39-98, in particular 76; Bourriau, in arnold (ed.), Studien zur altägyptischen Keramik, 2541, in particular n. 160. Fig. 5 - Silver wire torque with loop closure. Manchester 1228 45 aston, Stone vessels, 51-3 for the composition, use and date of anhydrite. 46 GrajetzKi, Tomb Treasures of the Late Middle Kingdom, 121. Parallels include: • Abydos 345 A’07 (present location unknown): snape, Mortuary Assemblages from Abydos, 216, 437; GrajetzKi, Tomb Treasures of the Late Middle Kingdom, 121, ig. 86. • Ashmolean E 3294, from Abydos 416 A’07: Kemp, merrillees, Minoan Pottery, 156, ig. 49, fragments of silver torque. See also lilyquist, Mirrors, 35, n. 397 with a list of fourteen examples. A further example is from El Arabah tomb E.230: GarstanG, El Arábah, 4, 26. 345 AngelA M. J. Tooley of the torque is possibly inluenced by Near Eastern fashions.47 10. Mixed beads and scarab (Figs. 6-7; Pls. xxxii-xxxiii) Manchester 1292 Material: faience, carnelian, haematite, glazed steatite (scarab) Dimensions: 8.8 cm long (as strung) Bibliography: unpublished In his report Garstang lists a string of green glaze ball beads. Such a string is not noted as coming from tomb E.1 in the Accession Register. Perhaps all that remains (or can be identiied) is the group of mixed beads under number 1292 which comprises two faience melon beads, two faience ball beads, two faience ring beads, two tiny faience wadjet-amulets, one small carnelian bead and one ovoid haematite bead (Figs. 6-7; Pls. xxxii-xxxiii). Strung together with these beads is a steatite scarab with traces of green glaze remaining in the legs, wing markings and base. The details of the head are dificult to determine. The back is plain with the wing case marked only by two small notches on either side. The legs are marked by a horizontal line to the front and sides and diagonal lines to mark the rear legs. The base is decorated with three vertical rows of hieroglyphs with the xpr –sign as its centre–piece (Fig. 7). The scarab type and the base design are typical of those manufactured in Egypt during the Second Intermediate Period.48 11. Jar (Figs. 8-9) Manchester 2169 Material: pottery, possibly Marl B fabric49 Dimensions: 23.5 cm tall, body 21.5 cm at the widest point, rim diameter 9 cm, neck 6 cm at narrowest point Bibliography: unpublished The jar has an ovoid body with rounded base, short neck and lared rolled rim (Fig. 8). The fabric is a dull yellow colour with a greenish patina, possibly from exposure to moisture. Patches of pale orange are also visible. The jar has been wheel thrown and the base has been scraped with a knife. A small section of the rim has broken away revealing its everted and rolled proile (Fig. 9). The surface of the jar has a dendritic rippled texture visible in patches over the entire body except the base. This texture is formed by the wet clay covered hands of the potter handling the jar but not smoothing it off before drying.50 Fig. 8 - Ovoid jar. The throwing lines, knife trimmed base and rough inishing are clearly visible. Manchester 2169 Fig. 6 - Beads and scarab in faience, haematite, carnelian, glazed steatite. Manchester 1292 Fig. 7 - Detail of the design scarab. Manchester 1292 47 GrajetzKi, Tomb Treasures of the Late Middle Kingdom, 112, noting however, that the scarcity of torques at Tell el-Daba argues against this. 48 Ben-tor, in BietaK, czerny (eds.), Scarabs of the Second Millennium BC, 33-4, igs. 1-2; Ben-tor, Scarabs, Chronology and Interconnections, 81-2, 103, pl. 35, no. 15 and pl. 41, no. 12 both being close parallels for our example. No surface treatment such as smoothing or burnishing is visible; the whole is rather coarsely inished. The excavation number E1 5 λ is written in black ink on the shoulder of the jar and a stamped mark 1900 added below. Of the objects from tomb E.1 this is the most clearly marked (Fig. 9). 49 Janine Bourriau, personal communication. I would like to thank Janine for her comments and assistance with this vessel. 50 I would like to thank Paul Nicholson for his comments regarding this surface feature. 346 GarstanG’s El arabah tomb E.1 Fig. 9 - Ink and stamped excavation markings on the ovoid jar from tomb E.1. Manchester 2169 At El Arabah similar jars were also found in tomb E.10251 and E.5.52 E.102 contained a range of pottery, two scarabs and four stone vessel (two travertine and two serpentine). The pottery is of forms found from the Thirteenth Dynasty through to the Seventeenth Dynasty,53 whilst the scarabs54 are Egyptian Second Intermediate Period types.55 Two items of pottery are stated to have come from tomb E.5, one of which resembles the jar from E.1 whilst the other vessel has been studied by Bourriau.56 Other objects from the tomb are a limestone female igurine,57 an ivory birth tusk,58 several ivory pins and stone vessel fragments,59 as well as ‘glazed beads and amethyst’.60 The Ashmolean vessel is a piriform juglet with handle of a type known from various cultures throughout the ancient Near East, including Egypt during the late Middle Kingdom and MBII-III periods. A Thirteenth Dynasty date is assigned to the tomb group.61 Also at Abydos, Garstang’s tomb 416 A’07 contained a jar with a similar proile, although much smaller.62 Esna jar form 10663 resembles the jar from tomb E.1. From the tomb register64 it would appear that this form was relatively common at Esna and most frequently dated by Downes as Second Intermediate Period. One tomb is perhaps illustrative. Tomb 221E65 contained a wide range of pottery forms (mostly ovoid jars), a few mixed beads, jewellery items, cosmetic vessels and a range of scarabs. Also associated with the tomb is a stela inscribed for Chief of Tens of Upper Egypt, Senebef.66 The scarabs are of two main types: Anra scarabs67 and design scarabs.68 The range of material and typologies from this tomb group illustrates the dificulty in dating such deposits without a clear indication of context and relationship, since the material culture covers the period from the Thirteenth Dynasty to the late Second Intermediate Period and possibly later. Whilst clearly datable parallels are lacking for the ovoid jar from tomb E.1 its general form is consistent with a date from the late Middle Kingdom and the period following. The base having been inished by scraping with a knife is an indication of its pre-New Kingdom manufacture.69 59 51 GarstanG, El Arábah, 17, 44, pl. 27. Op. cit., pl. 29. 53 The range of pottery from E.102 includes biconical jars, for the dating of which see Bourriau, in arnold (ed.), Studien zur altägyptischen Keramik, 28-30, igs. 3-4, noting a Second Intermediate Period date; Bourriau, in marée (ed.), The Second Intermediate Period, 11-37, in particular 32, ig. 15 which is a discussion of Peet’s tomb X52 at Abydos containing biconical jars and ovoid jars with a tall neck of Second Intermediate Period date similar to pottery from E.102. 54 GarstanG, El Arábah, pl. 10. 55 For the larger design scarab see Ben-tor, Scarabs, Chronology and Interconnections, design class 3B1c (cobras confronted), 78, pls. 33-4, and for the smaller scarab, design class 2A (scrolls and spirals unlinked), 74, pl. 32, nos. 16, 19, 27, 29. 56 Ashmolean E 2502: Bourriau, in der manuelian (ed.), Studies in honor of William Kelly Simpson, vol. I, 101-16, in particular 106-7, ig. 6. The analogous jar under consideration here is not discussed in the article. 57 Penn Museum E6709: GarstanG, El Arábah, 13, p. 17. See further below for a discussion of this type of igure and its dating. See also note 102. 58 Penn Museum E6710: GarstanG, El Arábah, 10, pl. 14. This is an undecorated example of this class of object. 52 Penn Museum E6711-4 (ivory pins), E9341-2 (vessel fragments): Bourriau, in der manuelian (ed.), Studies in honor of William Kelly Simpson, vol. I, 108, n. 20. 60 GarstanG, El Arábah, 44. 61 Bourriau, in der manuelian (ed.), Studies in honor of William Kelly Simpson, vol. I, 107. 62 Kemp, merrillees, Minoan Pottery, 119, ig. 38.7 where a parallel is drawn with Esna type 96. 63 downes, The Excavations at Esna, 43. 64 Op. cit., 116 and ff. (tomb register). 65 Op. cit., tomb register. 66 Liverpool, Garstang Museum E.65, op. cit., 75, ig. 39. 67 Op. cit., 62, types 221:2 and 221:6; richards, The Anra Scarab, ESN6, type C(iii)b, 62, 307, ig. 4.11; ESN2, type A(i) 38, 306, ig. 4.2. Both types are found throughout the late Middle Kingdom into the Eighteenth Dynasty, richards, The Anra Scarab, 39-40, 62. 68 downes, The Excavations at Esna, 62, type 221:4; Bentor, Scarabs, Chronology and Interconnections, design class 3B1c (cobras confronted), 78, pl. 33.42. See also Ben-tor, Scarabs, Chronology and Interconnections, design class 3B4 (wadjet-eyes), 81, pl. 34, for examples similar to downes, The Excavations at Esna, 62, type 221:3. These are Egyptian Second Intermediate Period scarabs. 69 Janine Bourriau, personal communication. I would like to thank Janine for bringing this detail to my attention. 347 AngelA M. J. Tooley 12. Statuette (Figs. 10-11; Pls. xxix-xxxi) Manchester 1231 Material: limestone, painted Dimensions: 12.5 cm (surviving height), 4.7 cm wide, 5.8 cm deep Bibliography: unpublished; The upper part of a statuette was found in tomb E.1 (Figs. 10-11, Pls. xxix-xxxi). It depicts a female standing against an inscribed back pillar, legs together, with arms tightly held to the sides of the body. The statuette, of limestone, is coarsely carved and is broken just below knee level. In modern times the statuette has had some height restored by the addition of a plaster base allowing it to stand upright and which extends 1.5 cm below the break at the knees. The body of the female is relatively slender with little attempt to indicate the breasts, so that she appears somewhat androgynous. The arms are held tight to the sides of the body with the hands held lat against the thighs. The left arm appears to be 1 cm shorter than the right, although as the left shoulder is set approximately 1 cm higher than the right, the arms are roughly the same length. The hands are carved with the ingers indicated only by vertically incised lines. On the right hand the sculptor has incised too many lines so that there are ive ingers instead of four (Pl. xxx). The legs are together, with a shallow groove between them towards the bottom end of the preserved section of the statuette. The head is too large for the body and is the focus for some curious features, not least the woman’s face. Any understanding of proportion has been abandoned with the modelling of this statuette’s facial features which are dominated by the huge oval eyes that take up the majority of the top half of the face. These Fig. 10 - Left proile detail of the statuette. The excavator’s pencil mark E1 can be seen on the side of the back pillar. Manchester 1231 are set either side of a wedge-shaped nose which extends directly from the prominent forehead. Below is set the mouth comprised of two thick lips without shaping. Adorning the head is a sort of bouffant hairstyle covering the entire head, short at the back and ending in two long tresses at the front which terminate in curls, one on each breast. This kind of style is often referred to as the Hathor-wig.70 The entire surface of the hair is covered by uneven incisions forming a hatched effect across the front, left-hand side and back. The right side of the head has only vertical incisions which also adorn both long sections at the front. Above each rounded curl are three horizontal scored lines. A brown granular substance adheres to much of head giving it a dark appearance and obscuring the black painted details of the hair in particular. The statuette’s dress, from below the breast-line, is decorated with a black or faded to almost dark blue painted mesh design resembling netting (Pl. xxxi). Each intersection of the net is emphasised by a red dot, perhaps in imitation of a rosette, the intension being to portray a bead-net sheath dress.71 Black or blue-black painted lines form bracelets at the wrists as further ornamentation. The igure stands against a back pillar 2.2 cm deep and 3.5 cm wide (Fig. 11). The pillar is inscribed with very crudely cut hieroglyphs: Htp di nsw. The following sign, of which only the top edge is preserved, is probably to be interpreted as the Osiris palanquin sign (Gardiner, Grammar, Sign-List Q2). E 1 written in pencil can be seen on the left side of the back pillar (Fig. 10). On the right side of the back pillar a further pencil mark has been made. Unfortunately, due to the rough nature of the stone surface this excavation mark is indistinct and cannot be clearly interpreted. E 1 is clearly distinguishable. However, following that are other characters, possibly including a B or a 3 and another unidentiied character below it. Parallel female statuettes are lacking. However, a cor70 See for example, Fitzwilliam Museum E.67.1932: Bourri- au, Pharaohs and mortals, 49, cat. 37. For a discussion of this hairstyle see haynes, in der manuelian (ed.), Studies in honor of William Kelly Simpson, vol. I, 339-408, in particular 402-6. 71 For examples of bead-net dresses in sculpture see: • MMA 20.3.7, female offering bearer from TT280 (Meketre), Twelfth Dynasty: hayes, The Scepter of Egypt, vol. I, 266, ig. 174. • Rijkesmuseum van Oudheden, Leiden AST 9, painted limestone group inscribed for Meretites from Saqqara, Fifth Dynasty: schneider, De ontdekking van de Egyptische kunst, ig. 78. For a bead-net dress in two dimensions see: • MMA 26.3.237, a painted wooden writing board stela of Nebseny, from tomb MMA 512 at Deir el-Bahri, Twelfth Dynasty: hayes, The Scepter of Egypt, vol. I, 330, ig. 218. For a surviving bead-net dress see: • Boston MFA 27.1548, from Giza tomb G 7440Z, Fourth Dynasty: arnold (ed.), Egyptian art in the age of the pyramids, 306-7 cat. 94. 348 GarstanG’s El arabah tomb E.1 Fig. 11 - Back pillar with the carved inscription: Htp di nsw. Note the incised parallel lines behind the head. Manchester 1231 pus of material does exist to which this statuette can be related. In his discussion of the Abydos workshops of the Sixteenth or early Seventeenth Dynasty, Marée drew attention to a series of male statuettes from the Abydos cemeteries72 which are characterised by being exclusively in limestone, rather crudely modelled, which have ‘helmet-like’ hair and an inscribed back pillar. Certain features of the E.1 statuette suggest a relationship with the Abydos atelier. As noted by Winterhalter, sculpture datable to the Second Intermediate Period is relatively scarce.73 Of the forty-eight sculptures in her catalogue only sixteen are female, adding to the scarcity of comparisons. Furthermore, of those sixteen only two are adorned with the Hathor-style wig,74 the majority of female statuettes of 72 marée, in marée (ed.), Second Intermediate Period, 24181, in particular 258-61. 73 winterhalter, in BrodBecK (ed.), Ein ägyptisches Glasperlenspiel, 265-308, in particular 265, 268-70. 74 Louvre N.446, Princess Ahhotep: winterhalter, in BrodBecK (ed.), Ein ägyptisches Glasperlenspiel, 299-300, cat. 33 and Munich ÄS 7122, Setnetiatju: winterhalter, in BrodBecK (ed.), Ein ägyptisches Glasperlenspiel, 300, cat 34. this period having a shoulder-length straight enveloping hairstyle or a variation of it.75 The modelling of the hairstyle on the Manchester statuette is unusual. One of the characteristics of the Hathorstyle is its three-part nature: two sections of hair terminating in a curl fall to either side of the face and are tucked behind the ears and a third section on the back of the head which falls behind the shoulders. There is also usually a pronounced central parting. Where this is lacking the top of the head is usually lattened, with or without a slight central groove. On the E.1 statuette the ears are not exposed, nor is there a separate section at the back. The top of the head is rounded with no indentation or central parting. The whole in fact, resembles a helmet of coarsely incised hatching, with two long tresses appended to the front. It is as though the craftsman who carved this igure was unfamiliar with female sculptural forms. The hair strongly resembles the helmet-style found on the male igures from Marée’s workshop, both in the rounded form and in the surface treatment. The speciic nature of the Hathor-wig has been misunderstood by the craftsman and rendered incomplete as a result. The face of our statuette is striking because of its lack of proportion. Perhaps the sculptor, intending to depict a more feminine form than he was used to, over compensated by modelling the eyes larger than those on male igures with the result that the statuette has an unconventional appearance. Whatever the reason, disproportionate eyes on Second Intermediate Period statuettes is not unknown.76 Another feature of the E.1 statuette which should be mentioned are the incised parallel lines on the back pillar behind the arms and across the top of it by the head (Figs. 10-11). Similar incised parallel lines are visible on the plinth of another statuette discovered by Garstang at El Arabah from tomb E.41.77 The very crudely carved inscription on the back pillar is of limited use in obtaining a close date because it is incomplete, beyond general remarks that it is a standard offering formula, perhaps dedicated to Osiris only78 and that the text resembles those discussed by Marée. In his discussion of the Abydos workshop Marée pro- 75 winterhalter, in BrodBecK (ed.), Ein ägyptisches Glasperlenspiel, 304-6, cats. 37-45. 76 For example Louvre E.10525: winterhalter, in BrodBecK (ed.), Ein ägyptisches Glasperlenspiel, 296, cat. 25; marée, in marée (ed.), Second Intermediate Period, pls. 89-91. See also, rosati, in marée (ed.), Second Intermediate Period, 3034, pls. 101-2. 77 GarstanG, El Arábah, 9, 34, pl. 12; snape, in eyre, leahy, leahy (eds.), The Unbroken Reed, 304-14, in particular 310. 78 Several of the Abydos group of statuettes are inscribed with Ptah-Sokar-Osiris. 349 AngelA M. J. Tooley poses a Sixteenth to early Seventeenth Dynasty date.79 While the statuette from E.1 does not resemble other female statuettes of the Second Intermediate Period it has close afinities with sculpture from the Abydos North Cemetery and should therefore be added to that atelier. IV. Conclusions Through close examination of the available evidence presented in the published excavation report it has been possible to propose a reconstruction of tomb E.1. It was a range of ive shafts constructed in a manner typical at Abydos for burials of the Middle Kingdom and Second Intermediate Period. Each shaft was substantially brick-lined, the whole range being approximately eleven meters by three meters. At least one shaft had two or more chambers: shaft 5. This shaft preserved a number of objects from a chamber designated λ by Garstang on the objects themselves. The tomb undoubtedly had an associated chapel. Perhaps this is represented by the small structure to the northeast of the range. A brief summary of some of the objects from tomb E.1 is given in the report. Some of these objects are now housed in the Egyptology Collection at the Manchester Museum, along with further objects not published in the report. Together, the objects give an impression of the date the tomb was in use. We have seen that material excavated from the tomb comprised objects of daily life: the cosmetic stones vessels and mirror handle. There are objects of personal adornment: the torque, beads and scarabs. Provisioning is represented by the pottery jar. Ritual objects are presented in the form of the faience lion, the limestone statuette and perhaps the pottery igure. Noteworthy among the objects from tomb E.1 are the additions to our corpora of silver wire torques, Anra scarabs and Abydene early Second Intermediate Period sculpture. Richards has stated that tombs located in the North cemetery dated “intermediate period” by early excavators can be assigned a Thirteenth Dynasty date.80 A similar date is also proposed for El Arabah tomb E.5.81 How far does tomb E.1 support this assertion? The tomb is located in the northern part of the concession and in the northern sector of the necropolis.82 A 79 marée, in marée (ed.), Second Intermediate Period, 258 with reference to sculpture output of the workshop in particular. 80 richards, Society and Death, 155. See also n. 26. 81 Bourriau, in der manuelian (ed.), Studies in honor of William Kelly Simpson, vol. I, 107. 82 For the position of Cemetery E, see Kemp, merrillees, Minoan Pottery, ig. 36. chronological spread from north to south has been noted, with Twelfth and Thirteenth Dynasty tombs located in the north and Second Intermediate Period tombs towards the south.83 The dating is based on ceramic and inscriptional evidence84 which Richards suggests is supported by the location in the North Cemetery of the so-called ‘Neferhotep Stela’85 indicating an intensive interest in the area for burial during the Thirteenth Dynasty.86 The stela is a royal decree recording the setting up of four boundary markers in order to prohibit burial within the area sacred to Wepwawet under severe penalty and as a “reminder that anywhere outside the sacred region is a legitimate place for the construction of tombs and for burial”.87 The location of the stela is assumed to be in situ,88 at the south-eastern end of the cemetery which, it is suggested, adds weight to the general argument for a Thirteenth Dynasty date for the North Cemetery “intermediate period” burials. However, as stated above, range tombs probably served several generations and an estimate of approximately one hundred years has been suggested for burials within such an installation,89 although this does not allow for re-use over a considerably longer period, which archaeologically may be represented by both intrusive burials in older tombs or by the addition of further chambers at higher levels. The material culture from tomb E.1 can be separated into three broad groups. Objects simply stated as from E.1 include the ivory mirror handle, beads, torque, pottery igure, anhydrite kohl pot and scarabs. Objects from chamber λ include two travertine vessels and a pottery jar. More problematic, because their marks are uncertain are the faience lion and limestone statuette. The probability is that these also came from chamber λ. If we assume the latter, it is unlikely that the statuette was originally placed within the tomb and that it found its way into the chamber possibly from the chapel above.90 The objects simply designated E.1 may have come from any one or more of the shafts within the tomb. Their context and relationships are unknown. Therefore, using any one of 83 richards, Society and Death, 136 and ff., 159-61. Op. cit., 136, 155. 85 Cairo JE 35256: randall-mciver, mace, El Amrah and Abydos, 64, 84, pl. 29; leahy, JEA 75, 41-60, pls. 6 and VII.1. The stela was usurped by Neferhotep I. According to Leahy’s reconstruction the year four date on the stela refers to Khutawyre Wegef. 86 richards, Society and Death, 136. 87 leahy, JEA 75, 49. 88 Op. cit., 50-4, ig. 2. 89 Kemp, merrillees, Minoan Pottery, 111. 90 See for example, richards, Society and Death, 163, igs. 76-7, with reference to ‘miniature mastaba’ chapels and a stela found in situ within its chapel from tomb E 725/N 940. 84 350 GarstanG’s El arabah tomb E.1 the objects to date the tomb is inadvisable. Comparative material from other groups primarily from Abydos may assist in dating tomb E.1. Two tombs at Abydos also excavated by Garstang have already been mentioned, 416 A’07 and E.5. Both of these tombs contain objects comparable with objects from E.1. Tomb 416 A’07 was subject to an extensive study by Kemp and Merrillees.91 Much additional comparative material for this study was drawn together from other tomb groups.92 Tomb 416 A’07, which is a range of six shafts, was excavated by Garstang in 1907 in a sector of the North Cemetery at Abydos roughly south-east of his El Arabah concession bordering his Cemetery E.93 The signiicance of the tomb lies in the fragments of Classic Kamares Ware bridge-spouted jar it yielded.94 Kemp and Merrillees state that according to Garstang’s records the contents of the tomb can be divided into three groupings: objects from shaft 3, where the Minoan sherds were found in chamber 3; objects from shaft 6; and objects from shaft 2 which contained in chamber 2b, the upper chamber, an intact deposit of around sixty items.95 The Kamares Ware sherds were not found in the same shaft let alone the same chamber as the intact burial. Indeed, Kemp and Merrillees urged caution: “For the present, all that need be accepted is that the excavator could ind no trace of re-use. This is not quite the same as saying that all the objects belong to the same period, since the burials in the six chambers must span a period of time which could, in theory, cover two separate archaeologically deined phases”.96 Although stating that their dating results for 416 A’07 appear inconclusive, Kemp and Merrillees favour a Thirteenth Dynasty date for the intact burial.97 Like 416 A’07, tomb E.5 at El Arabah is a range tomb, this time comprised of two shafts but unlike 416 A’07 is not a closed context.98 The signiicant object from the tomb is the piriform juglet, a form known in Syria and Palestine. Tomb E.5 was excavated during the same season as E.1 and is subject to the same constrictions reKemp, merrillees, Minoan Pottery, 105-75, ig. 37. Op. cit., 163-7, the El Matariya group, the Terrace group, Ramesseum tomb 5, Lisht groups including tomb 453 and El Kab tomb 1. 93 Op. cit., 105-11. For a plan of the cemeteries and the location of 416 A’07 see ig. 36. 94 Ashmolean E 3295: Op. cit., 118-9 and passim, ig. 38, pl. 13 of Minoan MMII-MMIII origin. 95 Op. cit., 111-2. 96 Op. cit., 112. 97 Op. cit., 174 and preceding comments, with the caveat that nothing of speciically ‘Hyksos’ period culture, such as scarabs and pottery, was amongst the objects from the tomb that would support, in their opinion, a post-Middle Kingdom date. 98 Bourriau, in der manuelian (ed.), Studies in honor of William Kelly Simpson, vol. I, 106-7. 91 92 garding the lack of any detailed archaeological context. The tomb comprised two adjacent shafts and according to the report, contained a small number of objects.99 The similarity of the ovoid jar from E.5100 and that from E.1 is obvious and suggests contemporaneity. The remaining objects from tomb E.5 have been considered to be consistent with a Thirteenth Dynasty date.101 However, the limestone female igure from E.5 is of a type which post-dates the Middle Kingdom.102 Pinch grouped all female igures truncated below the knees together, irrespective of material or other features, as type 1.103 The E.5 truncated igure104 preserves the remains of blue-black painted decoration in the form of bead necklaces, bracelets and armlets. Cross-shaped markings can be seen across the lower abdomen and lower back. The hairstyle is a very particular one, found most commonly, although not exclusively, on this type of igurine. It comprises two elements: a front section framing the face, often ornamented with incised zigzag lines or crosshatching and a back section featuring three widely spaced braids on a cropped or shaven scalp. The style is most conveniently termed three-braid. This same hairstyle is found on a small igurine of a harpist from another tomb at Abydos excavated by Randall-McIver and Mace, tomb D.94.105 From this tomb also came a large sherd of Classic Kerma bowl.106 Another tomb in Cemetery D also contained 99 GarstanG, El Arábah, 44 for a list of these. See also above, nn. 56-9. 100 GarstanG, El Arábah, pl. 29. 101 Bourriau, in der manuelian (ed.), Studies in honor of William Kelly Simpson, vol. I, 107. 102 Research into the types of female igurines with legs truncated below the knees, Pinch’s type 1, undertaken by the present author is ongoing. Preliminary results which are discussed here will be published in the future. Pinch coined the term fertility igures for these naked female igures but for now these igures will be termed here ‘truncated igures’ and the specific type under consideration with the three braids on the back of the head will be termed ‘three-braid’ type. 103 pinch, Votive Offerings, 198-9, 226-7 (List 1). Of the list of some seventy or so igures only four are assigned to a Second Intermediate Period date. 104 Penn Museum E6709: GarstanG, El Arábah, 13, p. 17. 105 Musée du Cinquantenaire, Brussels E.0262: randall-mciver, mace, El Amrah and Abydos, 87, 101, pl. 43; hornemann, Types of Egyptian Statuary, vol. IV, no. 996. I would like to thank Luc Delvaux of the Musée du Cinquantenaire for his assistance with the objects in Brussels. See also Kemp, merrillees, Minoan Pottery, 146, comparing the D.94 statuette with the male harpist igurine from tomb 416 A’07. For a similar female statuette without the three-braid hairstyle, see Ashmolean E 1922.212, Bourriau, Pharaohs and mortals, 107-8, cat. 96. 106 Brussels E.0260: randall-mciver, mace, El Amrah and Abydos, 87, 101, pl. 43. The Museum Register terms these twelve fragments of pottery ‘Pan-grave’, presumably following 351 AngelA M. J. Tooley a limestone truncated igure, D.92.107 Although missing the upper body, this igure is decorated with painted black jewellery and cross-shaped markings found only on igures that also have the three-braid hairstyle of the E.5 igure and D.94 harpist. Also from tomb D.92 is an anhydrite statuette base.108 The use of anhydrite as a material for cosmetic vessels, bowls and jars with monkeys in relief, duck lasks and small-scale sculpture appears to have been limited to a relatively short period between the Middle Kingdom and the end of the Second Intermediate Period.109 One of the groups cited by Kemp and Merrillees for comparison with objects from 416 A’07 is the so-called E.L.B. Terrace group.110 Said to be from a tomb at Lisht111 the group comprises faience animal and human igures, fruits and vegetables, stone vessels in- the excavators’ description. D.94 is said to have two distinct periods of use: once in the Second Intermediate Period and the other in the Nineteenth to Twentieth Dynasty: Bourriau, in arnold (ed.), Studien zur altägyptischen Keramik, 33. It is to the Second Intermediate Period that the Kerma sherds and harpist igurine are to be dated. Other objects from the irst phase of use, some of which are listed by randall-mciver, mace, El Amrah and Abydos, 87, 101, pl. 43, include: • Brussels E.0259: a small painted plaster mummy mask, now missing part of the right side of the face. Traces suggest the headdress may belong to the rishi-type. • Brussels E.0261: a small anhydrite kohl pot. • Brussels E.0263: ebony scribal palette. • Brussels E.0264-5: ivory ‘earring’ and carnelian and faience bead necklace. • Brussels E.0266: wooden kohl stick (unpublished). • Brussels E.0267-75 represent objects from the re-use of the tomb in the late New Kingdom (unpublished). 107 Carnegie Museum of Natural History, Pittsburgh 1917-107: randall-mciver, mace, El Amrah and Abydos, 87, 101, pl. 43; patch, Relections of greatness, 36-7, cat. 25c. I would like to thank Deborah Harding of the Carnegie Museum for her assistance in tracking down the objects in Pittsburgh. 108 Carnegie 1917-105: randall-mciver, mace, El Amrah and Abydos, 87, 101, pls. 43, 57. Inscribed for Iuefseneb. The name and walking pose of the feet suggest this is a male igure. For a comparable piece, this time with feet together and probably female is MMA 26.3.220, from MMA tomb 510/ TT 313 at Deir el-Bahri: fay, MMJ 33, 23-48, in particular 26, ig. 16. The mix of objects from MMA 510 suggests later (re)use, making the dating of this statuette base likely to be later than the Eleventh Dynasty construction of the tomb. 109 fay, MMJ 33, 27. 110 Kemp, merrillees, Minoan Pottery, 165-6, pls. 23-6. 111 Op. cit., 165 where it is stated that there is no evidence that the group was found together, but also noting the strong homogeneity of the group; Keimer, Remarques sur le tatouage, 34 where the group is cited as in the possession of Mr. Abemayor, a Cairo antiquities dealer. cluding an anhydrite duck lask112 and monkey bowl,113 as well as the upper portion of a limestone three-braid truncated igure.114 The igure is a particularly ine example of the type preserving much of the surface decoration. Fay concluded that the use of anhydrite for vessels with high plastic decoration, such as monkey bowls and duck lasks was limited to the Second Intermediate Period, in particular the Seventeenth Dynasty,115 a conclusion she states is supported by the truncated igure in the Terrace group.116 What this suggests is that at least one object from E.5, the truncate igure, is later than the Thirteenth Dynasty date indicated by the piriform juglet and that tombs D.92 and D.94, as well as the Terrace group also contain elements that can be assigned a Second Intermediate Period date. What this brief excursus of comparative groups suggests is that there is little to distinguish material culture in the period between the end of the Thirteenth Dynasty and the beginning of the Second Intermediate Period (Sixteenth to early Seventeenth Dynasty).117 The foreign pottery vessels from 416 A’07 and E.5 suggest these tombs were in use during the Thirteenth Dynasty, but since the Kamares Ware in 416 A’07 came from a different shaft from the intact burial and the piriform juglet cannot with certainty be directly associated with the truncated igure fay, MMJ 33, 32, 40, no. 7, ig. 37; Kemp, merrillees, Minoan Pottery, 165, pl. 25. 113 Israel Museum, Jerusalem 91.71.241: fay, MMJ 33, 32, ig. 37; Kemp, merrillees, Minoan Pottery, 165. 114 Israel Museum 91.71.229: Kemp, merrillees, Minoan Pottery, 166; Keimer, Remarques sur le tatouage, 34, pl. XIX.1; fay, MMJ 33, 31-2, ig. 26a-b. The igure was formerly in the Norbert Schimmel Collection: settGast (ed.), Von Troja bis Amarna, no. 199; hoffmann, Norbert Schimmel Collection, no. 85, see also nos. 86-8 for other objects from the group; muscarella (ed.), The Norbert Schimmel Collection, no. 171, see also nos. 172-4 for other objects from the group. 115 fay, MMJ 33, 29-33. 116 Op. cit., 32. Truncated igures of the three-braid type resemble stylistically female statuettes from the early Second Intermediate Period in terms of their style and the treatment of the hair. The three-braid style is derived from the dominant shoulder-length straight enveloping style of the period. For examples see winterhalter, in BrodBecK (ed.), Ein ägyptisches Glasperlenspiel, 277-8, 304-6, cats. 41-5. The three-braid style itself is found on a small number of statuettes, for examples see winterhalter, in BrodBecK (ed.), Ein ägyptisches Glasperlenspiel, 227, 302-4, cats. 37-40. A Sixteenth to early Seventeenth Dynasty date is suggested for two of these examples by marée, in marée (ed.), Second Intermediate Period, 259, n. 133. The present author prefers a Sixteenth to early Seventeenth Dynasty date for three-braid truncated igures rather than the later date assigned by Fay. 117 Bourriau, in maGee, Bourriau, quirKe (eds.), Sitting beside Lepsius, 45 notes a break in material culture during the Seventeenth Dynasty. 112 352 GarstanG’s El arabah tomb E.1 and other objects in E.5, these can only indicate a possible date. The same consideration must also be applied to the Kerma sherds from D.94. The truncated igure in E.5 in particular appears to be later than the juglet and belongs to cultural material comprising small limestone igures of humans engaged in various activities, the precise purpose of which is uncertain. A group of such igures was found in 416 A’07,118 while the wrestlers from the Terrace group are of faience.119 None of the groups considered here, apart from the burial in chamber 2b of tomb 416 A’07, are closed contexts. All the groups exhibit cultural material which could be considered Thirteenth Dynasty and Second Intermediate Period. Since the relationship between the objects is not recorded in the original excavation reports we are left with the question of how to interpret the material and what weighting we apply to objects that are datable. Either, there is no relationship between the objects and the tombs were used during two different chronological periods or the tombs were in continuous use over several generations. An alternative interpretation is that the material demonstrates a cultural continuity from the end of the Thirteenth Dynasty to the early Second Intermediate Period as a single cultural phase. This latter possibility coincides with Bourriau’s observations of body orientation in precisely this period, her phase 2.120 Following this line of argument it would appear that certain of the tombs at Abydos exhibit cultural elements that appear in the late Middle Kingdom, expressed as Thirteenth Dynasty and others of early Second Intermediate Period, expressed as Sixteenth to early Seventeenth Dynasty.121 Culturally intermediate, it cannot be forced into a dynastic chronological framework but appears to be a transitional phase sharing cultural features from both chronological periods.122 Of the tombs considered here, 118 Ashmolean E 3297 two men wrestling: Kemp, merrillees, Minoan Pottery, 145-6, pls.10-1, 13, 17; Bourriau, Pharaohs and mortals, 121, cat. 113. Ashmolean E 3298 male harpist: Kemp, merrillees, Minoan Pottery, 146, pls. 10-1, 13, 17. 119 Kemp, merrillees, Minoan Pottery, 165, pl. 24. 120 Bourriau, in willems (ed.), Social aspects of funerary culture, 1-20, in particular 7, tables 3-4. 121 Even allowing for use of tombs over a period of approximately one hundred years, as a cultural entity, this phase has merit since the Sixteenth Dynasty followed directly the Thirteenth in Upper Egypt and itself lasted approximately sixty years. For chronology see ryholt, The political situation in Egypt, 184-204, where the entire Second Intermediate Period is allotted 253 years. 122 This phase, from the Thirteenth to Sixteenth Dynasties, is considered by Anne Seiler to be a period of tradition characterised by “a principle of material provision” in which burials are equipped with real provisions such as food and drink: seiler, in marée (ed.), The Second Intermediate Period, 3953, in particular 40-4; seiler, Tradition und Wandel, 161-9. only 416 A’07 contained an intact deposit and only this burial provides evidence of body position. The burial was of an adult female, supine with head turned right.123 There is no suggestion that the burial received a plaster coating or mask of any sort. Body position and material culture suggest that it belongs to Bourriau’s phase 1.124 Tomb 416 A’07 is perhaps the earliest of the groups considered here. It is towards the end of the Thirteenth Dynasty that greater emphasis is placed on the cofin and the body, with the introduction of new forms such as the rishi-cofin.125 Objects such as faience igurines and magico-religious items like stone truncated igures and ivory birth tusks126 begin to decline, eventually dying out in the Seventeenth Dynasty and are replaced by other genres of funerary equipment.127 Garstang’s tomb E.1 falls into a culturally intermediate phase between the end of the Thirteenth Dynasty and the Sixteenth or early Seventeenth Dynasty. The faience lion, torque, beads, anhydrite kohl pot and mirror 123 Kemp, merrillees, Minoan Pottery, 111-2, pl. 10. The sexing is that of Garstang. 124 Bourriau, in willems (ed.), Social aspects of funerary culture, 7, table 2. Phase 1 is dated mid Twelfth to Thirteenth Dynasty. 125 For the rishi-cofin, see miniaci, Rishi Cofins. 126 Birth tusks do not seem to post-date the late Middle Kingdom. Stephen Quirke, personal communication. For dating see Quirke forthcoming. I would like to thank Stephen for his helpful comments regarding his research into this genre of material. 127 For instance, the stick shabti: whelan, 17th-18th Dynasty Stick Shabtis. Seiler sees the Seventeenth Dynasty as a period of change characterised by “a principle of magical provision”, marked by the development of new forms of pottery which are ritual in function. Alongside this new emphasis in ritual provisioning is the appearance of the irst Book of the Dead spells and the inclusion of other ritual objects in burials, such as ivory birth tusks: seiler, in marée, (ed.), Second Intermediate Period, 44-52; seiler, Tradition und Wandel, 169-84, 199. For the birth tusk Seiler is referring to as Seventeenth Dynasty see Dra Abu el-Naga tomb K95.2: polz et al., MDAIK 55, 343-410, in particular 374-5, 390-5, Abb. 18, pl. 61b. The exact context of shaft K95.2 is not fully published. The ind is stated as datable to the Seventeenth Dynasty by virtue of pottery within the same locus. However, this is not a closed context. The inclusion of faience igurines and truncated igures as well as a range of ivory birth tusks in the Thirteenth Dynasty group from the Ramesseum tomb 5 would indicate that where birth tusks are found with Seventeenth Dynasty material (Seiler’s second phase), if are they indeed of Seventeenth Dynasty date then their presence is an indication of cultural continuity rather than of change. For the Ramesseum group see quiBell, The Ramesseum, 3, pl. 3; Kemp, merrillees, Minoan Pottery, 166. For a more recent synthesis see: parKinson, Egyptian poetry, 138-72. For the truncated igures from this tomb see tooley in miniaci (ed.), Company of Images. 353 AngelA M. J. Tooley handle if found alone might suggest a late Middle Kingdom date. The travertine vessels and ovoid jar, the only objects certainly found together in the tomb, are datable to the early Second Intermediate Period. The scarabs and limestone statuette are clearly Second Intermediate Period forms. Taken together, with the caveat that the exact relationship between the objects is unknown but assuming that there is a relationship, the assemblage presents a cultural continuity between dynasties. If we accept this reconstruction of a seemingly insigniicant tomb, then we must modify our interpretation of material termed “intermediate period” by the early excavators of the Abydos North Cemetery and understand this as meaning not only Thirteenth Dynasty but also the period immediately following it. Even if these objects represent more than one deposit, their chronological spread, together with the other groups discussed above, indicates a broad early Second Intermediate Period presence in the northern sector of the North Cemetery at Abydos, not as newly constructed tombs which are located to the south, but as evidence of a continuity of use over several generations culturally linked. Acknowledgment I would like to thank Campbell Price, Curator of Ancient Egypt and Sudan at The Manchester Museum, without whose patience and invaluable assistance with access to the collections and museum records this paper would not have been possible. Bibliography arnold, D. (ed.), Egyptian art in the age of the pyramids (New York, 1999). aston, B., Ancient Egyptian stone vessels: Materials and forms (Heidelberg: SAGA 5, 1994). Ben-tor, D., “Second Intermediate Period Scarabs from Egypt and Palestine: Historical and Chronological Implications”, in m. 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Shore (London: EES OP 11, 1994), 304-14. tooley, A., “The Ramesseum Ladies: Type 1 Figurines” (provisional title), in G. miniaci (ed.), Company of Images: Modelling the Imaginary World of Middle Kingdom Egypt 2000-1550 BC. Proceedings of the International Egyptological Conference held in London, 18-20 September 2014, forthcoming. whelan, P., Mere scraps of rough wood? 17th-18th dynasty stick shabtis in the Petrie Museum and other collections (London: GHPE 6, 2007). winterhalter, S., “Die Plastik der 17. Dynastie”, in A. BrodBecK (ed.), Ein ägyptisches Glasperlenspiel: Ägyptologische Beiträge für Erik Hornung aus seinem Schülerkreis (Berlin, 1998), 265-308. 355 Colour Plate Captions Pl. XIX: Detail of the upper half of the lid. Note the headdress’ lappets with a peculiar geometrical pattern imitating a mat Pl. I: Cartonnage mask of Senetites, Dahshur, shaft 65 Pl. II: Cofin of Senu in situ, Dahshur, shaft 42 Pl. III: Faience igure of dog, Dahshur, shaft 79 Pl. XX: End of the offering formula identifying the cofin’s owner Pl. IV: Beer bottles in situ at the burial chamber of Shaft 107, Dahshur Pl. XXI: Cofin of the ive-year-old child (UE 1001) Pl. V: Wooden model door, Dahshur, shaft 106, tomb of Key Pl. XXII: Statue, Boston, MFA 2012.567. Front view Pl. XXIII: Statue, Boston, MFA 2012.567. Back view Pl. VI: Fragment of faience animal, Dahshur shaft 79 Pls. XXIV-XXVII: Canopic chest of Khakheperreseneb, side a, b, c, d © Georges Poncet/Musée du Louvre Pl. VII: Fragment of faience hippopatamus, Dahshur, shaft 79 Pl. VIII: Cartonnage mask of Senu, front, Dahshur, shaft 42 Pl. IX: Cartonnage mask of Senu, top, Dahshur, shaft 42 Pl. X: Canopic jars of Key, Dahshur, shaft 106 Pl. XI: Faience igure of frog, Dahshur, shaft 106 Pl. XII: Faience model fruits from Shaft 106, Dahshur Pl. XIII: Inner anthropoid cofin of Sobekhat, Dahshur, shaft 106 Pl. XIV: Stone weight, Tell el-Dabʻa Pl. XV: Sarenput’s shabti (right) and its cofin (left) Pl. XVI: Inscribed fringe with the name of Sarenput’s mother, Sattjeni Pl. XXVIII: Faience lion igurine. Forepaws missing. The glaze is pitted and cracked. The details of the lion’s fur, including the striped tail are indistinct. Abydos (El Arabah, tomb E.1); Manchester 1229 Pl. XXIX: Painted limestone statuette. The encrustation of the head adds to the top-heavy impression. Abydos (El Arabah, tomb E.1); Manchester 1231 Pl. XXX: Right proile detail of the statuette. The right hand has four instead of three incisions marking out the ingers Pl. XXXI: Faience lion igurine. Forepaws missing. The glaze is pitted and cracked. The details of the lion’s fur, including the striped tail are indistinct. Abydos (El Arabah, tomb E.1); Manchester 1229 Pl. XXXII: Beads and scarab, Abydos (El Arabah, tomb E.1); Manchester 1292 Pl. XVII: The mask and shroud of Heqaib III Pl. XXXIII: Beads and scarab, Abydos (El Arabah, tomb E.1); Manchester 1292 Pl. XVIII: Rishi-cofin of Neb, found inside the burial chamber. The outer side of the box is entirely painted black Pl. XXXIV: Silver torque, Abydos (El Arabah, tomb E.1); Manchester 1228 358 Tooley Pl. XXVIII Pl. XXIX Pl. XXXI Pl. XXX Pl. XXXII Pl. XXXIII Pl. XXXIV