A Translation History of Fontaneda (2010)

A Translation History of Fontaneda Author(s): Peter Ferdinando Source: The Florida Historical Quarterly, Vol. 89, No. 2 (Fall 2010), pp. 210-251 Published by: Florida Historical Society Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/29765167 . Accessed: 06/11/2014 06:02 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org. . Florida Historical Society is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to The Florida Historical Quarterly. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 131.111.7.78 on Thu, 6 Nov 2014 06:02:34 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions A Translation History of Fontaneda byPeter Ferdinando Introduction de Escalante Fontaneda1 by the lhe captivity of Hernando Calusa Indians led to the creation of a series of documents the indigenous peoples of southern _JL. that vividly depict Florida. These writings clearly have proto-ethnographic qualities. Students of Florida history and archaeology have frequently uti? lized this information to better understand native peoples who In the case of Fontaneda's writings, how? lived on the peninsula.2 r ? ever, we must ask vital questions about translation. He wrote in six? teenth century Spanish, yet the current lingua franca of the academic and research community in the United States is the and a second B.A. in B.A. in Anthropology holds an Honors Peter Ferdinande? an M.A. in of Central both from the University Florida, along with from Florida Atlantic University . He is currently pursuing a Ph.D. Anthropology like to acknowl? International University. The author would in History at Florida and Dr. John E. Worth, without edge the assistance of Dr. Jan Walsh Hokenson He would also like to thank his whom this article would not have been possible. was instrumental in completing the family, especially his wife Kelly, whose support work. as the sur? tradition and utilizes Fontaneda 1. This paper follows established History name abbreviation, Fontaneda. 2. instead of the more appropriate Escalante or Escalante Indians of Central and South Florida, 1513-1763 For example, John H. Hann, Florida 2003); Jerald T. Milanich, (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, Indians and the Invasion from Europe (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, Treasure of the Calusa: The Johnson/Willcox Collection 1995); Ryan J. Wheeler, in Florida Archaeology (Tallahassee: from Mound Key, Florida, Monographs The Evolution of theCalusa: A Rose Printing, 2000); and Randolph J. Widmer, on the Southwest Florida Coast (Tuscaloosa: University Chiefdom Nonagricultural others. of Alabama Press, 1988) ; along with numerous [210] This content downloaded from 131.111.7.78 on Thu, 6 Nov 2014 06:02:34 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions A Translation of History of the twenty-firstcentury. English texts Fontaneda's as they have been Fontaneda This 211 paper over translated investigates the years; the the path from his original Spanish version, through several transcrip? tions, to its translation into multiple English versions. This trans? lation history ismore than a mere recitation of the publication of history Fontaneda's documents. It also delves into the similari? ties and differences between these texts, both interlingually (i.e., from Spanish to English) the and intralingually (i.e., between assesses and the influence of individual English versions) potential in translators considerations enacting prevailing of audience, and societal the norms translator's in translations, position vis-?-vis the split between antiquarians and professional historians. The importance of Fontaneda's writing to the ethnohistory of southern Florida indicates that this project is long overdue. Theoretical and Methodological Background to Florida historians and the importance of Fontaneda it is essential to delve into the theoretical and methodological background of another discipline for the neces? Despite archaeologists, sary investigative ence of tools to approach the present examination. Indeed, while linguistic translation has been important since the Studies as a distinct mythical confusion of Babel, Translation research entity is still relatively young.3 several Nonetheless, theoretical and from this disci? important methodological insights pline influence this paper, including translative norms, the influ? the translators, and, of course, translation history. Gideon Toury's work on norms is vital to this translation histo? ry.4 He divided norms into preliminary and operational, with the former focused on the general overarching policy applied to trans? lation and the latter emphasizing the actual choices made during a specific translation. Moreover, operational norms focus on the followed for the acceptance of translations as legitimate. Toury also splits such normalizing into basic, secondary, and other models 3. 4. For example, Piotr Kuhiwczak and Karin Littau, introduction to A Companion to Translation and Karin Littau, Topics in Studies, eds. Piotr Kuhiwczak Translation Matters LTD, 2007), 1-12. (Clevedon: Multilingual Gideon Toury, "The Nature and Role of Norms in Literary Translation," in Literature and Translation: New Perspectives in Literary Studies, eds. James S. Holmes, Jose Lambert, and Raymond van den Broeck 1978), (Leuven: ACCO, 83-100. This content downloaded from 131.111.7.78 on Thu, 6 Nov 2014 06:02:34 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Florida 212 Historical Quarterly tolerated behaviors. These terms indicate the position of the trans? In this lation activity vis-?-vis the accepted translative norm. a norm basic translative would be schema, practically mandatory, a norm a would be favored secondary activity, and the tolerated Such norms can signifi? behavior is just that,merely permitted. Thus, utilizing these cantly influence the translator's decisions. can we track the influence of translative definitions, effectively on norms the translations of Fontaneda. The work of Anthony Pym is central to the development of a for translation history, but Lynne Long also con? methodology tributed some vital points.5 Pym established four principles of translation history: 1) translation history should explain why translations were in a particular social time and place, 2) central produced object: should be the human translator, 3) if translation history is to focus on translators, it must organize the world around the social contexts where translators live and work, and 4) why anyone would want to do translation history in the first place.6 Pym also named discourse, second three discourses archaeology, discourse, discusses criticism, of translation history.7 The first the basic investigates facts of reasons translation. why the The facts tries to place the occurred, and the third element, explanation, facts and reasons into context with the individuals involved. Additionally, Long noted that translation history is an important tool to analyze the same document through multiple translations; an idea clearly applicable to the multiple of translations Fontaneda. for this translation history are deceptively sim? review Fontaneda and his documents, discuss the available ple; of his work adaptations analyzing the transcribers and translators, and selections drawn from compare intralingual interlingual these multiple versions, and finally, link these processes back to the theoretical work mentioned above. Discussion of Fontaneda The methods 5. 6. 7. 4 History and Translation," in A Companion Lynne Long, of "Chapter Translation in and Karin Studies, eds. Piotr Kuhiwczak Littau, Topics Translation Matters LTD, 2007), 63-76; and Anthony (Clevedon: Multilingual St. Jerome, 1998). Pym, Methods in Translation History (Manchester: Pym, Methods in Translation History, ix-xi. Ibid, 5-6. This content downloaded from 131.111.7.78 on Thu, 6 Nov 2014 06:02:34 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions A Translation and his documents, of Fontaneda History with along the various 213 trans? and transcribers lators, is vital to situating them in their respective times and places. the primary analysis revolves around investigating the However, the various versions of similarities and differences between text utilizing interlingual and intralingual compar? Fontaneda's the Interlingual analysis, is concerned with comparing use a to is the of This the through English. Spanish accomplished a in of Such translated version the Spanish. place English literally literal translation will retain the word order and grammatical struc? ture of the Spanish. Thus, alterations in the textual order can be isons. in investigated to minor respect alterations for in coherence reasons. English, or greater changes for other, to be investigated, the cultural This literal version will not take into consideration context of the text. Intralingual to ascertain were lyze the why various of versions the investigate academic position created, their in contrast, comparison in the English versions. The with tracking changes (e.g., and translators, or avocational is documents Fontaneda's and transcribers assists overall goal ana? his? professional torian), while trying to identify norms and influences on their work; i.e., a history of the translations. Yet, before this work man at the center of this expanding begins, we must look at the translative Fontaneda: web? Hernando de Escalante Fontaneda. The Man Even though Fontaneda's exploits took place almost 500 years ago, today we have much information about his life (ca. 1536 1575).8 His parents served the King in Spanish America; first in His Peru, and later in Carthagena (in modern day Columbia). mother, Doha Ana de Aldana and his father, Garcia de Escalante, a conquistador, Fontaneda. When 8. had two Fontaneda sons, an was unnamed in his early older teens, brother his and parents in his Memoir, additional information data Along with some biographical de in Gonzalo Solis de Meras, Pedro Menendez about Fontaneda is available trans. Jeannette Thurber Connor Aviles: Memorial, (Gainesville: University of Florida Press, 1964); Eugene Lyon, The Enterprise ofFlorida: Pedro Menendez de Aviles and the Spanish Conquest of 1565-1568 (Gainesville: University Presses of Florida, 148, 177; Gail Swanson, Documentation 1976), of the Indians of the Florida Keys and Miami, 1513-1765 2003), 67 (Haverford: Infinity Publishing, 68; and John E. Worth, Discovering Florida: First-Contact Narratives from Florida's in Review: University Press of Florida, Lower Gulf Coast (Draft Manuscript n.d.). This content downloaded from 131.111.7.78 on Thu, 6 Nov 2014 06:02:34 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Historical Florida 214 Quarterly sent the brothers to Salamanca, Spain, for education. During the voyage they were shipwrecked along the Florida coast. Calusa Indians, found a number of survivors and brought them to Carlos, both the name of the ruling cacique (chief) and the capital town killed domain. The Calusa of the Calusa many of the shipwreck survivors, Fontaneda's including the sacrificial practices described Fontaneda brother. of the Calusa in one of his textual frag? ments. In his writings, Fontaneda notes that he was thirteen years of when age shipwrecked and thirty years old when rescued. The to the southwest rescued de Aviles expedition Pedro Menendez in 1566, placing the shipwreck in 1549.9 Menendez, Fontaneda the adelantado of Florida and founder of St. Augustine, employed several former observed that captives Fontaneda as interpreters. as a served Historian translator Eugene in this Lyon regard, based on the presence of his name on a list of supplies from 1566 1569.10 Indeed, Fontaneda's linguistic skill and familiarity with the Calusa cacique would have been extremely useful for Menendez. returned to Spain and wrote his Following this effort, Fontaneda from the histori? various texts by 1575. After this, he disappeared cal record. Fontaneda: The Documents The most extensive portion of Fontaneda's writing is common? lycalled theMemoir, although the full Spanish title isMemoria de las cosas y costa y indios de laFlorida (literal English rendering: Memory of the things and coast and Indians of the Florida).11 The Memoir takes the form of an address to the Spanish King and describes Florida's resources, places, and peoples. In it, Fontaneda suggest? ed that he possesses extensive knowledge about this area, owing to his captivity, and that he speaks four Native American languages. the Memoir included some of his suggestions for the Moreover, a proper exploitation of Florida. For example, Fontaneda offered plan for controlling 9. 10. 11. the Indian population that included enslaving to the de Aviles in an extract from a letter of Pedro Menendez As noted 20, 1566 inWorth, Discovering Florida, 419-425. Crown, October Lyon, The Enterprise ofFlorida, 177. Hernando de Escalante Fontaneda, Memoir, Portal de Archivos Espaholes, Archivo General de Indias, Patronato Real 18, Numero 5, http://pares.mcu.es (accessed May 2010). This content downloaded from 131.111.7.78 on Thu, 6 Nov 2014 06:02:34 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions A Translation of History Fontaneda 215 some of them to help reduce their numbers and the potential threat they posed. He also advocated concepts that others later For example, he suggested the effectively employed in Florida. a in of cattle the region, raising practice that is still widespread today in the state. He east Florida's also promoted to oversee coast of a fort on the building the Bahamas as a means Channel of protecting the valuable shipping traffic from the New World back to Spain. It is unclear if Philip II of Spain ever saw theMemoir, or ifwhat we have today is the final version of the document or mere? ly a draft in progress. The following assortment of textual frag? ments some had revising textual elements, suggests The other occurred. the Memoranda, Memorial, Fragment 1, and Fragment 2, are shorter pieces of text.12 These may represent pieces deleted from, or planned for addition to, the main document. Buckingham Smith, the firstEnglish translator of Fontaneda's Another ment has E. Worth, John no Moreover, title.13 to appears writings, translator, what, have named noted in many the Memoranda. that the original versions, docu? appears to be the title is actually a note inserted by a transcriber, Juan Bautista Muhoz. This note reads Junto con la relacion antecedents, en un pliego suelto que le sirve de cubieiia, va lo siguiente (literal English rendering: Along with the relation preceding, in a sheet loose that the serves of cover, goes the following).14 As Muhoz's note suggests, this as of the Memoir, but was separat? part piece originally appeared ed from it sometime before the early 1900s. This note includes sev? eral paragraphs detailing a variety of topics, including local a geography, general introduction and preview of some of the subjects in the main document, a discussion of the upcoming that he cannot remem? Abalachi, and brief mention by Fontaneda ber all the names for the towns in this region. Interestingly, in his English translation, Smith noted locations in theMemoir where the 12. Hernando 13. 14. de Memoranda and Memorial, Portal de de Indias, Patronato Real 19, Ramo 32, and Hernando de Escalante (accessed 2010); http://pares.mcu.es, May Fontaneda Fragment 1 and Fragment 2, Portal de Aichivos Espaholes, Archivo General de Indias, Indiferente General 1529, Numero 40, http://pares.mcu.es (accessed May 2010). "Fontaneda Revisited: Five Descriptions of Sixteenth-Century John E. Worth, Florida," Florida Historical Quarterly 73, no. 3 (January 1995): 347. Juan Bautista Muhoz, Memoria de las cosas y costa y indios de la Florida, Biblioteca Virtual Miguel D. Cervantes, hUp://www.cervantesvirtual.com (accessed May Archivos Escalante Fontaneda, Archivo General Espaholes, 2010). This content downloaded from 131.111.7.78 on Thu, 6 Nov 2014 06:02:34 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Florida 216 Memoranda paragraphs theywere deleted. Historical Quarterly either should be positioned or from where The Memorial, full name Memoria de todos los caciques de la of every the caciques Florida (literal English rendering: Memorial of the Florida), is a listing of towns/caciques in Florida. It appears to be a more extensive version of a similar list found in theMemoir. Indeed, as the list in theMemorial includes additional names that Fontaneda apparently did not remember while drafting the Memoir, it suggests that Fontaneda drafted the former after the lat? ter.15 Finally, Fragment 1 and Fragment 2 detail some of the more gruesome customs of the Indians of southern Florida, including the sacrifice of captives and the treatment of deceased caciques. Fragment 1 details customs among the Calusa, and is simply entitled Memoria (literal English rending: Memorial). Fragment 2 deals with the Tocobaga Since it addresses two distinct tribes, and Tequesta. this textual fragment is divided into Fragment 2A and Fragment 2B for this paper. Moreover, each piece has its own title:Memoria de losyndiosy cerimonias de losyndios de Tocobaga (literal English render? of the indians and ceremonies of the indians of ing: Memorial and Los yndios de Tegesta que es otra provincial dende los Tocobaga) martires hasta el Canaberal (literal English rendering: The indians of that is another province from the martyrs as far as the Tequesta It is unclear if Fontaneda drafted these fragments Canaveral). after themain document, or if these fragments were deleted from it due to the aforementioned details. unseemly However, these pieces, along with theMemoranda and Memorial, add significant cul? tural data to the information already present in Fontaneda's Memoir. The Archivo General de Indias in Sevilla, Spain holds the origi? I did not have direct access nal copies of Fontaneda's documents. to them for this project. However, they are available digitally the Portal de Archivos through Espanoles and I consulted this elec? tronic copy for the present paper. The difficulty of accessing rare, fragile, and far distant documents has gratefully begun to ease due to the digitization and posting of many similar texts on the Internet. because Nonetheless, are of Fontaneda 15. are transcriptions also of the foundations of the vast majority of English As previously transcripts, suggested not byWorth, the original "Fontaneda importance translations documents. Revisited," 341. This content downloaded from 131.111.7.78 on Thu, 6 Nov 2014 06:02:34 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions A Translation The Transcriptions: History Spreading of Fontaneda 217 the Source Juan Bautista Muhoz, Jeannette Thurber Connor, Woodbury Lowery, and John E. Worth have undertaken Spanish transcription Short biographical details about these of Fontaneda's documents. transcribers are included in the descriptions below. Although some? what brief, these sketches will assist with identifying each transcrip? tion's time and place of creation. There are two important points to note in reference to the following analysis. First, Lowery's tran? were scriptions not available for this study. most Second, transcribers only worked with one or two of Fontaneda's documents, resulting in a hodgepodge of transcriptions. Indeed, Worth appears to be the only transcriber to have copied every known Fontaneda piece. transcribed Fontaneda's (1745-1799) Juan Bautista Muhoz Memoir and Memoranda sometime in the late eighteenth century New World}16 He was while gathering documents for his History of the a well-known historian of Spanish America. Many of the documents he gathered became the foundation of the Archivo General de Indias Muhoz also added a few brief notes to Fontaneda's original docu? ments. "Muy most The buena pertinent relacion, aunque is his assessment de hombre que Memoir. of Fontaneda's no conocia el arte de escribir, y asi quedan muchos perodos sin sentido" (literal English rendering: man that no know the art of writ? Very good relation, although of are many times without sense).17 From his notes it is ing, and thus also at clear the that Fontaneda's time Mehoz Fontaneda's translators, Memoranda transcribed Buckingham was these attached to the Memoir two pieces. Smith, accessed One a copy of of at theNew York Muhoz's transcription held in the Rich Collection tran? a of Muhoz's Public Library. Additionally, published copy al des relativos scription is available in Coleccion de documentos ineditos de las cubrimiente,conquista y organizacion antiguas posesiones Espanolas of en America y Oceania (literal English rendering: Collections unpublished organization Oceania).18 documents relating to the discoveiy, conquest and in America and of the former Spanish possessions a work is available elec transcript of Muhoz's Finally, Printed for G.G. The History of theNew World (London: Juan Bautista Munoz, Patervoster-Row, 1797). andj. Robinson, 17. Munoz, Memoria de las cosas y costa y indios de la Florida. Coleccion de documentos ineditos relativos al des 18. D. Luis Torres de Mendoza, enAmerica cubrimiente, conquistay organization de las antiguas posesiones Espanolas 1866), 532-548. (Madrid: Imprenta de Frias y compania, y Oceania 16. This content downloaded from 131.111.7.78 on Thu, 6 Nov 2014 06:02:34 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Florida 218 Historical Quarterly It tronically from the Biblioteca VirtualMiguel de Cervantes (BVMC). is from this final source that I analyzed Muhoz's Spanish transcrip? tion of theMemoir and Memoranda for this project. Interestingly, as noted later in this paper, the Muhoz transcription included silent to Fontaneda's corrections did not acknowledge errors corrects transcription ture. These silent and spelling he i.e., although grammar, his editing of the source material, Muhoz's spelling alterations are son with the original documents struc? adds and grammatical in noticeable especially compari? and the transcriptions of Conner and Worth. The next transcript of the Memoir was created by Jeannette Thurber Connor (1872-1927). She transcribed and translated doc? uments from the Archivo General de Indias for deposit in the Library of Congress, the New York Public Library, and the New York Historical Society. Connor did not transcribe theMemoranda, As alluded to earlier, it appears that the Memoranda was separated from the Memoir by the time Connor transcribed the latter.19 the date of her Although transcription is unknown, consid? specific was the time Connor ering actively researching and publishing sug? was that it sometime gests during the first few decades of the twentieth century.20 David O. True reprinted a copy of Connor's Spanish transcript of theMemoir, held by the Library of Congress, source that in his volume about Fontaneda; it is from True's Connor's Connor's '/' and for sourced this study.21 Interestingly, transcript includes a number of, apparently, misspelled little words, was transcript '//' Fontaneda's marks, grammatical throughout. original e.g., However, documents, and and punctuation, these elements are not errors on numerous appear the part in of Connor. 19. 20. 21. As also noted by John E. Worth, "Fontaneda Revisited," 339. trans, and ed., Colonial Records of For example, Jeannette Thurber Connor, Spanish Florida: Letters and Reports of Governors and Secular Persons, Volume I, of the Florida State Historical 1570-1577 (Deland: Publication Society, 1925); Colonial Records of Spanish Florida: Letters and Connor, Jeannette Thurber Reports of Governors, Deliberations of the Council of the Indies, Royal Decrees, and of the Florida State otherDocuments, Volume II, 1577-1580 (Deland: Publication and Solis de Meras, Pedro Menendez de Aviles, Historical 1930); Society, trans. Jeannette Thurber Connor, trans, and ed., Memoir ofDo d'Escalante Fontaneda Respecting David O. True, of Miami Florida and the Historical Association of (Miami: University Southern Florida, 1944; reprint, Coral Gables: Glades House, 1945). This content downloaded from 131.111.7.78 on Thu, 6 Nov 2014 06:02:34 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions A Translation History of Fontaneda 219 Lowery (1853-1906) Leaving his life as a lawyer,Woodbury wrote extensively about the Spanish settlement of the New World and lefta significant document legacy at the Library of Congress.22 the Memorial, Fragment 1, and Fragment 2. He transcribed Unfortunately, Lowery's Spanish transcriptions were not within reach of this project. However, several English translations based on his transcriptions are utilized in this paper for intralingual examination, although, the authorship of these pieces ismisattrib uted to Juan Lopez de Velasco. is John E. Worth The final transcriber under consideration an at Professor theUniversity of is Assistant who (1966-), currently interest in Fontaneda West Florida. Worth's spans the last several He was the first to publish a correct attribution of decades. Fontaneda as the author of theMemorial, Fragment 1, and Fragment 2.23 Moreover, his forthcoming book is the first time a transcrip? tion and appeared have documents translation of all of Fontaneda's in one source.24 His transcript of theMemoir is, inmany similar respects, and spelling Memoranda to that of Connor, of grammar. as a useful serves the latter's aforementioned mar fixes. invaluable Fontaneda's retaining original of the Worth's Moreover, transcript to Muhoz's of because comparison lack Worth's resource new penchant volume, for this present for silent spelling and gram? his especially translation transcripts, were an history. Interestingly, despite being separated by several hundred years, these four transcribers do share some similarities, along with some to-be-expected differences. For example, they were all deeply familiar with their subject material. This is clearly illustrat? ed by their respective multiple publications concerning the histo? Muhoz and Worth could be classified as ry of the New World. albeit of different eras, while both Connor and historians, quite be considered Yet, the texts do not antiquarians. Lowery might In actuality, it this antiquarian-historian dichotomy. context and time of the that the appears transcriptions specific reflect 22. For example, Woodbury Lower}', The Spanish Settlements within thePresent Limits Sons, 1905); (New York: G. P. Putnam's of theUnited States: Florida, 1562-1574 Woodbury Lowery, The Spanish Settlements within thePresent Limits of theUnited States Florida, 1513-1561 Sons, 1911); along with 8 (New York: G. P. Putnam's reels of microfilm on file at the Library of Congress. 23. Worth, 24. Worth, "Fontaneda Revisited." Discovering Florida. This content downloaded from 131.111.7.78 on Thu, 6 Nov 2014 06:02:34 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Florida 220 Historical Quarterly in the observed differences. the biggest Undeniably, on in these is between the one Muhoz, divergence transcripts hand, and Connor and Worth, on the other hand. This difference in the rendering of Fontaneda's spelling and grammar will be later in this paper. explored resulted Translations: English of sources. The Document Trail translations of Fontaneda However, only Worth's are available from a variety volume forthcoming includes translations of all five known documents. The following descrip? tions of the translations are in chronological order, with reference to the specific transcription utilized, if known. Moreover, short the translators are included to help sit? their translation in time and place. Published version of the English translations under discussion appeared between 1854 and the present day, thus spanning over one hundred and fiftyyears. Yet, the first translation of Fontaneda appeared in French, not English. a French Henri Ternaux-Compan (1807-1864) published biographical details about uate the translator and in 1841.25 This text included both the translation of Fontaneda Memoir and Memoranda. It used Muhoz's Spanish transcription and to included several ofMuhoz's notes. Compan altered Fontaneda a Fontanedo, change retained by several future English translators. Compan was a historian who also served in the French embassies in Spain, Portugal, and Brazil. Consequently, he appears to have had a familiarity with Spanish and the Americas. After these in libraries in Spain appointments ended, he studied documents and South America. that includes Along with the volume Fontaneda's Memoir, he published additional works on the early history of South America.26 I can provide Unfortunately, translation of Fontaneda because little more I do about not Compan's read French. I refer to ithere for two reasons. First, it is included Nonetheless, because it is the first published translation of Fontaneda's work. Second, several English translations utilize this French translation 25. 26. Henri Ternaux-Compan, Voyages, relations et memoires originaux pour servir A Vhistoire de la decouverte de VAmerique (Paris: Artmus Bertrand, 1841), 9-42. For example, Henri Ternaux-Compan, Bibliotheque Americaine, ou catalogue des Van 1700 ouvrages relatifs a VAmerique depuis sa decouverte en 1493, jusqu'en (Amsterdam: B.R. Gruner, 1968). This content downloaded from 131.111.7.78 on Thu, 6 Nov 2014 06:02:34 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions A Translation History of Fontaneda 221 as their primary source rather than referencing a Spanish tran? scription. Thus, due to the French translation tradition of 'les belles sources that are perhaps not infidels,' i.e., beautiful renditions of most of faithful translations the original texts, it is quite the always of this version that Fontaneda, while certainly beautiful, possible will be less faithful to the original. The English translations based on Compan's writings are undoubtedly more readable than those obtained from the Spanish versions, but they also appear to stray the from source. earliest known English translation of Fontaneda's Memoir He pub? and Memoranda "wasby Buckingham Smith (1810-1871). the Muhoz lished this volume in 1854 based on transcript.27 Smith published extensively, including many works translated information from Spanish to English.28 Significant biographical a to can in a posthu? him in memorial be found Smith concerning The volume of the translation.29 Indeed, the details of his life appear to have situated him in several prime positions to access to translate original documents and to acquire the necessary skills them from Spanish into English. He grew up in St. Augustine where he established a permanent residence when not working on mous his father to Smith also often accompanied other assignments. This his teenage years. during experience apparently left He stud? him with the bilingual ability necessary for translation. ied law at Harvard, later entered politics, was elected to the Florida Mexico Senate, and received several governmental appointments to in Mexico, he met other individuals Mexico and Spain. While interested in history and translated a number of documents for a member of the publication. Through such activities he became New York Historical Society, the American Ethnological Society, the New England the American Society, and Antiquarian Society. He continued his research while Historical-Genealogical in What emerges from this brief portrait is an anti? working Spain. man dedicated to uncovering his? the of highest order, a quarian torical 27. 28. 29. details. de Smith, trans., Letter ofHernando de Soto and Memoir ofHernando Buckingham Escalante Fontaneda, 1854). (Washington, For example, Buckingham Smith, trans., Relation ofAlvar Nunez Cabeca de Vaca 1966). (Ann Arbor, MI: University Microfilms, Smith," in Smith, Relation Shea, J. Gilmary, "Memoir of Thomas Buckingham ofAlvar Nunez Cabeca de Vaca, 255-263. This content downloaded from 131.111.7.78 on Thu, 6 Nov 2014 06:02:34 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Historical Florida 222 Quarterly The second published English translation of Fontaneda comes a 1875 (1799-1877) by slightly roundabout route. B. F. French's version used the French translation of Compan, which is based on the French only published Muhoz's Spanish transcription.30 included the Memoranda. Memoir, despite the fact that Compan translation retains Compan's Also of interest, French's as Fontanedo. of Fontaneda also French changed misspelling the organiza? tion of the text, dividing it into three chapters. Along with the vol? ume that includes Fontaneda, other French also published historical materials.31 Although research for this paper revealed littlemore about him, he appears to have been more of an anti? quarian than historian in his methodology. Barnard Shipp (1813- unknown) used elements of French's translation in his own version of Fontaneda's text.32 Published in 1881, Shipp's version is shorter than French's English adaptation of Compan's to Fontaneda's removals French is Some translation. penchant not clear. simply for of the deletions repetition, Moreover, while in the comparison related appear reason for other with French's translation, Shipp's version has slightly different grammar, and is not separated into three chapters. Nonetheless, the similarities between these versions clearly indicate that French is the source for Shipp's edition. As with French, Shipp only published theMemoir, not the Memoranda. He also published another volume on The Indian and antiquities ofAmerica.^ Little else is known about Shipp, on The Indian although he also published another volume focused and Antiquities ofAmerica. In sum, he appears to fit the nineteenth century antiquarian model similar to Smith and French. Anthropologist John Reed Swanton (1873-1958) was professional He worked 30. 31. 32. 33. researcher to utilize for the Bureau English of American translations the first of Fontaneda. Ethnology, and published and Florida: Collections B. F. French, Historical Including of Louisiana Translations Relating to Their Discovery and Settlement] of Original Manuscripts Historical Memoirs and Narratives, 1527-1702 1875), (New York: Albert Mason, 235-265. B. F. French, Historical Collections of Louisiana For example, Embracing Translations ofMany Rare and Valuable Documents Relating to theNatural, Civil and Political History of the State (New York: Wiley and Putnam, 1846). de Soto and Florida; or, Record of the Barnard Shipp, The History ofHernando Robert M. Lindsay, Events ofFifty-Six Years, from 1512 to 1568 (Philadelphia: 1881), 584-589. Sherman Barnard Shipp, The Indian and Antiquities ofAmerica (Philadelphia: Sc Co., 1897). This content downloaded from 131.111.7.78 on Thu, 6 Nov 2014 06:02:34 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions History A Translation several extensive In tomes.34 two of of Fontaneda these 223 one volumes, from 1922, and the second from 1946, Swan ton included some excerpts from Fontaneda's Memoir, along with the Memorial, Fragment 1, and are based on the work of B. F. Fragment 2. His Memoir translations trace to French translation of thus back and French, Compan's is It unclear Muhoz's why Swanton used a Spanish transcription. version so far removed from the original, especially when he was familiar with Smith's English translation, which is included in this choice Swanton's bibliography. However, perhaps he made Smith's version retains based on the work's readability. Whereas much of the repetition and literal flow of Fontaneda, French's ver? sion ismore accessible to the general reader. For the Memorial Swanton translation, utilized Lowery's He transcript. speculated He also that this text might be from the hand of Fontaneda. sourced Fragment 1 and Fragment 2 from Lowery, using translations Information about Brooks is quite scant, prepared by Brooks. historian John H. Hann noted that the Brooks transla? although tions "leftmuch to be desired and deleted important details as well."35 Concerning 1 and Fragment 2, Fragment noted Swanton textual fragments are from "Notes and Annotations of the are Cosmographer, Lopez de Velasco." Swanton's published volumes these and extensive However, knowledge. the author's represent his keen in reference choices uments suggest he may have been source or data he preferred audience and expansive to Fontaneda's doc? intellect slightly careless when over readability' choosing accuracy. some allowances are possible, especially due to the Nonetheless, sheer size and span of the topic covered in these volumes, and this fact may outweigh the need to focus intently on the little details about a single cultural group at the extremes of his research scope. David O. True (unknown-1967) edited the next English transla? tion of Fontaneda, which was published in 1944.36 He consciously designed this volume as an updated version of Smith's translation. Indeed, True stated tion of Fontaneda's 34. 35. 36. that it was a "reappraisal Memoir by Buckingham and amended Smith," and transla? "in this For example, John R. Swanton, Early History of the Creek Indians and their Printing Office, 1922); and John R. Neighbors (Washington D.C.: Government D.C.: The Indians Swanton, of the Southeastern United States (Washington Government Printing Office, 1946). to the Calusa, Ripley P. Bullen Series (Gainesville: John H. Hann, Missions University of Florida Press, 1991), 315. True, Memoir ofDo d'Escalante Fontaneda Respecting Florida. This content downloaded from 131.111.7.78 on Thu, 6 Nov 2014 06:02:34 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Florida 224 Historical Quarterly reprint, we have retained Buckingham Smith's translation, where themeaning is not materially different, although the flowing vocab? ulary of Smith is quite at variance with the stilted expressions and tireless repetitions of Fontaneda."37 For his updating of the English translation of theMemoir, True used both theMuhoz transcription as brought through in Smith and Connor's transcription, the latter of which is included in True's book. For theMemoranda, True uti? lized Muhoz's transcription, as thiswas the only one available. The text of theMemoranda is also included in True's volume. Spanish Concerning possible errors in Smith's translation, True stated "his errors are ... Muhoz are lation tant due to some extent some are due to careless few . .. [but] into passages ... they have confusion."38 to the copy imperfect proof reading some thrown he Moreover, ... of made errors for of trans? the most observed impor? that it is remarkable that those interested in the history of Florida "accepted Buckingham Smith's translation without checking the original doc? ument or Spanish copies made from it."39 Additional data about True's volume is available from a small anonymous announcement publication in the Florida Historical a Quarterly.^ The author of this announcement noted that reprint is necessary because Smith's book was limited to one hundred copies, is rare, and hence difficult to access. Additionally, the anonymous writer confirms the source of the Spanish transcription of theMemoir included with True's volume, noting that the transcription included was from the version placed in the Library of Congress by Connor. It also comments that thisvolume included an introduction byTrue and textual notes by True, Smith, and Swanton. Finally, this announce? ment indicated thatAngela del Castillo suggested certain corrections to Smith's translations, but this fact isnot further explained. and other information about True is available Biographical from his obituary, along with his other publications.41 He was a of time member the Florida Historical and served on long Society, 37. 38. 39. 40. Ibid,7, 17. Ibid, 17. Ibid,\6. "A Reprint of Fontaneda," Florida Historical 249-250. 41. Quarterly 23, no. 4 (April 1945): "Obituary David O. True," Florida Historical Quarterly 45, no. 4 (April 1967): itDiscloses of 439; David O. True, "The Freducci Map of 1514-1515: What Early Florida History," Tequesta 4 (1944): 50-55; David O. True, "Some Early to Florida," Imago Mundi 11 (1954): 73-84; and David O. True, Maps Relating "Cabot Explorations in North America," Imago Mundi 13 (1956): This content downloaded from 131.111.7.78 on Thu, 6 Nov 2014 06:02:34 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 11-25. A Translation of Fontaneda History 225 the editorial board of the Tequesta journal. He also published arti? of rare early cles on cartography, and helped get photocopies the of the of Miami for maps University Library, Library Congress, it and the P. K. Yonge Library of Florida History. Consequently, numerous was not in and did True interested appears projects focus specifically research on True suggests a new plete may not translation. documents. translating focus, coupled with the noted have possessed These factors the from Castillo, skills translative may True's Thus, assistance answer to com? the True why text was consciously designed as a revision of Smith, rather than an original translation from Spanish transcriptions. (1926-2009) worked tirelessly to advance our John H. Hann of Florida history through the publication of understanding numerous books.42 His 1991 volume of document translations the Calusa included the Memorial, Fragment 1, and concerning as the author; not 2. Hann did recognize Fontaneda Fragment these pieces are in a section entitled "BriefMemorials and Notes, 1569(f) byJuan Lopez de Velasco."43 They are based on Lowery's, work and an additional copy of Fragment 1 from Stapells-Johnson. No additional data has yet been located concerning Stapells Hann referenced Swanton's publication of Fragment 1 Johnson. and Fragment 2, but he noted quate translations of Brooks.44 that Swanton Hann was employed clearly a the inade? professional In addition, he was the site historian forMission San historian. site situated at the location of a Luis, an important archaeological an Indian mission in village. Spanish Apalachee the next translations of (1966- ) undertook John E. Worth Fontaneda.45 As mentioned before, he is an Assistant Professor at the University ofWest Florida, and is best classified as a profession? al anthropologist. His 1995 article is indispensable for several rea? sons. First, his English translations were the first to utilize the Second, he was the first to confirm that original documents. authored the Memorial, Fragment 1, and Fragment 2. Fontaneda Third, his article represents a prototypical translation history, 42. 43. 44. 45. For example John H. Hann, A History o/Timucua Indians and Missions, Ripley P. Bullen Series (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 1996); and Hann, Indians of Cen tral and South Florida, 1513-1763. to theCalusa, 315-319. Hann, Missions Ibid, 315. "Fontaneda Revisited;" and Worth, Discovering Florida. Worth, This content downloaded from 131.111.7.78 on Thu, 6 Nov 2014 06:02:34 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Florida 226 a number Historical of including tors of Fontaneda. Quarterly to references it was Indeed, the transcribers a useful resource and for transla? this paper. Even more important, his forthcoming book is the firstpublication to include all five of Fontaneda's documents transcribed and translated and the Moreover, together. are translations from directly the source of original his transcriptions and documents rep? resent an important step forward for the continued use of the vital information found in the writings of Fontaneda. ethnographic Due to his extensive, long term work with the Fontaneda docu? ments, Worth has two different translations of the Memorial, inWorth Fragment 1, and Fragment 2, which will be distinguished 1995 for his article from that year, and Worth n.d., for this forth? volume. coming from Excerpts about Florida from excerpts Fontaneda's history. True's work For Gail example, Fontaneda to continue in her translations in books appear Swanson includes book covering the Native Americans of the Florida Keys and the Miami area.46 The importance of Fontaneda for Florida history and archaeology is immeasurable. inherent As translation a we result, must in such problems endeavor to overcome the documents. Based on the available translations of Fontaneda, it is clear that a number of individuals have tackled this endeavor over the last one hundred and fiftyyears. The translators can be loosely (French, Shipp, Smith, and separated into avocation antiquarians after and around their other careers, and True) practicing history professional demic duties researchers include (Swanton, working on Hann, these and Worth) translations. aca? whose There is clear? to this avocational-professional division, ly a temporal dimension with themodern development of college programs in history and anthropology contributing to the growth of the profession of the the greatest textual division is evident between past. Nonetheless, those books destined for more general readership, i.e., the more readable but less faithful French, Shipp, and Swanton, and those books aimed at a more specialized and academic audience, i.e., the work of Smith, True, Hann, and Worth. Indeed, the following tex? tual analysis clearly supports this separation based on a hypothe? sized 46. target Swanson, audience. Documentation of theIndians of theFlorida Keys and Miami, This content downloaded from 131.111.7.78 on Thu, 6 Nov 2014 06:02:34 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 1513-1765. A Translation of Fontaneda History 227 Selection Rationale Five excerpts were selected from the relevant materials avail? able (see Appendix: Selections from Fontaneda). A number of factors influenced the choices, including the availability of Spanish transcription, the presence of multiple English translations, and in variation style and content. Two were excerpts drawn from the Spanish transcripts of theMemoir (Muhoz, Connor, and Worth), the Memoranda and one excerpt from each of the following: 1 and and Worth), Fragment (Muhoz, (Worth), Fragment 2 (Worth). in consultation with Additionally, digital copies of the original doc? uments and Worth's new I created transcripts, transcripts of these five sections to aid with the literally translated English version nec? for essary interlingual analysis. Importantly, each of the five selections is available inmulti? ple English translations. The first selection from theMemoir is a of the Florida and food land, peoples, general description resources in Smith, and is included French, Shipp, Swanton (French), True, and Worth. The second selection from the Memoir details the social-cultural-political relationship between groups in southern Florida and the division of ship? wreck riches among these populations and can be found in Smith, French, Shipp, True, and Worth. The selection from the Memoranda details the geography of the islands to Florida's south and east, including the Keys, Tortugas, and Bahamas and is available in Smith, True, and Worth. The other two selections are from Fragment 1 and 2, Fragment and are from Swanton (Brooks), and Hann, along with two different translations by Worth. For the present analysis, all of Fragment 1 is included. This short text discusses the four kinds of human sacrifices per? formed by the Calusa. For the last selection, this paper uses the second half of Fragment 2B. This excerpt discusses the Tequesta custom for fers in such as debate marine hunting textual content, geography, to mammals. ranging ideas that Each from are more more of these choices concrete esoteric dif? realities and open to like the socio-cultural different relationships between in southern from the of Florida, groups practicalities hunting to the enigmatic nature of religious practice. Thus, through choos? ing such differential content investigate than others. if certain aspects in these selections, of culture are harder it is possible to This content downloaded from 131.111.7.78 on Thu, 6 Nov 2014 06:02:34 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions translate to Florida 228 Comparing This Historical and Contrasting section contains Quarterly the Selections the actual textual scriptions and translations of Fontaneda. Memoir and Memoranda tran? the the Initially, concerning are there transcripts, of analysis several differences of note between that ofMuhoz, on the one hand, and that of Connor (for the Memoir only), Worth, and the present author, on the other. Muhoz altered clearly Fontaneda's and spelling grammar to reflect a transition from 1500s to 1700s Spanish. Indeed, the of the Real in Academia 1713 founding Espanola surely brought for pressure instead of of regularization ples from Muhoz 'dentro include as the Spanish the word Some language. 'inside', rendered or in Fontaneda, T as leave' exam? as 'adentro' 'dejando' instead of 'dexando\ Additionally, Muhoz adds punctuation to Fontaneda and removes the insistent'/' and '//' that abound in the original. Clearly, the influence of the Real Academia Espanola and an aware? ness of what might constitute legitimate Spanish had some bearing on Muhoz's the theory choices. transcription norms is included covered Discussion of such regularizing in the next section linking these observations to earlier. Another major difference between Worth's Memoir transcript and every other available one relates to a piece of text discussing the towns and inhabitants around Lake Okeechobee. Worth ren? " ders this important section as muchos pueblos aunque son de treynta I quarenta [I veinte otros tantos] lugares" (literal English rendering: many towns although they are of thirtyand forty [and twenty other " many] treinta places), y cuarenta whereas vecinos, y otros dering: many towns, although and others many places), states Muhoz muchos tantos pueblos, lugares" san aunque (literal de ren? English they are of thirtyand forty residents, states Connor "muchos pueblos avnque son de treyntaI quarenta vs? y otros tantos lugares" (literal English render? ing: many towns although they are of thirtyand forty [each?] and others many places), and this author rendered it as "'muchospueblos aunque son de treyntaI quarenta lugares" (literal English rendering: The many towns although they are of thirty and forty places). above rendering byWorth represents the most precise interpreta? tion of this snippet from Fontaneda. All the other transcribers missed the text thatWorth placed in square brackets. In the orig? inal Fontaneda documents, these elusive fewwords are included in extremely small even this author's letters above the rest of the sentence. Indeed, transcript does not include this snippet because This content downloaded from 131.111.7.78 on Thu, 6 Nov 2014 06:02:34 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions A Translation of History Fontaneda 229 itwas not seen during initial transcription; although, after compar? ingWorth's transcript to an enlarged copy of the original docu? it is clear ment, his of rendering the text is accurate. Finally, comparing and contrasting the transcript excerpts from Fontaneda's Fragment 1 and Fragment 2B indicates there are a few differences of note between the versions of Worth and this author. The primary distinction relates to text in square brackets, i.e., text that is not legible in the original document due to damage or shorthand notations. This especially affects Fragment 1, where the right edge of the document has frayed, losing a letter or two off the edge. However, in no case does this impair the ability to render the text as Fontaneda wrote itover four hundred years ago. As for the translations themselves, in terms of the first selec? tion from theMemoir, the intralingual comparisons indicate sever? al interesting things. The English excerpts are roughly divided into two groups, with Smith, True, and Worth's translations being significantlymore literal than the others but harder to understand, whereas French, Shipp, and Swanton (French) offer less literal translations leading to a better flow and easier comprehensibility for the general audience. To the accomplish latter, the translators removed a number of the repetitions and transitional phrases from Fontaneda's writings, and the order of some of the text was the second half of the changed. Additionally, Shipp deleted for no excerpt ences between tants make reason. apparent Smith, bread" True, becomes There are and Worth, "they have e.g., "very delicious" inWorth, or Smith's Smith's bread" or "very high flavor" in Smith is rendered and some also in True minor "the differ? inhabi? and Worth, as "very savory" in True "which rises in some sea? son so high" becomes the more compact "which rises greatly" in Worth. These examples reveal that Smith tended to be more col? orful in his renderings. The most interesting issue related to the firstMemoir excerpt, text addressing the however concerns the previously discussed as around Lake Okeechobee. Smith it there translated population "are many towns, although of not more than thirtyof forty souls each; and as many more places there are in which people are not so numerous (emphasis added)," True's rendering is almost identical, and Worth's version states "it has many towns, although they are of thirty and forty (and just as many with twenty)places (emphasis added)." This difference is clearly due to the inaccurate transcript of Muhoz and Connor used by Smith and True. Nonetheless, this This content downloaded from 131.111.7.78 on Thu, 6 Nov 2014 06:02:34 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Florida 230 Historical Quarterly there is often a correlation between pop? difference is vital because ulation size socio-cultural and Worth's Thus, complexity. render? ing has important implications for interpreting the population size He notes "this phrase is extremely around Lake Okeechobee. in ethnographic ambiguous, yet pivotal importance"47 For the second selection from the Memoir, the intralingual True, some indicates comparison French, and Shipp, minor Worth. between differences are there First, some Smith, phrasing differences between Smith, True, and Worth. While Smith states "and he took what appeared to him well, or the best part" (emphasis added), True renders it as "and he took what pleased him, or the best part" (emphasis added), and Worth as "and he took what seemed suitable to him, or the best." This would again seem to be indicative of Smith's previously noted use of more verbose word? ings, along with the individual differences of each translator. Indeed, while the text is different, the evoked feeling is quite sim? ilar. there Second, are also some variations between French and Shipp. As with the first selection from theMemoir, Shipp deletes For example, Shipp drops material when compared to French. several of the transition phrases, such as "I will say no more now on this subject, but proceed to speak." He fixes some of the grammar, removing repeated use of the word 'of, as in "the Indians of Ais, and of Mayaca (emphasis of Mayajuaca, of Jeaga, of Guacata, he also However, added)." Finally, misspells Jeaga as "Feaga." when comparing Smith and True to French and Shipp, several deletions are seen in the latter grouping, including the removal of a reference to the Ais tribe, silver bars, and the fact that Carlos was the individual dividing up the shipwreck riches. The answers to these three discrepancies can be resolved with a comparison to the version. interlingual Several points of interest emerge when comparing the literal? translated English version to the existing English translations of ly the second excerpt from the Memoir. As with Smith, True, and Worth, my rendering does note that theAis were, in fact, the tribe receiving many of the shipwrecked riches; this is at odds with French and Shipp. However, as with Worth's new translation, I do not see any references to bars of silver or Carlos as the individual who divided be 47. inferred Worth, the shipwreck riches, although from surrounding context and both could other sources. Discovering Florida, 426. This content downloaded from 131.111.7.78 on Thu, 6 Nov 2014 06:02:34 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions certainly A Translation of Fontaneda History 231 of the in the intralingual comparisons the Memoranda, are between differences there translations interesting English Smith, on the one hand, and True and Worth on the other hand. The last sentence of this excerpt is distinctly ordered. Smith states For "all on the coasts the Bahama states True whereas "so so Channel, and the islands of the Tortugas are vessels that many (emphasis lost all lost on are vessels that many the Martires" added), the coasts along of theBahama Channel and on the islands of the Tortugas and the Martires" (emphasis added), and Worth notes "many ships are lost in all that coast of theBahama Channel, and the Tortugas Islands an d [the islands] of theMartyrs." A possible answer lies with the liter? ally translated English version, which I rendered similar to the Indeed, True observed that Smith's ordering of True and Worth. translation some included errors to careless "due proof reading."48 that Thus, itmay be due to a distracted reading of Fontaneda Smith flipped the components of this sentence. For Fragment 1, the comparison of the English translations of Swanton (Brooks), Hann, and both translations byWorth are quite in First, the translations of Brooks published enlightening. are Swanton pared out reordered significantly to the other translations. the individual i.e., sacrifices, and the first com? when rephrased For example, instead of spelling the sacrifice, sac? second rifice, etc., Brooks simplified it to first, second, etc. Additionally, Brooks significantly simplifies the first sentence of this piece, which is clear when compared to this paper's interlingual version. Second, each of the translators renders the "entity" coming in the fourth sacrifice slightly differently, with Brooks referring to "witch? es," Hann to to "shamans," acceptable translation this paper's the is quite varied. changed from interlingual to "sorcerers," and shamans, witches, of translation tural baggage 1995 Worth While "shamans." sorcerers are terms' it is telling thatWorth's Indeed, version these "hechiceros," Spanish n.d. and Worth sorcerers to shamans. uses the Moreover, term "sorcerers," all cul? later while the focus of this literal rending was purposely not on culturally sensi? From this example, it should be clear that the tive.word choice. translator's cultural context may influence their word choice. This is something discussed in the next section linking the current tex? Studies' tual observations to the previously covered Translation and theory. methodology7 48. True, Memoir ofDo d'Escalante Fontaneda Respecting Florida, 17. This content downloaded from 131.111.7.78 on Thu, 6 Nov 2014 06:02:34 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Florida Historical Quarterly An additional area of studywith this textual fragment revolves around the changes between Worth 1995 and Worth n.d. Having two translations from the same person provides an interesting win? dow into how individual translators can also change their render? in 1995 Worth retained the ing through time. For example, 232 for word Spanish the head Indian, i.e., currency commonly lation renders "cacique" the translated Spanish " as study. "chief." Yet, "they term that newer his earlier in his whereas adore," has trans? Worth Additionally, as adoran a "cacique," in ethnohistorical newer volume he renders it as "they worship." As with the above discussion of hechiceros, cultural considerations might influence whether a people adore an idol or worship it. Again, in the inter? cern, was adore cultural where version, lingual the term consideration was not con? the chief used. The last excerpt, Fragment 2B, includes English translations found in Swanton (Brooks), Hann, and, again, two fromWorth. There are hand, and mals the some major Hann differences on and Worth, were hunted Tequesta between the other. "sea cows" on Brooks, First, one the mam? the marine to Brooks, according but a "whale" according toHann and Worth. Second, in Brooks a sentence concerning the whale running aground on the sand is removed. Additionally, the terminology used in Brooks is quite For example, in and Worth. distinct from that seen in Hann Swanton's text, Brooks rendered the following as "carries three to his girdle and a rope on his arm," while both Hann and Worth (1995) render it as "carries three stakes in his belt and he throws the lasso," and Worth (n.d.) states "sent with three stakes at his waist, and he throws a lasso." Finally, comparing Hann and Worth, the former is slightlymore elaborate in his text, stakes fastened e.g., "dead." two bone" "extract Thus, the vs. analysis "remove of this two bones," fragment or "deceased" corroborates some vs. of the translative issues with Brooks and notes overall similarities between Hann and Worth, despite the former's tendency to be more intricate in rendering. Once again, comparing the two translations of Fragment 2B by Worth to the interlingual translation is instructive. For example, in 1995 Worth discusses "while the whale is diving," whereas his newer translation talks about "while it is coming up." Comparing these snippets to the literally translated, and quite awkwardly ren? dered, "while the whale is go plunging," suggests Worth's former translation might be closer to the original. Nonetheless, following This content downloaded from 131.111.7.78 on Thu, 6 Nov 2014 06:02:34 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions A Translation History of Fontaneda 233 the logic of this text fragment, it is also quite possible to argue that the Indian hunters may have waited for the whale to come up for a breath prior to attempting to capture it. Also, once again there is the distinction between "adore" and "worship." Finally, in a whale's Fontaneda's blowhole, describing original text states estaca "una por una entana de las nances" (literal English a rending: stake through a window of the nose). This final example illustrates what is sometimes lost in translation, this delightfully playful phrase, "a window clearer, "nostril" and the nose," "nostrils" inWorth "air holes" Ourobros: of or becomes the in Brooks, Hann, interesting, and Worth albeit (1995), (n.d.). the Selections Folding less back to the Theory During the earlier discussion of the theory and methodology of Translations Studies, both Toury's coverage of norms, and Pym and Long's work on translation history were singled out for appli? cation to this current these Importantly, the work of translation researchers the history several provided and translators transcribers of Fontaneda. avenues to analyze discussed above. Moreover, by breaking down the individual transcribers and trans? lators by specific times and locales, it is possible to speculate about of audience and influences, including considerations potential societal prevailing standards. a doubt, there is a major distinction between the translations of Fontaneda potentially related to the antici? English audience. Fontaneda's pated original text is often difficult to fol? and flow, low, lacking replete with repetitions. While historians would accept such difficulties, the public at large may be less Without On accommodating. the one hand, Smith, True, Hann, and Worth might represent translations for a more specialized audi? ence. Indeed, Smith's text had an extremely limited print run of 100. Thus, such books are for those who are interested in hearing Fontaneda as he wrote. This notion is in keeping with the 'for tradition in translation; i.e., they borrowed words from and Their work was Spanish kept the repetitions of Fontaneda. some difficulties in intended for an audience who expected eignizing' translative rendering, translative norms. Swanton removed and On accepted the other such obscurity as suitable hand, French, Shipp, and "domesticated" Fontaneda; (French/Brooks) they the repetitions and unclear text. Their work evidently This content downloaded from 131.111.7.78 on Thu, 6 Nov 2014 06:02:34 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Florida 234 was ity at a more aimed Historical Quarterly audience general who not would opac? accept in translation. Such a distinction can be reframed utilizing the terminology of Tour)7.49 For example, at the most basic level, both groups of translators utilize same the preliminary norms, i.e., an equivalent overarching translation policy; they were translating Fontaneda into English. However, they clearly differ in their operational norms, Such i.e., the actual choices might audience, their individual to the expectations what such with along in choices relate an audience translations. of the intended would as accept a legitimate rendering. Another example of this behavior of the individual translator relates to the aforementioned different trans? lations of hechiceros ers have clearly of Salem. legacy and adoran. negative Whereas First, cultural the the words associations term shamans witches and in English, less appears sorcer? e.g., the cultural? ly loaded and is probably a better descriptive term for the func? tions performed by the religious practitioners seen by Fontaneda. Second, while they adore and theyworship are certainly acceptable translations of adoran, the latter appears a better fit for the implied ancestor reverence. These examples illustrate why perfunctory translation will result in, not just problematic grammar and word order, but also poor word choices and culturally invalid idioms. Finally, another example of norms and legitimization can be wit? nessed in reference to the Muhoz transcription. Muhoz clearly altered Fontaneda's spelling and grammar, quite probably due to the regularizing pressure of the Real Academia Espanola, Thus, we can witness influence on Muhoz's transcription due to his time and place, which, in turn, filtered through into Compan, French, Shipp, Smith, and True. In a similar vein, in the second selection from the Memoir, comparing Smith and True to French and Shipp, several alterations were noted in the former pair, including the inclusion of silver bars and the role of Carlos in dividing shipwreck riches. While these additions are not in the original text, they are not with? out merit based on what is known about sixteenth century south? ern Florida. that the Calusa Indeed, it does appear cacique when controled much of the trade/tribute in European shipwreck which would have included items such as gold, silver, and goods, human captives. These additions during translation certainly have 49. Toury, "The Nature and Role of Norms in Literary Translation." This content downloaded from 131.111.7.78 on Thu, 6 Nov 2014 06:02:34 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions some background even in audience tion must in the established At about translated any this paper, piece. our focus, Switching i.e., must gaze translation a rate, and surroundings introduc? future can scholars that will certainly abound return history. 235 translator's so choices textual questions investigate the many Fontaneda cultural any expectation. such translative address of History A Translation to the noted Long titular that of concept his? translation tory is an important tool to analyze the same document through multiple translations.50 Such an approach did yield a number of intriguing similarities and differences in the various transcriptions and of Fontaneda. translations Moreover, the utilizing terminolo? gy developed by Pym, it is possible to frame the findings of this tex? tual analysis in a wider scope.31 For example, comparing the results of to this paper and criticism, archaeology, discourses three Pym's of translation history, both the demonstrates explanation, i.e., suc? cess of the current project and where future scholarship is needed. This paper certainly meets the first discourse, by digging into the basic facts of themultiple versions of Fontaneda; albeit, with the that realization are there other probably copies tran? of Fontaneda scriptions and translations in hitherto unidentified texts. Indeed, as Fontaneda has been repeatedly transcribed into Spanish, and translated into English and French, it is possible that other editions exist somewhere, sitting this paper demonstrates each sions, with a on dusty bookshelf. translative associated baggage. In the case of Pym's second and third discourses, to a definitive develop of an answer as to why a individual ver? specific translator and their it is harder translation and also to conclusively demonstrate have occurred what Nonetheless, is there is a long lineage of Fontaneda may the influence surrounding context. to discuss the reasons Nonetheless, toWorth, clearly in reference occurred the translation and, why connect the translative work with his context. On the one hand, True's textwas designed explicitly as both a reprint and update to in the case of True Smith's means text, for erence to increase correcting it is possible availability a few of Smith's of Fontaneda's errors and Memoir omissions. and as a In ref? to True's brief biographic sketch discussed earlier, it is a new translation of a was to not in he apparent position complete Fontaneda. This evidently explains True's use of an additional 50. 51. Long, "Chapter 4 History and Translation." Pym, Methods in Translation History. This content downloaded from 131.111.7.78 on Thu, 6 Nov 2014 06:02:34 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Florida 236 Historical Quarterly individual, Angela del Castillo, tomake limited suggestions on the translation itself. On the other hand, Worth's new translation is a long-overdue er in one previous ously to effort all bring of Fontaneda's documents togeth? text. Moreover, his familiarity with the subject, e.g., his article attributing Fontaneda's authorship to the previ? Memorial, unrecognized and transcription 1, and Fragment in a position strates why he was translation of the five 2, demon? Fragment a brand to produce new texts. Fontaneda Pym also developed four principles of translation history, and to in reference this paper each of these aspects explores Fontaneda's multiple reproductions. First, while there are still some gaps, this paper details the times and places of the various and Fontaneda these transcriptions were translations and produced, some why the differences addresses translations, questions of between them Second, this paper attempts to place these various works in relation to those who authored them, i.e., naming the individual and transcribers translators. the Third, social context of these individuals was explored, erence to such as dichotomies vs. historian antiquarian surrounding especially with ref? and gener? al vs. specialized audience. Interestingly, while this first division does not align with themajor textual differences, the latter pairing appears to be central to themajor schism in the translated version of Fontaneda's Memoir. The final principle asks why do translation history? Indeed, why is this translation history of Fontaneda nec? essary and Quite important? Fontaneda's simply, proto-ethno of the indigenous societies of southern graphic observations Florida are unparalleled. The knowledge contained in these five primary documents is vital for anyone interested in the past of this region. this Moreover, the available ic, because translations the translation history influence and of transcriptions. the present colors ing through this prism, we can witness experiences among reveals why we must get source and why we must constantly question closer to the original The our is never past view. Yet, stat? look? something of Fontaneda's the Calusa. Conclusion The results of this textual analysis are quite clear. Foremost, it was past time for a new translation of Fontaneda that includes all five of his writings and reached back to the original documents. these forthcoming volume effectively meets John E. Worth's This content downloaded from 131.111.7.78 on Thu, 6 Nov 2014 06:02:34 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions A Translation of Fontaneda History 237 it is imperative that Florida historians Second, requirements.52 not and archaeologists do merely parrot the historical document translations the describing state's We history. must trans? question lations because factors like legitimizing norms and consideration in a multitude of ways. of audience will sway their production Nevertheless, with the increasing digitization of original docu? ments, a world of texts has opened for themodern historian. Such suggest a future where history is no longer reliant developments on sometimes fallible transcriptions, but where the historian will access have Appendix: to original Selections sources from anywhere in the world. from Fontaneda versions of the five includes the multiple This appendix Fontaneda excerpts utilized in this translation history. The literal? ly rendered English translations by the author were sourced from a digital copy of Fontaneda's original documents available from the Portal de Archivos Espanoles, along with consultation of new tran? scriptions ofWorth (n.d.) for any unclear elements. For the first selection from the Memoir, the excerpts included the Muhoz, Connor, and Worth Spanish transcriptions, a transcript and literal English rendering by the author, and the English translations of Smith, True, French, Shipp, Swanton (French), and Worth. The second selection from theMemoir includes the Spanish transcrip? and Worth, a transcript and literal tions of Muhoz, Connor, and the English translations of the author, English rendering by The excerpts from the Smith, True, French, Shipp, and Worth. Memoranda include theMuhoz and Worth Spanish transcription, a transcript and literal English rendering by the author, and the Finally, for the English translations of Smith, True, and Worth. last two selections Spanish sources for Fragment 1 and Fragment 2 are drawn from Worth and the present author's and transcription, (Brooks), Hann, English translations are drawn from Swanton this with author's and Worth Worth (n.d.), (1995) literally along version. rendered dered, several Finally, extraneous while the textual notes texts are contained reproduced in the from Smith and True have been deleted. 52. Worth, Discovering Florida. This content downloaded from 131.111.7.78 on Thu, 6 Nov 2014 06:02:34 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions as ren? selections Florida 238 Memoir in BVMC Transcription esta sobre otros corre que laguna tiene muchos Tienen lugares. por san aunque pueblos, tantos no raices estas alcanzan en medio de de pan de raices, la tierra y cuarenta treinta adentro, vecinos, la comida ques y ordinar por caso de la laguna, que crece ia lam?s parte del tiempo, aunque mucho, Quarterly 1 Selection Muhoz Historical de estorbo por la mucha y agua; ansi dejan de comer algun tiempo este pan. Hay pescado mucho muchas mas maneras; comen entonces aves, raices y otras bueno, muy a manera cuando de hay o ave. Tambien carne y otras turmas, caza, ansi de diferentes que digo de como venados hay en y de aque llos rios de agua dulce enfinitisimas anguillas, muy ricas, y truchas grandisimas, casi tamaho de un hombre, las anguillas gordas como y menores el muslo Connor Transcription esta sobre muchos que laguna in True corre en medio por son avnque pueblos 1945: 67-68 de de i treynta la tierra quarenta dentro tiene vs? y otros tan? casa de tos lugares tienen pan de rraises ques la comida ordinaria la mas parte del tienpo Avnque por caso de la laguna que crese mucho que no alcansan estas rraises por estorbo de la mucha Agua y ansi dejan de comer Algun tienpo este pan pescado mucho y muy bueno / otras Rayses a manera de turmas de las de Aca duses y otras diferentes maneras / de muchas como benados de abes mas quando o abe carne comen entonses ai Ansi / tanbien digo que ai en aquellos Rios de aqua duce enfinitisimas anguillas ymuy rricas y truchas grandisimas casi tamaho de vn honbre las anguillas como gordas el muslo Worth Transcription sobre esta que laguna y menores inWorth corre n.d.: 366-367 por en medio de la tierra dentro tiene [i veinte otros pueblos aunque son de treynta i quarenta tantos] lugares tienen pan de rraises ques la comida ordinario la mas parte del tienpo aunque por caso de la laguna que crese muchos mucho no que estas alcansan rraises por estorbo de la mucha agua y ansi dejan de comer algun tienpo este pan pescado mucho ymuy bueno / otras rayses a manera de turmas de las de du[l]ses y otras diferentes dos como / de muchas de ai en aquellos abes maneras entonses mas comen rios de agua du[l]ce quando carne o abe ai casa / ansi tanbien de digo enfinitisimas anguillas This content downloaded from 131.111.7.78 on Thu, 6 Nov 2014 06:02:34 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions bena? que ymuy A Translation como gordas el muslo y Fontaneda 239 casi tamaho de un honbre rricas y truchas grandisimas las of History menores las anguil Transcription from digital copy by the author Sobre esta laguna que corre por en medio de la tierra dentro tiene muchos pueblos aunque son de treynta I quarenta lugares tienen pan de rraises ques la comida ordinario la mas parte del tienpo aunque caso por de la crese que laguna mucho no que alcansan estas rraises por estorbo de la mucha agua y ansi dejan de comer algun tienpo este pan pescado mucho ymuy bueno / otras rayses a manera de turmas de las de aca de[l]ses y otras diferentes / de muchas maneras mas ai quando casa ansi de benados carne o abe / tanbien como de ai en abes, en[tonces comen] [d]igo que aquellos rios de agua [dulce en]fmitisimas anguillas ymuy rricas y truchas grandisimas casi tamaho de un honbre las anguillas gordas como el muslo y menores Literal Translation by the author On this lagoon that run by inmiddle of the land inside have many towns although they are 30 and 40 places they have bread of roots that the food ordinary themore part of the time although for case of the lagoon that grows much no reach these roots for hindrance of the much water and this way stop of the eating some time this bread fish many and very good other roots inmanner of truffles of the from here sweet and others different / of many manners but when there ishunting thisway of deer like of birds at that time eats meat or birds / also I say that there are in rivers of water sweet infi? nite eels and very rich and trout large almost size of a man the eels fat like the thigh and smaller Smith 1854: 15-16 On this lake, which lies in the midst of the country, are many towns, although of not more than thirtyor forty souls each; and as many more places there are in which people are not so numerous. bread of roots, which is their common food the greater part of the year; and because of the lake, which rises in The some inhabitants make seasons so high that the roots cannot be reached in conse? quence of the water, they are for some time without eating this bread. Fish is plenty and very good. There is another root, like the truffleof this country, which is sweet; and there are other different roots of many kinds; but when there is game, either deer or birds, This content downloaded from 131.111.7.78 on Thu, 6 Nov 2014 06:02:34 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Historical Florida 240 Quarterly that in the they prefer to eat flesh or fowl. I will also mention, rivers of fresh water are infinity of eels of very high flavor, and enormous trout, size the nearly of a man. The are eels the thick? ness of the thigh, and some of them are smaller. True 1945: 27 On this lake, which lies in the midst of the country, are many towns, of thirty to forty inhabitants each; and as many more places there are inwhich people are not so numerous. They have bread of roots, which is their common food the greater part of the time; and because of the lake, which rises in some seasons so high that the roots cannot be reached in consequence of the water, they are for some time without eating this bread. Fish is plenty and very good. There is another root, like the truffle over here, which is sweet; and there are other different roots of many kinds; but when there is hunting, either deer or birds, they prefer to eat meat or fowl. nite I will also quantities that mention, of eels, very are nearly the size of a man, are in the savory, rivers and of fresh enormous water trout. are The infi? eels thick as the thigh, and some of them smaller. French 1875: 248-249 This lake is situated in themidst of the country, and is surrounded by a great number of villages of from thirty to forty inhabitants each, who live on bread made from roots during most of the year. They cannot procure it,however, when the waters of the lake rise very high. They have roots which resemble the truffles of this country (Spain), and have besides excellent fish. Whenever game is to be had, either deer or birds, they eat meat. Large numbers of very fat eels are found in the rivers, some of them as large as a man's and thigh, smaller although enormous ones are trout, also almost as large as a man's body; found. Shipp 1881:585 This lake is situated in themidst of the country, and is surrounded by a great number of villages of from thirty to forty inhabitants each, who live on bread made They, however, cannot procure very high. from roots, itwhen during most of the year. the waters of the lake rise This content downloaded from 131.111.7.78 on Thu, 6 Nov 2014 06:02:34 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions A Translation of History Fontaneda 241 Swanton (French) 1922: 388 This lake [Mayaimi] is situated in the midst of the country, and is surrounded by a great number of villages of from thirty to forty inhabitants each, who live on bread made from roots during most of the year. They can not procure it,however, when the waters of the lake rise very high. They have roots which resemble the truf? fles of this country [Spain], and have besides excellent fish. Whenever game is to be had, either deer or birds, they eat meat. Large numbers of very fat eels are found in the rivers, some of as them large as large a man's as a man's body; although enormous and thigh, ones smaller also as almost trout, are found. Worth n.d.: 384 this lake, which runs through the middle of the interior, it Upon has many towns, although they are of thirtyand forty (and just as many with twenty) places. They have bread from roots, which is the ordinary food during the greater part of the time, although in the case of the lake, which rises greatly, they cannot reach these roots due to the obstacle of the amount of water, and thus they leave off eating this bread for some time. [They also have] much and very good fish, and other roots in the manner the sweet ones here, and other of truffles like ones different in varieties. Furthermore, when there is game, both of deer and birds, then they eat meat of fowl. I also say that in those freshwater rivers are infinite eels, and very delicious, and very large trout, almost as large as a man, and the eels as thick as the thigh and smaller. Memoir Selection 2 in BVMC Transcription esto aparte, quiero hablar de las riquezas que Dejando Muhoz de Ais hallaron, que seria hasta un mill?n y mas en los indios barras y en oro y otras cosas de joyas, hechas de manos de indios mexicanos que trafan los pasajeros; las cuales se repartieron el cacique de Ais y Jeaga y Guacata yMayaguaci yMayata, y el tom? lo que le pareci? o lo mejor. Con estos navios y otros dichos y carabelas perdidas, y indios de Cuba y de Honduras, perdidos en busca del no Jordan, que venian ricos, y los cogian Carlos y el de Ais yJeaga y las islas de Guarugumbe, tierra. son ricos, como tengo dicho, de la mar y This content downloaded from 131.111.7.78 on Thu, 6 Nov 2014 06:02:34 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions no de la Florida 242 Historical Quarterly Connor Transcription in True 1945: 73 dexando esto aparte / quiero hablar de las Riqsas de ays hallaron que seria hasta millon y mas en que barras los yndios y en oro y otras / / cosas de joias hechas de manos de yndios mejicanos que traian los pasajeros la qual lo rrepartio el casique de ais y jeaga y ymayaca y el tomo lo que le parezio / o lo guacata ymayajuaca con estos nabios / y carabelas perdidas y y otros dhos. mejor indios de cuba y de honduras perdidos en busca del Rio jordan que benian Ricos. y los cojian carlos / y el de ais yjeaga / y las yslas de guarugunbe / son Ricos como dho tengo de lamar y no de la tieRa inWorth n.d.: 377-378 Worth Transcription esto aparte / quiero hablar de las riqu[ue]sas Dexando que los mas en hallaron hasta de barras seria y en que yndios Ays myllon y oro y otras cosas de joias hechas de manos de yndios Mejicanos que traian los pasajeros la qual lo rrepartio el cacique de Ais yjeaga y Guacata yMayajuaca yMayaca y el tomo lo que le parezio / o lo con estos nabios / y otros d[ic]hos y carabelas perdidas y major indios de Cuba y de Honduras perdidos en busca del Rio Jordan que benian ricos y los cojian Carlos / y el de Ais yjeaga / y las yslas de Guarugunbe / son ricos como d[ic]ho tengo de lamar y no de la tiera / Transcription from digital copy by the author esto aparte / quiero hablar de las riqu[ue]sas Dexando que los mas en hasta hallaron de seria barras que y en myllon y yndios Ays oro y otras cosas de joias hechas de manos de yndios Mejicanos que traian los pasajeros la qual lo rrepartio el cacique de Ais yjeaga y Guacata yMayajuaca yMayaca y el tomo lo que le parezio / o lo major / con estos nabios y otros d[ic]hos y carabelas perdidas y indios de Cuba y de Honduras perdidos en busca del Rio Jordan ricos los Carlos benian / y el de Ais yjeaga / y las yslas y que cojian de Guarugunbe / son ricos como d[ic]ho tengo de lamar y no de la tiera / Literal Translation by the author To leave this beside / I want to speak of the wealth that the Indians of Ais discovered that being even a million and more in bars and in gold and others things of jewels complete of hands of Indians Mexico that bring the passengers; which itdistributed the cacique This content downloaded from 131.111.7.78 on Thu, 6 Nov 2014 06:02:34 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions A Translation History of Fontaneda 243 of Ais and Jeaga and Guacata and Mayaguaci and Mayata, and the I take him that the opinion / or the attractive /With these ships and others such and caravels loses, and Indians of Cuba and of losts in search of the river Jordan, that come rich, and Honduras the Carlos / and the of Ais and Jeaga / and the islands of I have of the sea / are rich like the aforementioned Guaragunbre and no of the land / Smith 1854: 23-24 Leaving thismatter aside, I desire to speak of the riches found by the Indians of Ais, which perhaps were as much as a million of dol? lars, or over, in bars of silver, in gold, and in articles of jewelry made by the hands of Mexican Indians, which the passengers were bringing with them. These things Carlos divided with the caciques of Ais, Jeaga, Guacata, Mayajuaci, and Mayaca, and he took what or to him the best well, part. These vessels, and the appeared wreck of the others mentioned, and of caravels, with the substance of the Indians of Cuba and Honduras who were lostwhile in search of the River Jordan, and who came well off,were taken by Carlos, and by the chiefs of Ais and Jeaga. The Indians of the Islands of are rich; but, in the way that I have stated, from the Guarungunve sea, not from the land. True 1945: 34-35 Leaving thismatter aside, I desire to speak of the riches found by the Indians of Ais, which perhaps were as much as a million dol? lars, or over, in bars of silver, in gold, and in articles of jewelry made by the hands ofMexican Indians, which the passengers were with them. These things Carlos divided with the caciques bringing of Ais, Jeaga, Guacata, Mayajuaco, and Mayaca, and he took what or These the best him, vessels, and the wreck of the part. pleased others mentioned, and of caravels, with the substance of the Indians of Cuba and Honduras who were lostwhile in search of the River Jordan, and who came well off,were taken by Carlos, and by the chiefs of Ais and Jeaga. The Indians of the Islands of are in the that I have stated, from the but, rich; way Guaragunbe sea, not from the land. French 1875: 262 I will say no more now on this subject, but proceed to speak of the wealth which the Indians found in bars of gold and Mexican jewel This content downloaded from 131.111.7.78 on Thu, 6 Nov 2014 06:02:34 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Florida 244 Historical Quarterly ry belonging to the shipwrecked passengers, amounting to more than a million. The chief retained the best part of it for himself, and divided the remainder among the Indians of Ais, of Jaega, of of Guacata, and Mayajuaca, of Mayaca. Most of the vessels or car? avels, as I stated before, which had been shipwrecked there were from Cuba and Honduras, and going in search of the riverJordan, Indians of Ais, of Jaega, and the how the which explains so enriched by the sea and not by the Islands became Guardgumve land. Shipp 1881: 588 Of the wealth which the Indians found in bars of gold and to the shipwrecked Mexican passengers, jewelry, belonging more a to than million, the chief retained the best part amounting for himself, and divided the remainder among the Indians of the Ais, Guacata, Feaga, and Mayajuaca, Most Mayaca. of the vessels and which had been shipwrecked were from Cuba and Honduras, Indians in of the river which how the search going Jordan, explains of Ais, Feaga, and the Guaragunve Islands became so enriched by sea, and not by land. Worth n.d.: 396-397 Leaving this aside, I wish to speak about the riches that the Indians of Ays found, which would be up to a million or more in bars and in gold and other things of jewelry made by the hands of Mexican Indians, which the passengers brought, all of which was distributed and Mayajuaca and by the chief of Ais and Jeaga and Guacata or to the with he took suitable and what seemed him, best, Mayaca, these ships and others and mentioned, caravels lost, Indians and lost in search of the River Jordan. from Cuba and from Honduras came and Carlos rich, captured them, and the [chief] of Ais They are rich, as I have stated, and Jeaga and the islands of Guarugunbe from the sea and not from the land. Memoranda Muhoz Las Selection in BVMC Transcription islas Lucayo son de tres suertes, las islas de Bahama, lo segundo las islas de Los M?rtires, que Tortugas, hacia Poniente, y estos y es desta manera: lo primero las islas de los Organos, lo tercero confinan con unos cabos de las cabos son de arena, y como This content downloaded from 131.111.7.78 on Thu, 6 Nov 2014 06:02:34 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions son A Translation de arena, no se ven de y por lejos, en toda aquella costa de Tortugas y de Los Martires. navios Worth Transcription Las islas Lucayo son of History esta Fontaneda causa n.d.: 401-402 tres y suertes, 245 pierden la canal de Bahama inWorth de se es desta manera muchos y las islas lo primero lo tercero lo segundo las yslas de los Organos las yslas de Bahama las yslas de los Martires que confirma con unos caios de las Tertugas hacia poniente y estos caios son de harena y como son de harena no se ben de lejos y por esta causa se pierden muchos nabios en toda aquella y de losMartires. Transcription Las islas Lucayo costa de la canal de Bahama from digital copy by the author son de tres suertes, y es desta y islas Tertugas manera lo primero lo tercero lo segundo las yslas de los Organos las yslas de Bahama las yslas de los Martires que confirma con unos caios de las como son de Tertugas hacia poniente y estos caios son de harena y harena no se ben de lejos y por esta causa se pierden muchos nabios en toda aquella costa de la canal de Bahama y islas Tertugas y de losMartires. by the author islands Lucayo they are of three kinds and the second the first the islands of Bahama of the Martires the third the islands Organos some keys of the Tortugas towards theWest and of sand and they are to be of sand no knowledge Literal Translation to be thismanner the islands of the that confine with they are keys to be to come of in the distance and for this cause themselves lose view ofmany ships in all that one coast of the canal of Bahama and the islands Tortugas and The of theMartires Smith 1854: 26 islands of the Lucayos are made up of three groups, in this wise: First, the islands of the Bahama; second, the islands of the the the islands of Martires, which have their con? third, Organos; fines on the west in certain cayos (keys), the Tortugas, formed of The sand, and for this reason are not to be seen from a distance, as is the case with all the coasts on the Bahama Channel, so thatmany vessels are lost on the islands of the Tortugas and theMartires. This content downloaded from 131.111.7.78 on Thu, 6 Nov 2014 06:02:34 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Florida 246 Historical Quarterly True 1945: 37 The islands of the Lucayos are made up of three groups, in this wise: First, the islands of the Bahama; second, the islands of the the the islands of third, Martires, which are adjacent on Organos; the west to certain cayos (keys), the Tortugas, formed of sand, and this reason for are not seen to be a distance, from sels are lost all along the coasts of the Bahama islands of the Tortugas and theMartires. so that many ves? and on the Channel Worth n.d.: 405 The Lucayos Islands are of three sorts, and it is in this fashion: the the second, the islands of the first, the islands of Bahama; the the islands of the Martyrs, which borders third, Organos; toward the west with some keys called Las Tortugas. These keys are of sand, and since they are of sand, they cannot be seen from afar, and for this reason many ships are lost in all that coast of the Bahama the and Channel, the Tortugas [the islands] of Islands and Martyrs. Fragment 1 Selection inWorth n.d.: 414 Worth Transcription De lo que en la Florida pasa de los yndios de lamisma Carlos tienen primeram[n]te costunbre por ves cada tiera los de que muere un hijo del casique cazrifican cada vesino sus hijos o hijas q[ue] van en conpania de la muerte del hijo del casique / la segunda es cacrefisio losmismos el tersero que el quando mismo casique muere o criados del o della y este es el Segundo es cacrifisio que matan cada ano un la casica matan cacrefisio / captive cristiano para dar de comer a su ydolo que adoran en el que disen que su ydolo come ojos de onbre umano y con la cabesa baylan cada ano que tiene por costunbre / y el quarto cacrifisio es que despues del verano bienen unos hichis eros en aullando boses figura como del como demono con unos cuernos lobos y ot[r]os muchos anymales del monte y estan en la cavesa y vienen ydolos diferentes que dan estos ydolos quarto meses que nunca cosiegan noche ni de dia que tan coriendo con mucha furia que cosa p[ar]a contar la gran bestelidad quellos hazen / Transcription from digital copy by the author De lo que en la Florida pasa de los yndios de lami[s]ma This content downloaded from 131.111.7.78 on Thu, 6 Nov 2014 06:02:34 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions tiera los A Translation of Fontaneda History 247 tienen por costunbre cada ves que de Carlos primeram[n]te muere un hij[o] del casique cazrifican cada vesino sus hij[os] o hijas q[ue] van en conpania de lamuerte del hijo del casique / la segunda cacrefisi[o] es que quando el casique mismo muere o la casica matan losmismos criados del o della y este es el cacrefisio / Segundo el tersero es cacrifisio que matan cada ano un cristiano captive para dar de comer a s[u] ydolo que adoran en el que disen qu[e] su ydolo come ojos de onbre umano y con la cabesa baylan cada ano que tiene por costunbre / y el quarto cacrifisio es que despues del verano bienen unos hichis eros en figura del vienen aullando dan que to meses boses con mucha hazen / que demono como como con noche cosiegan furia que cosa p[ar]a en cuern[os] del monte anymales nunca unos lobos y ot[r]os muchos ni cavesa y ydolos diferentes y estan estos de que dia la quar? ydolos tan coriendo contar la gran bestelidad quellos Literal Translation by the author Of what in the Florida passes of the Indians of the same land those of Carlos first they have by custom every time that dies a son of the casique sacrifice each citizen their son or daughter that they go in company of the death of the son of the casique / the second sacrifice is thatwhen the casique dies or the casica kill the same servants of him or her and this is the second sacrifice / the third sacrifice is that kill every year a captive Christian for to give of food to their idol that they adore in the that design that their idol eat eyes of man human and with the head they dance each year that they have by custom / and the fourth sacrifice is that after the summer there comes sor? cerers in figure of the devil with some horns in the head and comes howling as wolves and others many idols different that they shout as animals of the forest and are these idols four months that never rest night or of day that so run with much fury that thing to tell the great bestiality that they act / Swanton (Brooks) 1922: 389 The Indians of Carlos have the following customs: First. Every time that the son of a cacique dies, each neighbor rifices (or kills) his sons or daughters who have accompanied dead body of the cacique's son. This content downloaded from 131.111.7.78 on Thu, 6 Nov 2014 06:02:34 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions sac? the 248 Florida Second. When the cacique every servant of his Historical or hers, Quarterly himself, or the caciqua as the case may be, [his wife] dies, is put to death. year they kill a Christian captive to feed their idol, which they adore, and they say that ithas to eat every year the eyes of a man, and then they all dance around the dead man's head. Fourth. Every year after the summer begins theymake witches, in the shape of devils with horns on their heads, howling like wolves, Third. Each and many other beasts, which they idols of different kinds, who remain four months. They cry loud like wild never rest, but on the contrary, they keep on the run with fury all the time, day and night. The actions of these bestial creatures are worth relating. Hann 1991: 316 About what happens in Florida concerning the Indians of the same land. Those of Carlos firstly have as a custom each time a son of the cacique dies each inhabitant sacrifices his sons or daughters, who go in company of the death of the cacique's son; the second sacrifice is that when the chief himself or the chieftainness dies, they kill his or her own servants, and this is the second sacrifice. third sacrifice is that each year they kill a Christian captive so that theymay feed their idol, which they adore in [doing] it. That they say their idol eats human men's eyes. And they dance with his head each year. They have this as a custom. And the fourth sacrifice is that after the summer some shamans (hichizeros) come in the guise (figura) of the devil with some horns on their head. And they come howling like wolves and many other The different idols, which make noises like animals from the woods {del monte). And these idols are four months that they never rest neither day nor night that they go running about with great fury. That the great bestiality that they do is a thing to tell about. Worth 1995: 344 Of what happens in Florida among Indians of the same land. Those of Carlos firstly have as custom [that] each time a child of the cacique dies, each resident sacrifices his sons or daughters who go in company of the death of the child of the cacique./ The sec? ond sacrifice is that when the cacique himself dies, or the cacica, they kill his or her own servants, and this is the second sacrifice./ The third sacrifice is that they kill each year a Christian captive in order to feed their idol which they adore, and which they say eats the eyes of the human male and eats the head. They dance each This content downloaded from 131.111.7.78 on Thu, 6 Nov 2014 06:02:34 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions A Translation year, which after the of Fontaneda History the fourth sacrifice is that they have for custom./ And summer come some 249 sorcerers in the shape of the devil their heads, and they come howling like wolves and many other different idols which yell like animals of the woods, and these idols stay four months, in which they never rest so much with great fury. What a thing to night or day, running relate the great bestiality which they do! with some horns on Worth n.d.: 416-417 Of what happens among the Indians of the land itself, those of Carlos. Firstly, they have as custom that each time a child of the chief dies, each resident sacrifices their sons or daughters, who go in company of the death of the child of the chief. The second sac? rifice is thatwhen themale chief himself dies, or the female chief, sac? they kill the very servants of him of her, and this is the second rifice. The third sacrifice is that they kill every year one captive Christian in order to feed the idol that theyworship, which they say eats the eyes of humans, and they dance with the head each year, which they have as a custom. And the fourth sacrifice is that after the summer, there come some shamans in the figure of the devil, with some horns on their heads, and they come howling likewolves, and many other different idols that shout like animals of thewoods, and these idols are there four months, during which they never rest, night or day, running with great fury. What a thing to recount the great bestiality that they perform. Fragment 2B Selection inWorth WTorth Transcription Y en el ynvierno salen todas n.d.: 415-416 las canoas a la mar entre todos estos un yndio envixado que lleba tres estacas en la cinta y yndios sale echale el laco al pescuezo y mientras la vallena se ba sumiendo metele una estaca por una ventana de las narices y ansi como se va sobre ella y en matandola cabulle no la pierde porq[ue] q[ue] en la arena y lo prim [er] o asta mata la sacanla q[ue] encall[e] tiene le acen abrenle la cabeca y sacanle dos guesos q[ue] q[ue] en el casc[o] y estros dos guesos hechanlos en esta caxa q[ue] ellos meten los difuntos y en esto adoran This content downloaded from 131.111.7.78 on Thu, 6 Nov 2014 06:02:34 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Florida 250 en el Quarterly from digital copy by the author Transcription y Historical salen ynvierno las canoas todas a la mar entre estos todos yndios sale un yndio envixado que lleba tres estacas en la cinta y echale el laco al pescuezo y mientras la vallena se ba sumiendo una metele estaca una por ventana de las narices y ansi como se va sobre ella y en matandola cabulle no la pierde porq[ue] q[ue] lamata sacanla asta q[ue] encalle en la arena y lo prim [er] o q[ue] le acen abrenle la cabeca y sacanle dos guesos q[ue] tiene en el casco y estros los difuntos dos y en en hechanlos guesos esto caxa esta ellos q[ue] meten adoran Literal Translation by the author And in the winter out all the canoes to the sea among all these Indians out a Indian sent that carry three stakes in the band and throw his lasso to the neck and while the whale is go plunging he places a stake through a window of the nose and thisway as is tied up he no the to lose because go on it and in killing that the kills pull it that strand iton the sand and the first that they do open the head and take out two bones that have in the skull and these two bones adore they put in this box that they put the dead it and in this they Swanton (Brooks) 1922: 389 In winter all the Indians go out to sea in their canoes, sea cows. girdle and One a of rope their on number his arm. carries three When he stakes discovers to hunt for fastened a sea to his cow he throws his rope around itsneck, and as the animal sinks under the water, the Indian drives a stake through one of itsnostrils, and no matter how much itmay dive, the Indian never loses it,because he goes on itsback. After ithas been killed they cut open itshead and take out two large bones, which they place bodies of their dead and worship them. in the coffin, with the Hann 1991: 319 in the winter all the canoes go out to the sea. Among all these Indians one Indian sent (enbixadof) goes out, who carries three stakes in his belt and he throws the lasso around itsneck (y echale to disappear, el laco al pesquezo) and while the whale is proceeding he shoves a stake through one of itsnostrils {por una ventana de las narizes) and thus [as it] is tied up {como se cabulle) he does not lose it because he goes on top of it. And in killing it as he is killing it And This content downloaded from 131.111.7.78 on Thu, 6 Nov 2014 06:02:34 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions A Translation History of Fontaneda 251 (y enmatandola que la mata) they pull it in until it runs aground on the sand. And the first thing that they do to it [is that] they open the head and extract two bones that it has in the skull and they throw these two bones in this chest (caja) in which they place the deceased and in this they adore. Worth 1995: 344-345 And in the winter all the canoes come forth to the sea. Among all these Indians one Indian is sent forth who carries three stakes in his belt, and he throws the lasso around the neck, and while the whale is diving he inserts a stake through one nostril, and thus as it is tied he does not lose it,because he goes on it,and in killing it as he kills it they pull ituntil it runs aground in the sand, and the first that they do is open the head and remove two bones which it has in itshead, and these two bones they put in this chest inwhich they place the dead, and they adore this. Worth n.d.: 418 And in thewinter, all the canoes go to the sea, and among all these Indians there comes forth one Indian who is sent with three stakes at his waist, and he throws a lasso around the neck of a whale, and it is coming up, he places a stake in one of the air holes, and thus since it is tied up he does not lose it because he goes on top of it, and upon killing it as they do, they run it aground on the sand, and the first that they do is to open up the head and remove two bones that ithas in the skull, and they place these bones in this while box where they place their dead, and theyworship this. This content downloaded from 131.111.7.78 on Thu, 6 Nov 2014 06:02:34 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions