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The judicial system in Pakistan is examined from historical and contemporary perspectives, highlighting its legitimacy and acceptance among the populace. The paper outlines the evolution of the judicial hierarchy, starting from the Muslim period and detailing the structure and recruitment processes of judges in modern times. Key aspects include the dual influence of Islamic law and local customs in historical practices, the current judicial appointments through public service commissions, and various courts' functions within the judicial framework.
IOSR Journals
From the first address of General Zia, it was clear that he would use the name of religion for the safety and lengthening of his dictatorial rule. He was ready to use the Pakistan National Alliance Movement for his personal rule. He overthrew the elected government of Bhutto with the consultation of his coterie and on the popular public demand. After acquiring power, Zia forget his promise of holding elections within 90 days which was also a constitutional requirement and began to take steps to sabotaging the election process. In this process he got success and postponed the elections for an indefinite period in the name of accountability. After this he took some steps towards the implementation of Islamic system to legitimize his rule. Zia, to legalize his government both on internal and external fronts used the name of Islam and the set up of (Islamic)Shariat Benches. The set up of Shariat Benches was one of the steps which left indelible imprints on the political system and particularly on the judicial system of Pakistan. Though, he established the Shariat Benches as a first step towards the implementation of Islamic system yet he used these benches to pressurize the judiciary for making service rules for this set up.
Abstract: From the first address of General Zia, it was clear that he would use the name of religion for the safety and lengthening of his dictatorial rule. He was ready to use the Pakistan National Alliance Movement for his personal rule. He overthrew the elected government of Bhutto with the consultation of his coterie and on the popular public demand. After acquiring power, Zia forget h is promise of holding elections within 90 days which was also a constitutional requirement and began to take steps to sabotaging the election process. In this process he got success and postponed the elections for an indefinite period in the name of accoun tability. After this he took some steps towards the implementation of Islamic system to legitimize his rule. Zia, to legalize his government both on internal and external fronts used the name of Islam and the set up of (Islamic)Shariat Benches. The set up of Shariat Benches was one of the steps which left indelible imprints on the political system and particularly on the judicial system of Pakistan. Though, he established the Shariat Benches as a first step towards the implementation of Islamic system yet he used these benches to pressurize the judiciary for making service rules for this set up. I.
Purpose – The main aim of this paper is to analyze judicial system of Bangladesh, which comprises all courts and tribunals that performs the delicate task of ensuring rule of law in the society. The paper depicts the history and evolution of the judicial system in Bangladesh from ancient period to present day. Design/methodology/approach – The study is qualitative in nature and based on secondary sources of materials like books, journal articles, government orders, rules, acts, newspaper reports, etc. Relevant literature has also been collected through internet browsing. Findings – The major findings of this paper are: there is a well-organized court system in Bangladesh which is in fact the replica of the system introduced by British rulers and it is widely accepted in the original Constitution of Bangladesh. The ancient judicial system was not based on rule of law rather on caprice and caste consideration. The executive branch of government always attempts to control the judiciary through different mechanisms, which include the appointment, tenure and discipline of judges from ancient period. Therefore, the independence of judiciary is vulnerable from ancient time to present day and even after separation of the judiciary from the executive (November 2007) the interference of the executive over the judiciary is still continuing. Practical implications – This paper opens a new window for the policy makers and concerned authorities to take necessary steps for overcoming the existing limitations of judiciary. Originality/value – The paper will be of interest to legal practitioners, policy makers, members of civil society, and those in the field of judicial system in Bangladesh and some other British colonial common law countries. 1. Introduction The judicial system of Bangladesh has not grown overnight or in any particular period of history (Huda, 1997, p. 740). The present legal and judicial system of Bangladesh owes its origin mainly to 200 years British rule in the Indian subcontinent although some elements of it are remnants of Pre-British period tracing back to Hindu and Muslim administration. It passed through various stages and has been gradually developed as a continuous historical process. The process of evolution has been partly indigenous and partly foreign and the legal system of the present day emanates from a mixed system which has structure, legal principles and concepts modeled on both Indo-Mughal and English law. The Indian subcontinent has a known history of over 500 years with Hindu and Muslim periods which preceded the British period, and each of these early periods had a distinctive legal system of its own.
This Report examines controversies and debates concerning the independence of the judiciary in Pakistan. The Report followed an inquiry and country visit by delegates appointed by the International Bar Association, Human Rights Institute.
Since the Islamic resurgence of the 1970s, many Muslim postcolonial countries have established and empowered constitutional courts to declare laws conflicting with shariʿa as unconstitutional. The central question explored in this dissertation is whether and to what extent constitutional doctrine developed in shariʿa review is contingent on the ruling regime or represents lasting trends in interpretations of shariʿa. Using the case of Pakistan, this dissertation contends that the long-term discursive trends in shariʿa are determined in the religio-political space and only reflected in state law through the interaction of shariʿa politics, regime politics, and judicial politics. The research is based on primary sources in Urdu, Arabic and English gathered during fieldwork in Pakistan and datasets of Federal Shariat Court and Supreme Court cases and judges compiled by the author. In particular, the dissertation offers a political-institutional framework to study shariʿa review in a British postcolonial court system through exploring the role of professional and scholar judges, the discretion of the chief justice, the system of judicial appointments and tenure, and the political structure of appeal that combine to make courts agents of the political regime. Using this framework, the dissertation undertakes historical-interpretive case studies involving two puzzles. First, why the Federal Shariat Court declared the (largely symbolic) punishment of stoning for unlawful sex as un-Islamic in 1981, and why the Court reversed its ruling upon review in 1982. Second, why the Federal Shariat Court declared interest in banking, finance, and fiscal laws as un-Islamic in 1991, and why the Supreme Court upheld the ruling in 1999 but then overturned its ruling and remanded the case back to the Federal Shariat Court in 2002. The project shows how competing approaches to shariʿa interact with the evolving judicial politics and regime politics in authoritarian and democratic periods. While the institutional structure of constitutional courts gives the ruling regime considerable control over the direction of shariʿa review, ruling regimes often depend on religio-political forces for legitimacy. When the regime draws upon conservative religio-political movements, representatives of such movements are appointed to courts and allowed to assert traditional doctrines of shariʿa. But when the regime draws its legitimacy from a broader group of religio-political and intellectual forces, a more diverse set of judges is appointed and enabled to rethink the tradition. The study questions approaches that consider shariʿa review in post-colonial states either as a liberal or as a conservative phenomenon. In contrast, the project shows how courts are agents of the political regime and judicial outcomes are products of authoritarian and democratic political processes. The dissertation also invites scholars of shariʿa review in Arab constitutional courts to study courts as political institutions and judges as political actors.
IJSR, Vol (3), No (8), August 2024, 2024
الهدف الرئيسي من هذه الدراسة هو التحقيق في أثر تطبيق مبادئ إدارة الجودة الشاملة على نجاح المشاريع الرقمية في المملكة العربية السعودية. تهدف الدراسة إلى فهم كيفية مساهمة إدارة الجودة الشاملة في تحقيق أهداف المشاريع الرقمية وتحسين أدائها، وتم استخدام منهج الوصفي التحليلي، والاستبانة كأداة لجمع المعلومات، وتشير النتائج إلى أهمية تطبيق مبادئ إدارة الجودة الشاملة في المشاريع الرقمية وتوفر توجيهات حول المجالات التي قد تحتاج إلى اهتمام أكبر لتحسين جودة المنتجات والخدمات الرقمية، وتأثير إيجابي قوي: أظهرت الدراسة أن تطبيق مبادئ إدارة الجودة الشاملة له تأثير إيجابي قوي على جودة المنتجات والخدمات الرقمية (R = 0.823، R² = 0.677). وقد أوضحت التوصيات تعزيز ثقافة الجودة: ينبغي على المؤسسات في المملكة العربية السعودية تبني ثقافة إدارة الجودة الشاملة في مشاريعها الرقمية، مع التركيز على تحسين عمليات اتخاذ القرار، الاستثمار في تنمية المهارات: تخصيص موارد كافية لتطوير مهارات فرق العمل في مجال التقنيات الرقمية وإدارة الجودة.
Semitic Languages and Cultures, 2021
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Sustainability
Bioenergy has emerged to be among the primary choices for the short- and medium-term replacement of fossil fuels and the reduction in greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions. The most practical method for transforming biomass into biofuel is thermochemical conversion, which may be broken down into combustion, torrefaction, pyrolysis, hydrothermal liquefaction, and gasification. In this study, producing biofuels using a biomass pyrolysis process was investigated. This study explored the pyrolysis process and operating conditions to optimize the process parameters to maximize the desired product yields and quality. The pyrolysis process produces three main products, which are bio-oil, bio-char, and gas. There are three classifications for the pyrolysis method, with each of them producing a majority of a certain product. First, slow pyrolysis is conducted in the temperature range of 300–950 °C and residence time of 330–550 s. It produces around a 30% oil yield and 35% char yield, and thus, the ...
The Muslim period in the Indian Sub-continent roughly begins in the 11 th century A.D. This period may be divided into two parts i.e. the period of early Muslim rulers who ruled Delhi and some other parts of India and the Mughal Period, which replaced such Muslim and other rulers in 1526 A.D. The Mughal Dynasty lasted until the middle of 19 th century.
During the period of Muslim rulers, the Islamic law generally held the field and remained the law of the land in settling civil and criminal disputes. However, common customs and traditions were also invoked in settling secular matters. These rulers were not particularly keen on applying the Islamic law to each and every sphere of life, and let the indigenous customs and institutions continue side by side with Islamic law and institutions. During this period, different courts were established and functioned at the central, provincial, district and tehsil (Pargana) level. These courts had defined jurisdiction in civil, criminal and revenue matters and operated under the authority of the King. On the top of judicial hierarchy was the King's Court, presided over by the King himself, exercising original as well as appellate jurisdiction. The King was the head of judicial administration and he made all appointments to judicial posts. Persons of recognised scholarship, known competence and high integrity were appointed to such posts.
The judges held office during the pleasure of the King.
The Mughals improved upon the previous experience and created an organised system of administration of justice all over the country. Courts were created at each and every unit of the administrative division. At the village level, the Hindu system of Panchayats (Council of Elders) was retained, which decided petty disputes of civil and criminal nature, using conciliation and mediation as means of settling disputes. At the town level, there existed courts, presided over by Qazi-e-Parganah. Similarly, at the district (Sarkar) and provincial (Subah) level, courts of Qazis were established. The highest court at the provincial level was that of Adalat Nazim-e-Subah.
Similarly, for revenue cases, officers known as Ameen were appointed at the town level. At the district level, revenue cases were dealt with by Amalguzar and at the provincial level by Diwan.
The Supreme Revenue Court was called, the Imperial Diwan. Side by side, with civil and revenue courts, criminal courts, presided over by Faujdar, Kotwal, Shiqdar and Subedar functioned. 2 The highest court of the land was the Emperor's Court, exercising original and appellate jurisdiction.
Although these courts generally exercised exclusive jurisdiction in different categories of cases, however, sometimes their jurisdiction was inter-mixed, in as much as, officers dealing with criminal cases were also required to act as revenue courts. Furthermore, whereas territorially these courts formed a concentric organisation, their jurisdiction was not always exclusive on the basis of territorial limits. Thus, a plaintiff may choose to file his suit in a town or a district or a province. The pecuniary jurisdiction of the courts was also not defined; hence, a case of higher value may be filed in a court of small town. Similarly, appellate jurisdiction existed but was not well defined. Thus, a plaintiff or a complainant, not satisfied with a decision, may file a second suit/complaint in another court. Such later court would decide the matter afresh, without indeed taking into consideration the earlier finding of the court.
The emperor made the judicial appointments and persons of high scholarship and good reputation were appointed to the posts. Instructions were given to the judges to be neutral and impartial; and complaints against them were taken seriously. Corrupt officials were removed.
Consequently, the scales of justice were very high. 3 The procedure followed in civil cases was not much different from the procedure, which is applicable today. On a suit being filed, the court summoned the opposite party to admit or deny the claim. Issues were framed in the presence of both the parties who were then required to produce evidence in support of their respective claims. Simple cases were decided, based on such evidence, however, in complicated cases, the judge may launch his own investigation into the matter. 4 Maximum effort was made to find the truth. On the conclusion of the proceedings, judgment was pronounced and duly executed. Litigants were allowed to present their cases either personally or through agents. Such agents were not exactly lawyers (in the modern sense of the term) but were fully conversant with the judicial procedure.
On independence, the Government of India Act 1935 was retained as a provisional Constitution.
As a consequence, the legal and judicial system of the
The Constitution of Pakistan deals with the superior judiciary in a fairly comprehensive manner and contains elaborate provisions on the composition, jurisdiction, powers and functions of these courts. The Constitution provides for the "separation of judiciary from the executive" and the "independence of judiciary". 13 It entrusts the superior courts with an obligation to "preserve, protect and defend" the Constitution. 14 The qualifications of judges, their mode of appointment, 15 service conditions, salary, pension, 16 etc are also laid down in the Constitution.
The remuneration of judges and other administrative expenditures of the superior courts are charged on the Federal/Provincial Consolidated Fund, 17 which means it may be discussed but cannot be voted upon in the legislature.
The Constitution also provides for the grounds as well as forum and procedure for the removal of judges of the superior courts. 18 The Supreme Judicial Council, consisting of the senior judges of the Supreme Court and High Courts, on its own or on a reference made by the President, may recommend the removal of a Judge on the ground of misconduct or physical or mental incapacity. Thus, the Constitution ensures the freedom, independence and impartiality of the superior judiciary.
The Supreme Court and High Courts have recently been given a degree of financial autonomy.
This measure followed the Supreme Court ruling in the case of Government of Sind v Sharaf
Faridi. 19 The Court held that the independence of judiciary also means the elimination of financial control of the Executive over the judiciary, and therefore, the Chief Justice of the The Court exercises original jurisdiction in inter-governmental disputes, 29 be that dispute between the Federal Government and a provincial government or among provincial governments. The Court also exercises original jurisdiction (concurrently with High Courts) for the enforcement of fundamental rights, where a question of 'public importance' is involved. 30 The Court has appellate jurisdiction in civil and criminal matters. 31 Furthermore, the Court has advisory jurisdiction in giving opinion to the Government on a question of law. 32
To provide an expeditious and inexpensive remedy in matters relating to infringements of Registries, one at each provincial metropolis. Whereas the constitution of Benches and their operation in various cities, facilitates the public and ensures prompt disposal of cases, this system does affect the quality of judgments and deprives the Court of collective wisdom, so very vital for the apex Court, dealing with important issues involving interpretation of law/Constitution. There is, therefore, perhaps a need to re-examine the wisdom of bench system. This is however not possible with the present workload and rising trend of institution of cases, due to wider jurisdiction of the Court.
There is a High Court in each province and a High Court for the Islamabad Capital Territory. The Court appoints its own staff 46 and frames its own rules of procedure. 47 On 1 st January 2011, a total of 1848 cases were pending before the Court.
Ever since its establishment in 1980, the Federal Shariat Court has been the subject of criticism and controversy in the society. Created as an Islamisation measure by the Military Regime 48 and subsequently protected under the controversial 8 th Amendment, 49 its opponents question the very rationale and utility of this institution. It is stated that this Court merely duplicates the functions of the existing superior courts. The composition of the Court, particularly the mode of appointment of its judges and the insecurity of their tenure, is taken exception to, and it is alleged, that this Court does not fully meet the criterion prescribed for the independence of the judiciary, hence, is not immune to pressures and influences from the Executive. In the past, this
Court was used as a dumping ground for the recalcitrant judges. And whereas some of its judgments, particularly the ones which relying on the Islamic concept of equity, justice and fair play, expanded and enlarged the scope and contents of individual's rights were commended, others that validated the controversial Hudood Laws, in particular, the sentence of Rajam
The subordinate judiciary may be broadly divided into two classes; one, civil courts
The Constitution authorises the federal legislature to establish administrative courts and tribunals for dealing with federal subjects.
The Code of Civil Procedure 1908 prescribes procedure for proceedings in civil cases. The Code is in two parts i.e. Sections, which contain the basic and fundamental principles and can be amended only by the legislature, and Schedules, which contain rules of procedure and can be amended by the High Court. The Code is indeed a consolidating statute, prescribing detailed procedure for instituting suit (meaning who may file a suit, how and where), pleadings ( follow the procedure prescribed in the above-mentioned codes, whereas some such courts follow special procedure laid down in the respective statutes.
The subordinate courts (civil and criminal) have been established and their jurisdiction defined by law. 51 They are supervised and controlled by the respective High Court. 52 The administration of justice, however, is a provincial subject and thus the subordinate courts are organised and the terms and conditions of service of judicial officers determined under the provincial laws and rules. The issues of recruitment, promotions and other terms and conditions of service together with disciplinary proceedings, etc are dealt with under the provincial civil servants acts and the rules framed thereunder. Until recently, the appointing authority for judicial officers happened to be the provincial government but with the separation of the judiciary from the executive, such authority has been transferred to the High Court. training is comprised of education in various substantive laws, court management, case processing, judicial procedure, and code of conduct, etc.
As mentioned earlier the High Courts exercise supervision and control over the functioning of the subordinate judiciary. Such supervision and control is both administrative as well as judicial.
In the administrative sphere, disciplinary proceedings may be initiated against a judicial officer by the High Court. Judicial control is also exercised through revision and appeals being filed in the High Court against the orders/decisions of the subordinate courts. The High Court carries out its supervisory functions through inspections and calling of record from the courts. The
Member Inspection Team (MIT) mostly deals with the issue; however, the Chief Justice of the High Court or any other judge deputed by the Chief Justice also carries out regular as well as surprise inspections. The Chief Justice is competent to initiate disciplinary action against a judge and take appropriate action in the matter.
Disciplinary proceedings against judicial officers are apparently initiated and action taken under the (provincial) Government Servants (Efficiency and Discipline) Rules. Such rules were primarily designed for the executive officers whose duties and functions are different from judicial officers. Certain High Courts have adopted codes of conduct for subordinate judiciary, but they are quite sketchy/ inadequate. Thus, in their application to judicial officers, the current rules do contain many gaps and anomalies. In particular, the rules are silent on how a judicial officer ought to conduct himself in and outside the court. There is, therefore, a need for preparing a separate comprehensive code of conduct for the members of the subordinate judiciary, covering their private and public life and in particular, their conduct in the court so as to maintain propriety and decorum in the court and enhance public confidence in the administration of justice.
As regards the grievances of the judicial officers with regard to the terms and conditions of service, mechanism exists for resolving it. There exists a Provincial Judicial Service Tribunal for performance, the institution of cases in courts is increasing, which is a sign of enhanced public confidence in the judiciary.
The Judicial System of Pakistan
To issue directions of the nature of habeas corpus under S.491 of Cr.P.C;
Inter-Court appeal at Lahore High Court and High Court of Sindh, {High Court of Sindh has original jurisdiction in civil cases of the value of above 3 million}.
In certain jurisdictions designated as Rent Controller/Judge, Family Court.
To try civil suit up to the value of twenty thousand rupees.
To try offences punishable up to 3 years imprisonment and fifty thousand rupees fine.
To try offences punishable up to 1 year and five thousand rupees fine.
To try offences punishable up to 1 month and one thousand rupees fine
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