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2014
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8 pages
1 file
In the following essay I shall attempt to explain why I consider pretend play as the incipient form of self-deception and why the terms of “pretend” and “play” are used somehow redundantly. While I will do that, I will succinctly tackle the related concepts, and try to see if there is any evolutionary benefit of the amazing (coping) mechanism, which is self-deception, which guides us from 18 months and throughout the entire life.
2014
Pretend play in human infants is a behavior that starts around 18 months of age and ends with death. We claim that everything we do in life is a play, with degrees of pretending. Professions, careers, hierarchy levels, wars or politics are all social roles that we play. Most of the times, we pretend (to) play. We pretend to be good at something we are not, we pretend to be happy when we are down, and actually very few of us live systematically authentic, and emotionally and physically congruent. Sometimes it is not evolutionary beneficial and profitable to be authentic and not pretend play. Therefore, self-deception and deception of others is a trait that deserves much attention from our brains and must be rehearsed from early childhood.
International Journal for Cross-Disciplinary Subjects in Education, 2011
This paper employs an ecological framework in order to capture the complex, dynamic, interactive and self-organising nature of children's engagement with their world. Drawing on the principles of ecology it examines parallels between the properties of systems found in nature and children's cognitive and adaptive processes. Similar to ecological systems, children's engagement with the world involves constant and mutually influential interactions between the individual and his/her environment. This interconnectedness and inseparability with the world, termed being-in-the world, enables the exchange of information between the person and the world and thus allows the individual to organise his/her own information structure. Children's being-in-the-world finds its expression in role play. This is the field of mimesis, where children engage in creative appropriation of their real worlds. The play worlds that children create whilst in role play may therefore fulfil self organisational, evolutionary purposes.
Child development, 1993
Avant, 2019
This paper presents pretending as an enacted and fundamentally social activity. First, it demonstrates why we should think of pretense as inherently social. Then, it shows how that fact affects our theory in terms of what is needed in order to pretend. Standardly, pretense is seen as requiring a mechanism that allows one to bypass the “obvious” re- sponse to the environment in order to opt for a symbolic response; that mechanism is im- aginative and representational. This paper shows that the Enactive Account of Pretense reconsiders the idea that one needs to respond to an absent environment when pretending, proposing instead that socially constituted perceptual affordances for play allow for non-obvious ways of responding to the present environment. The enactive account of pretense suggests that one need not posit special cognitive pretense mechanisms and mental scripts in order to account for pretend- ing, as available capacities for active perception and re-enactment of routines suffice. This paper concludes with suggestions for the kinds of cognitive skills that should be sought out to explain pretense.
Psychological Bulletin, 2013
We greatly appreciate the astute comments on and the opportunity to reply. Here we point out the importance of keeping conceptual distinctions clear regarding play, pretend play, and exploration. We also discuss methodological issues with play research. We end with speculation that if pretend play did not emerge because it was naturally selected (due to helping causal reasoning or some other developmentally important skill), perhaps it emerged as a by-product of 2 other selected behaviors: play fighting and language.
Proceedings of the 2015 ACM SIGCHI Conference on Creativity and Cognition - C&C '15, 2015
This paper presents the results of an empirical study of 32 adult dyads (i.e. groups of two people) engaged in pretend play. Our analysis indicates that participatory sense-making plays a key role in the success of pretend play sessions. We use the cognitive science theory of enaction as a theoretical lens to analyze the empirical data given its robust conceptual framework for describing participatory sensemaking. We present here five enactive characteristics of pretend play that appear to be necessary and sufficient for the emergence and maintenance of successful pretend play -mental preparation, meaning building, narrative enaction, narrative deepening, and flow maintenance. This enactive formalization is used to propose a computational model of pretend play that can be used to inform the design of an agent capable of playing in real time with human users.
Early years education: major themes in education, 2006
Noting that there is a growing body of evidence supporting the many connections between cognitive competence and high-quality pretend play, this article defines the cluster of concepts related to pretend play and cognition, and briefly synthesizes the latest research on the role of such play in children's cognitive, social, and academic development. The article notes that there is growing evidence to suggest that high-quality pretend play is an important facilitator of perspective taking and later abstract thought, that it may facilitate higher-level cognition, and that there are clear links between pretend play and social and linguistic competence. The article also notes that there is still a great need for research on the relationship between high-quality pretend play and development of specific academic skills. The article concludes with a discussion of the challenges and potential policy directions suggested by the research findings. (Contains 44 references.
Journal of Cognition and Development, 2012
Piaget (1962) asserted that children stop engaging in pretend play when they enter the concrete operational stage because they become able to accommodate reality and no longer need to assimilate it to their wishes. Consistent also with the views of Vygotsky, discussion of pretend play in developmental psychology is typically confined to early childhood, yet the activity itself does not seem to be so confined. As a preliminary investigation of pretend play in middle childhood, undergraduates were asked to complete a retrospective questionnaire about their childhood pretend play. The questionnaire items queried them about the content and context of their prior pretense engagements, when and why they stopped pretending, and personality characteristics relevant to pretense and fantasy. On average, respondents reported ceasing to pretend around 11 years of age. Among the statistically significant predictors of participants' reported ages of ceasing to pretend were gender, childhood environs, siblings' ages, belief in fantastical entities as a child, and participants involved in the last pretend memory. This preliminary study lays a foundation for future studies exploring the role of pretending in middle childhood. Although this study suggests that pretending is still widespread in middle childhood, it sheds no light on its function. This is an important issue across all ages that future research should address. Symbolic play is one of the most intriguing childhood activities. A child might pretend to be a teacher, or Batman, and might transform objects and the environment to fit that theme, perhaps by designating a corner of a room
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