Journal of Behavioral Assessment, Vol. 6, No. 4, 1984
Affective Information Processing
and the Assessment of Anxiety
Peter J. Lang ~ and Bruce N. Cuthbert ~
Accepted December4, 1984
A conceptualization of anxiety as comprising three loosely coupled response
systems of overt behavior, verbal report, and physiological activation has
proven useful in clinical and theoretical work. With this framework as a starting
point, an information-processing approach to the study of emotion is described.
Emotions are conceived as affective programs within the brain, with information coded as propositions organized into associative networks. Affective
expression results when such a network is accessed and processed, which can
occur when a sufficient number of propositions are activated by environmental stimuli and~or internal associations. It is hypothesized that information
about the expressive physiology is an integral component of the associative
structure, and that processing of the network accordingly results in measurable psychophysiological response. Data from studies of emotional imagery,
as well as other areas of research, are reviewed in support of these theories.
The utility of this approach for the assessment of anxiety disorders is discussed,
and results of clinical studies are presented to suggest that individual differences in accessing and processing emotional information may bear significant
implications for prognosis and treatment selection. It is speculated that differences among the anxiety disorders could be interpreted in terms of the degree
of cognitive organization of the network, leading to potential refinement of
current diagnostic categories. In conclusion, cognitive psychology paradigms
are discussed in terms of their application to the assessment and treatment
of anxiety disorders.
KEY WORDS: anxiety; information processing; assessment.
The authors' research is supported in part by N I M H Grant M H 37757. Portions of this paper
were presented at the N I M H Conference on Anxiety, Tuxedo, NY, September 1983. Several
of its themes were developed there at more length, and this material may be found in the
publication of the conference proceedings (Tuma & Maser, 1985).
~Department of Clinical Psychology, University of Florida, Gainesville, Florida 32610.
369
0164-0305/84/12000369503.50/0 @ 1984 Plenum Publishing Corporation
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Lang and Cuthbert
INTRODUCTION
Over the past decade our research program has applied concepts and
methods from the information-processing literature to the psychophysiological study of emotion. This work has had a major focus on the normal and
pathological phenomena of fear. Our approach has been to conceive emotions as affective programs within the brain, to attempt the specification of
their data base and logical organization, and to describe how and when such
programs might be run. This paper presents some of the theories and results
of this project, describing their ramifications for behavioral assessment. It
is argued that psychophysiological responses are integral to the expression
of clinical anxiety and that a consideration of their role in affective information processing can facilitate an understanding of the development and
modification of anxiety disorders. In support of this view, research in the
areas of state-dependent learning, excitation transfer, and emotional imagery
is reviewed and evaluated. Some speculations are made regarding ways in
which this approach can be used to interpret differences among states of fear
and anxiety (i.e., according to their cognitive organization), with ensuing
potential nosological refinement. In conclusion, specific suggestions are
offered for the application of paradigms from cognitive psychology to
research on anxiety and anxiety-related disorders.
THE R A W D A T A OF A N X I E T Y
In view of the wide range of contemporary approaches to the analysis
and assessment of anxiety, it is perhaps best to begin with a perspective on
anxiety and fear as clinical entities. That is, what constitutes the raw data
base which must be accounted for by a theoretical system? For most patients
the basic datum of anxiety is their feeling state, i.e., a direct experience or
internal apprehension, requiring no further definition. In some cases even
the most careful clinical inquiry may elicit from the patient no more elaborate
a description of his or her disorder. Nevertheless, feeling states are completely
private and represent a Poor data resource for the clinician preparing to undertake treatment. Their unavailability to the community of observers appears to deny any possibility of scientific investigation. However, most
patients show peculiarities of behavior and will themselves describe a variety of symptoms associated with their feeling of fear or dread which are more
yielding to objective analysis. Several investigators have undertaken the factor analysis of these symptom reports (e.g., Hamilton, 1959; Buss, 1962).
Buss concluded that observed and reported symptoms of anxiety fell into
two primary domains of complaints [originally proposed by Eysenck (1961)]:
(1) autonomic overreactivity-physiological events such as sweating, flushing, and shallow breathing and subjective reports of heart palpitations,
Information Processing and Anxiety Assessment
371
intestinal discomfort, and aches and pains; (2) conditioned anxietyrestlessness, worry, and muscular tension, in a subsequent study of
manifest anxiety test items, Fenz and Epstein (1965) and Fenz (1967) reported three factors in anxiety, of which autonomic overreactivity again accounted
for the majority of the variance. The Eysenck-Buss conditioned anxiety factor
was divided into two subfactors: symptoms of striate muscle tension (including aches and pains, twitching, and shaking) and an additional factor called
feelings of anxiety, which contained inability to concentrate, worry, compulsive mannerisms, insecurity, sleep and relaxation disturbances, and feelings of fear or panic.
Such studies have led to the proposal (Lang, 1964, 1968, 1978; Rachman, 1974) that anxiety is a construct comprised of measurable responses
which fall into three general categories. (1) Verbal reports of distress, i.e.,
reports of anxiety, fear, dread, panic, and associated complaints of worry,
obsessions, inability to concentrate, insecurity, and the like: At this primary
data level, no assumptions are made about the reality of underlying "states
of feeling." However, the absence of a "feeling" premise should not be taken
to devalue verbal reports as a data source. As for other complaints, the patient is not treated here as an observer (in this case, of a phenomenon which
has no objective, validating referent); rather the reports themselves are
considered to be part of the primary response of anxiety. (2) Fear-related
behavioral acts: Included here are the observable acts of anxiety and f e a r avoidance, escape, hypervigilance, dysfunctional immobility, compulsive
mannerisms, and deficits in attention, performance, and control. (3) Patterns o f visceral and somatic activation: For the most part, anxiety and fear
are associated with sympathetic arousal, and the physiological data of anxiety are events such as heart-rate and blood-pressure increases, sweating, and
generalized muscle tension. However, individual patterns of response are highly varied, and in some phobic reactions, e.g., fear of blood and mutilation,
autonomic tonus may be predominantly vagal rather than sympathetic (Sattory, 1981, p. 217).
The three data subsystems in anxiety are only loosely coupled and
change desynchronously (Rachman & Hodgson, 1974), presenting a variable configuration within and between subjects and fear contexts. Thus, it
is important at the present state of our knowledge that all three systems are
sampled. The assumption that a single measure of fear is sufficient for diagnosis and analysis is currently not tenable. Accordingly, in addition to the
sampling of behavioral and verbal outputs, the measurement of physiological responses deserves equal prominence in assessment.
Taking this framework as a starting point, the goal of the proposed
information-processing approach is eventually to explicate the entire spectrum of anxiety and stress disorders. As a model system for the development of theory, recent research in our laboratory has focused on the study
of fear, particularly its pathological manifestation in phobia. The specifici-
Lang and Cuthbert
372
ty of context and response in phobic disorder is great, and cognition and
behavior remain relatively stable in the absence of any real nociceptive events.
Thus, considering the transient character of most emotional states (the fact
that affects must be, so to speak, caught on the fly, if indeed they are to
be examined at all), phobia is a valuable, relatively stable preparation for
the study of pathological emotion. The aim of this work has been to define
the data structure in long-term memory which forms the information base
for phobic behavior and to understand the conditions under which this information is or is not accessed and processed and comes to prompt efferent
productions.
COGNITION IN EMOTION
We propose (Lang, 1977, 1979, 1983, 1985) that emotion information
is coded in memory in the form of propositions and that these propositions
are organized into associative networks of the general sort first described
by Quillian (1966) for semantic knowledge and later adapted to accommodate other types of information (e.g., Anderson & Bower, 1974; Kieras, 1978).
Our working theory presumes the emotion memory structure to contain three
categories of information: (1) information about prompting external stimuli
and the context in which they occur; (2) information about responding in
this context, including expressive facial or verbal behavior, overt acts of approach or avoidance, and the visceral and somatic events that support attention and action; and (3) information which elaborates or defines the meaning
of the stimulus and response data.
The information network of an emotion is a sort of prototype or schema, which, when a critical number of propositions is accessed (through a
match to environmental stimuli, internal association, or both), is processed
as a unit. Phobic expression is produced as a result of the processing of such
a network. As a working hypothesis we currently presume that the probability of a phobic production is determined by the number of matching propositions, irrespective of their taxonomic category (stimulus, response,
meaning), which are present in short-term memory. Obviously, network activation is most likely when the phobic individual is confronted by the actual phobic object, which presumes a near-perfect stimulus match. However,
phobic emotions may also be elicited by degraded i n p u t - p i c t u r e s of the
phobic object, verbal descriptions of thecontext, and the like. It is important to remember that the information stored in memory is presumed to be
conceptual and not iconic, and that conscious intention is not a necessary
condition for its activation. A variety of media can be the vehicles of information input to the network and the production system. Furthermore, degraded stimulus matches may be as effective in prototype activation as exposure,
Information Processing and Anxiety Assessment
373
if other propositions (response or meaning) are simultaneously instigated.
For example, reduced stimulus cues will prompt a full phobic reaction in
a subject who is otherwise aroused [e.g., as in the Schachter and Singer (1962)
experiment, where the prior administration of epinepherine to subjects activated affect-concordant response propositions]. The probability that minimal
stimulus cues will occasion an affective display also increases when contextrelevant meaning propositions are also activated (e.g., a film about snakes
is more likely to prompt a fear response when viewed in a jungle clearing
than when seen in a Manhattan apartment).
While stimulus and meaning information are important in the
phobic network, the representation of information about responding
is crucial in the storage and expression of anxiety and, indeed, of emotions
in general. Our view is consistent- with Sperry's (1952) and Weimer's (1977)
phylogenetic analysis, holding that the survival path in brain evolution has
been to organize action and response (and n o t to provide, for example, a
gratuitous ability for self-contemplation). Comparisons of brain and computer are misleading if they encourage us to view internal information transfers as ends in themselves, creating a new but equally restricting subjectivism.
The key importance of the human brain's increased processing capability is
in the variety, flexibility, and power of its output functions. Cognitive processing in emotion is fundamentally the execution of programs for efferent expression. The task is to investigate the ways in which these programs are
developed, accessed from storage, and modified.
AFFECTIVE MEMORY
Evidence supporting the associative network theory of emotional processing has appeared from a variety of paradigms and investigators. Some of
the most relevant work on the organization of emotions in memory has been
accomplished by Gordon Bower and his associates (e.g., Bower, 1981; Bower & Cohen, 1982). An experimental paradigm used by these investigators
involved the induction of an emotional state through hypnotic instructions
to relive a previous affective experience (either happy or sad) and the subsequent learning and recall of lists of unrelated words. Thus, in a typical study
subjects learned two lists of words - first, List A, then List B - and were subsequently tested for recall of List A. Different subject groups experienced
different pre-word-task emotions according to prearranged patterns (e.g.,
happy, A; sad, B; happy, recall A; o r happy, A; sad, B; sad, recall A). It
was determined that subjects who were in congruent moods during learning
(List A) and recall (List A) remembered the words better than if acquisition
and remembrance occurred in different affective states. The poorest memory
scores were obtained when the mood at recall of A was congruent with the
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Lang and Cuthbert
emotional experience during List B learning and different from that experienced at List A acquisition. In this "interference c o n d i t i o n . . , recall of
the target List A suffers because the recall mood evokes memories of the
wrong List B rather than the target List A" (Bower, 1981, p. 131).
Bower interprets these results in terms of a semantic network, whose
nodes include representations of emotional states. Due to the associative value
of these emotion nodes, activation of a congruent emotion at recall is seen
as facilitating access to the rest of the network, which was linked to the emotion at the time of original learning. While there is great merit in the network approach, it is not clear that there are indeed emotion nodes that mediate
the observed state-dependent memory effects and which must be activated
before emotional behavior occurs. His formulation implies that some number of emotional states are discrete, separate entities and, furthermore, that
their representations in working memory map on traditional affective labels
(e.g., love, anger, pride, etc.). Although efforts to identify such states have
occupied philosophers and scientists for hundreds of years (e.g., see Panksepp, 1982), there is still no specific agreement as to their number or
taxonomy.
As an alternative to the concept of discrete affective states, some investigators view emotion as varying along certain basic parameters or dimensions of behavior. Coincidences of behaviors at specific strengths on each
dimension are what give the impression of substantive emotional states. Support for this view comes from work with the semantic differential, employing bipolar scales with opposing qualities at either end (e.g., good-bad,
hot-cold) rather than searching for stable individual factors. Russell and
Mehrabian (19"77) utilized such a scheme to study subjects' ratings of a variety of situations. They reported, as had earlier investigators (Osgood, Suci,
& Tannenbaum, 1957), that with this method two basic factors accounted
for most of the variance: one was associated with valence (pleasure-displeasure) and the other with activation (arousal-quiescence). A third factor,
variously called potency (Osgood et al., 1957) or dominance-submission
(Russell & Mehrabian, 1977), was found to account for a smaller, but
nevertheless palpable proportion of the variance.
These parameters are appealing for their simplicity and relevance to
all possible emotional situations. In addition, there is evidence, beyond the
scope of the present discussion, that these same three dimensions may reflect
fundamental components of behavioral and physiological response systems
as well (see Lang, 1983), i.e., that the phylogenetic history of affect is to be
understood in terms of approach and avoidance (valence), behavioral intensity (arousal), and phenomena of control such as response sequence disruption or relative social dominance. It is not, however, necessary to make
a prejudgment about the organization of affect. We propose instead that
Information Processing and Anxiety Assessment
3"/5
researchers pursue three tiers of analysis in the study of emotion: (1) general
response parameters of valence, arousal, and dominance; (2) organized action programs, consistent with the concept of an emotional state; and (3)
specific response subroutines, as for facial expression, vigilance posture, ~adrenergic visceral physiology, etc. It is as yet unclear whether all levels are
represented and active in the deep structure of associative memory. That is,
we do not know which type of concept is the prime mediator in emotional
state-dependent learning and memory. More systematic manipulation and
controlled study will be necessary to dissect their interrelationships and relative importance in this regard.
With respect to Bower's data, it may be that it is the central representation of specific action programs (verbal expressions, overt acts, or physiological patterns) which determines the observed effects. The concept of an
emotional feeling state may be represented only semantically. Thus, rather
than depending on the activation of an emotion node, it is then the response
concept or concepts themselves which are the individual a n d / o r collective
mediators of the state-dependent effects. These, in turn, may bear some functional relationship to the superordinate parameters. If so, then mood congruence effects would be more likely to be expressed across a dimension of
responding (arousal, valence, and perhaps control) than confined to popular notions of specific emotional states.
MEDIATION AND RESPONSE INFORMATION
With respect to this hypothesis, recent research by Laird, Wagener,
Halal, and Szegda (1982) suggests that a program for facial expression could
be part of such a mediating code in memory that might account for some
state-dependent memory effects. In these experiments subjects first read either
an "anger" story (about the killing of dolphins) or a happy story (humor by
Woody Allen). They were later instructed to assume various positions of the
facial muscles, corresponding to their configuration in emotional expressions,
i.e., either a frowning or a smiling visage, and recall trials were conducted.
On the basis of an independent test, subjects were divided into groups depending on whether, in an ambiguous situation, their self-reports of affect
were more consistent with external emotional cues (labels on abstract pictures) or their own facial expression at the time of viewing.
The external-cue group failed to show any interaction between the
manipulated facial expression at recall and the story content. However, the
group that had been shown previously to be more congruent in facial expression and affective report showed significantly better recall of the hu-
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Lang and Cuthbert
morous story while smiling, and better recall of the "anger" story while
frowning.
This study is provocative and certainly encourages the thesis that facial expression is one of the mediators of mood-congruent memory, at least
within a subsample of expression-sensitive subjects. However, other factors
have also been implicated. For example, Riskind (1983) provides evidence
that overall posture, "slumped" or upright, may facilitate recall of sad or
happy material, respectively. It must also be noted that, in the Laird study,
no effort was made to control for sympathetic arousal, which could well have
been different for both contents and expression and could have accounted
for the specificity noted within negative affective states (e.g., anger and sadness). Indeed, as shown below, other experiments suggest that patterns of
arousal may in themselves mediate otherwise unrelated memories. Thus,
mood-congruence effects could be facilitated either by valence responses such
as facial expression, by specific visceral arousal patterns, or perhaps by an
interaction of these parameters.
Clark and associates (Clark, Milberg, & Ross, 1983) have recently undertaken a series of experiments designed to determine whether physiological arousal is the critical mediator of mood-congruent memory effects. They
propose "that information about changes in autonomic arousal that accompany moods may be part of how a mood is stored in memory and that changes
in arousal that reoccur with subsequent moods may be part of what primes
affectively-toned material stored earlier."
In one test of the hypothesis, subjects first learned a list of unrelated
phrases while experiencing enhanced arousal and then learned a second list
while relaxing in a normal state. Later they were given a recall test for both
lists under ostensible conditions of visual distraction. The arousal condition
which preceded the learning of one list involved stepping up and down repeatedly on a cinder block (which produced palpable heart-rate and blood-pressure
increases). The relaxation task which preceded the other study list simply
required subjects to rest in a lounge chair (with no cardiovascular pressor
effect). Orders of lists and arousal tasks were counterbalanced. All subjects
were asked to recall both lists. According to random subgroup assignment,
recall was preceded by one of two conditions: arousal-subjects viewed a
sexually explicit film; and relaxation-subjects viewed a film about a chimpanzee learning sign language. The results were as predicted: when subjects
were aroused by the sex film at recall, they best remembered the list which
was learned after the cinder-block step test. Furthermore, when subjects
recalled the lists after viewing the sign-language film, memory was better for
the phrases originally learned after relaxation than it was for the list previously learned after exercise arousal. This effect is interesting, particularly
because of the marked difference in the arousal task from learning to recall
Information Processing and Anxiety Assessment
377
phases (e.g., step test and sexual stimulation). This change in induction procedure would appear to greatly reduce the possibility that commonalities in
stimulus information could account for these data.
The research cited to this point suggests that affect information (about
arousal o r about valence) may mediate otherwiseunrelated memories over
fairly long time spans. A related line of investigation also merits consideration in the context of anxiety studies: there is the possibility that the experience
and expression of different emotions are themselves modified by close sequential evocation. In the experiment considered from the Clark group, sexual arousal appeared to be linked to (i.e., contained overlapping information
with) exercise arousal, as attested to by the obtained memory effects. Another
phenomenon predictable from the hypothesis of a shared response structure
in memory is that emotions with such information-base commonalities will
be synergistic or mutually augmenting in effect.
Zillmann (1980, 1983) has reported extensive research on this theme.
His work suggests, first, that residual excitation from physical exercise can
intensify subsequently induced anger and anger behavior (Zillmann & Bryant,
1974; Zillmann, Katcher, & Milavsky, 1972) or sexual excitement (Cantor,
Zillmann, & Bryant, 1975). Thus, like Clark, Zillmann and colleagues specifically implicate a general arousal factor. Furthermore, between-emotion
transfer has been shown. Both Zillmann's group (Zillmann, Bryant, Comisky,
& Medoff, 1981) and Donnerstein and Hallam (1978) report that prior sexual arousal can potentiate aggression. Such excitation transfer appears to be
independent of hedonic tone. Thus, Mueller and Donnerstein (1981) have
demonstrated that sexual arousal can also facilitate positive social behavior,
and Zillmann (1980, 1983) reports that both positive arousal and disgust at
sexual material can prime the enjoyment of music, humor, or drama.
This research implies that valence and arousal manipulations can affect not only the learning of neutral material, but subsequent emotional behavior which varies along one or more dimensions from the original. There
are some indications that constraints exist on the direction and extent of such
mediation (e.g., Hoon, Wincze, & Hoon, 1977). Overall, however, the evidence to date is very strong that propositions regarding valence and arousal
are part of affective networks, that commonalities exist among networks,
and that a thorough sampling of response systems is necessary in order to
achieve a comprehensive assessment of the emotions.
T H E E M O T I O N A L IMAGE AS A N I N F O R M A T I O N P R O T O T Y P E
Imagery has proved to be a useful concept in exploring the nature and
organization of these associative networks. Emotional imagery is widely
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Lang and Cuthbert
remarked in dreams, in anticipation of affective events, as aesthetic experience, and as a vehicle of therapeutic change (e.g., Singer, 1974). In contrast to the traditional phenomenological accounts of imagery, positing images
as sensory events presented to the "mind's eye," recent accounts have viewed
the image in terms of the processing of a propositional structure (e.g.,
Pylyshyn, 1973). Subjects code response information into an associative
memory network during the original perception. Subsequent image processing involves the accessing of the entire network (including both the stimulus
and the response information). While the image is a cognitive production,
processing of response information initiates associated motor programs. In
imagery, the final action commands of these programs are gated out or inhibited. However, there is always a certain amount of efferent leakage. Thus,
a subovert pattern of motor responses apes many of the original sense organ
and postural adjustments of the specific stimulus orienting task (e.g., Shaw,
1940; Deckert, 1964; Jacobson, 1930). It is our view that this same motor
regeneration process underlies emotional imagery. In this case, however, the
efferent pattern is even more elaborate, representing the prototype of the
emotion action set.
In a series of experiments we have explored the effects of inducing emotional imagery through textual descriptions of affect-arousing scenes (Lang,
Kozak, Miller, Levin, & McLean, 1980; Lang, Levin, Miller & Kozak, 1983;
Miller, Levin, Kozak, Cook, McLean, & Lang, 1985). On the assumption
that the text or image script can be a cue for prototype concept matches,
we have varied the propositional content of these materials. One manipulation involves presenting an auditory description of an encounter with the
phobic object and including or excluding information about the responses
which occur in that context: "Your heart is pounding as you began to speak,"
and "Your muscles tense; you press backward." Another procedure utilizes
training programs which encourage subjects to focus on either stimulus or
response information in their imagery. The results of these experiments have
been very clear: the inclusion of a response emphasis encourages response
processing, resulting in a psychophysiological pattern of efferent activity during imagery which duplicates in topography (albeit at lower amplitude) the
affective responses observed with actual stimulus confrontation. Phobic subjects imaging phobic scenes show significant increases in heart rate, skin conductance, and respiratory rhythm, in a pattern similar to what they actually
do when faced with the real phobic context. In general, we have found that
subjects are most likely to develop an affective response to imagery instructions (1) when response processing is encouraged (as described above), (2)
when self-reported good imagers are used as subjects, and (3) particularly
when networks of high associative coherence are tapped (as with phobics).
Contrary to the emphasis on stimulus information prompted by subjective
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379
theory, emotional imagery has been found to be much more of a response
process, and in this it is consistent with the notion both that affect is basically an action set and that memory representations of psychophysiological
events figure importantly in cognition.
This is not to say that propositions regarding the stimulus field are wholly irrelevant or insufficient for prototype evocation. The view presented above
holds that the number of input matches to network concepts from any source
determines the probability of an affective production. This hypothesis predicts
that improved stimulus matches should be as effective as the response matches
encouraged in the above studies of emotional text processing in evoking the
psychophysiology of affect. To test this assumption, McLean (1981) presented
subjects with realistic emotional playlets that they were to use as a prompt
to an imagery experience. The scenes included, for example, an actor playing a clumsy laboratory attendant, who removed a live, ostensibly poisonous
snake from a cage a few feet from the subject and then struggled, almost
unsuccessfully, to reconfine it. In these circumstances the conceptual match
of stimulus information to affective view prototype is nearly perfect. Even
though the subjects were clearly preinstructed that all aspects of the scenario
were staged and not real (the snake was harmless and the actor skilled), we
nevertheless observed the same context-specific physiology of emotion that
we had previously noted with response concept matching in our studies of
emotion-inducing text.
These results demonstrate that stimulus materials of sufficient potency
can activate the phobic prototype. This is not inconsistent with the emphasis
upon response enhancement mentioned above. In fact, if the quantity of
matching propositions is the key to prototype access, it is expected that
response training would have the same enhancing effect on efferent responding regardless of the input medium. Kozak (1982) recently explored this
hypothesis, administering both stimulus and response training to subjects
and examining the effects of these procedures on different stimulus materials. Subjects were administered scripted text, as well as being exposed to some
of the actual physical stimuli presumed to be part of the stimulus structure
of a relevant fear prototype (e.g., for speech anxiety, a view of an audience).
For both the physically presented stimuli and the text, response training
prompted the enhanced physiological fear pattern predicted; stimulus training occasioned a significantly smaller physiological response to the objective stimulus than it did to the scripted rendering of the same material.
Thus, consistent with the theory, both stimulus information and
response information serve as effective matching inputs to associative networks. An exploration of meaning propositions, the third putative class, could
be achieved by deceiving the subjects, i.e., that the situation is "real" and
not a staged event. While this manipulation has not yet been attempted, we
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Lang and Cuthbert
presume that consonant meaning information would have a further enhancing effect. The data are, at this point, consistent with the view that any
concept match increases the probability of network activation.
CLINICAL STUDIES
These findings from the basic research program have been applied to
studying the imagery of anxious and phobic patients in the context of clinical assessment and treatment. The procedures employed have evolved in
response to a desire to assess each patient as comprehensively as possible
and to compare the organization of prototypes across patients. Each patient
in the clinic participates in an imagery assessment session prior to therapy,
at an intermediate point in therapy, just after termination, and 6 months
after the completion of therapy. Physiological responses are measured while
the patient visualizes a series of 11 scenes. Five of the scenes are constructed
by the patient in collaboration with the therapist at the first interview. Two
scenes represent clinical fear material, while the remaining three scenes are
of a pleasant or happy situation, an unpleasant or sad experience not related
to the clinical material, and a personal neutral scene. The remaining six trials are standard scenes given to all patients to facilitate between-subject comparisons and include two neutral scenes, two action scenes, and two fear
scenes. The latter involve dental and speech scenes, fears common in the
general population.
Each of the 11 trials is comprised of four parts: a 30-sec initial resting
period when baseline physiological measures are taken, a 50-sec period during which the scene script is presented (of which only the last 30 sec is analyzed), a 30-sec visualization period, and a 30-sec recovery period. Patients
are initially given brief relaxation training, then instructed to imagine each
prerecorded scene as it is presented. They are told to continue imagining the
scene until a tone sounds indicating the start of the recovery period, at which
time they are to stop imagining the scene and concentrate once again on muscle relaxation. For physiological analysis, change scores are calculated by
deviating scores for the presentation, visualization, and recovery periods from
the resting baseline of each trial.
Self-Assessment Mannikin (SAM). Following each trial, patients make
ratings of their preceding imagery using four scales. Three of these scales
are based upon the three emotional dimensions reviewed above, i.e., valence,
arousal, and dominance. To optimize the three-factor model for clinical use,
we developed a cartoon-like figure dubbed SAM (self-assessment mannikin;
Lang, 1980). There is one set of figures for each of the three dimensions,
implemented as an interactive computer graphics program (see Fig. 1). The
figure changes its characteristics according to the subject's manipulation of
Information Processing and Anxiety Assessment
381
PLEASURE
AROUSAL
DOMINANCE
Fig. 1. The self-assessment mannikin (SAM) is shown at five evenlyspaced positions
(including extreme values) for each of the three dimensions of pleasure, arousal, and
dominance. As implemented on the graphics computer, each figure can range over 30
different values controlled by the patient's ratings knob; the final value is retained by
the computer.
a rating knob attached to a potentiometer; pressing a switch terminates the
display and causes the computer to record the last reading of the knob as
the subject's rating.
In order to validate this method, two independent samples were drawn
and the ratings for each scene, averaged across subjects, were compared to
those reported by Russell and Mehrabian (1977). For the two samples, the
average correlations between the SAM ratings and the earlier semantic
differential data were .94 for the valence dimension, .92 for activation, and
.68 for dominance, all highly significant. Correlations between the factors
were low except for that between valence and dominance, which shared more
variance for these test materials; this result was also observed by Russell and
Mehrabian. This indicated that SAM yielded estimates of factorial structure
nearly identical to that provided by the semantic differential, but in a manner more rapid and accessible for patient use. A third study was performed
without providing subjects any information about the definitions of the SAM
displays; they were told simply to read the scenes and rate them using the
figures. The intercorrelation matrix was again very similar to the original
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Lang and Cuthbert
data. Thus, SAM appears to be a reliable, relatively language-free methodology with which to assess affective reports of patients and other subjects.
The fourth rating scale is for the vividness of the patient's image. It
is a simple analog scale composed of a horizontal line, along which the patient moves a pointer (controlled by the rating knob) to indicate his or her
rating of imagery vividness.
Using these assessment procedures, we have studied the imagery of patients as a function of diagnostic grouping and change over time. The
information-processing view has prompted us to develop the concept of functional imagery. A functional image is held to be one that can mediate a
response change in the target reality context described by the image, and is
most likely to occur when generated optimally. That is, it is clear that subjects can respond to an image script with alternative processing modes• A
subject may be instructed simply to report what events the text describes or
even just to comment on its lexical properties, a n d unless he or she is severely phobic, no affective response will be observed• Imagery implies, in our
view, a different processing mode, one which includes the regeneration of
response code, i.e., total network production• We already have data that the
patients who profit from imagery therapies (that is, become less anxious or
frightened after treatment) are those patients who can be shown to generate
functional images, i.e., appropriate affective response topographies are observed during image induction in therapy (Lang, Melamed, & Hart, 1970).
Furthermore, our recent results suggest that it is specifically fear patients
who regenerate response code during a pretherapy assessment who have the
best prognosis for treatment (Levin, Cook, & Lang, 1982; see Fig. 2). It is
not yet clear how the imagery experience comes to modify emotional behavior•
However, the fact that regeneration and at least partial processing of response
code are critical elements suggests that subjects could be accomplishing "offline" processes of extinction or reconditioning which normally occur only
in objective settings of response evocation. In any event, these results show
that imagery procedures derived from the present model may be extremely
useful both in distinguishing among different pathological states of anxiety
and in providing a firmer basis for estimates of prognosis and treatment
selection.
•
THE
\
ANXIETY
DISORDERS: DIFFERENCES
MEMORY S T R U C T U R E
IN
AFFECTIVE
These assessment methodologies are well suited to the investigation of
the various anxiety disorders. In fact, the results to date adumbrate potential refinements in nosological approaches to these diagnostic categories. Our
basis for these views lies in a consideration of the differences between pho-
InformationProcessingandAnxietyAssessment
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383
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PERSONAL IMAGERY SCRIPTS
Fig. 2. A comparison of pretreatment heart-rate change scores for patients who successfully completed therapy (N = 19) and those who discontinued therapy prior to successful outcome (N = 5). These patients were seen at the Psychology Department Clinic,
University of Wisconsin. Patients were provided scripts and instructed to imagine vividly six scene types: neutral situations (e.g., relaxing at home in an easy chair); action scenes
that were nonaffective but included vigorous activity (e.g., bike riding); standard fear scenes
(e.g., being locked in a sauna); scripts prepared with the patients' collaboration describing the clinical fear context; and two other personal scripts, one referring to an outstanding
positive life experience (pos.) and the other to an unpleasant but nonclinical fear context
(neg.). The heart-rate data are change scores from the prescene test. Three data points
are shown for each scene: the 30-sec period during which the scripts were orally presented, the subsequent 30 sec of imagery, and a 30-sec recovery time which began immediately
after the patients were told to stop imagining the scene. In the average patient, neutral
material prompted little change in heart rate. Action and negative affects occasioned acceleration, while patients tended to decelerate during positive-affect scenes. The latter effects were dramatically larger in patients who responded positively to behavior therapy
intervention (e.g., flooding, desensitization, coaching, and modeling). [From Levin et al.
(1982).]
bias a n d t h e o t h e r a n x i e t y d i s o r d e r s . F i r s t , t h e s t i m u l u s i n f o r m a t i o n is explicit a n d r e l i a b l e ; s e c o n d , t h e r e s p o n s e p a t t e r n a p p e a r s t o be b u i l t a r o u n d
a c t i v e a v o i d a n c e . I n a r e c e n t e x p e r i m e n t c o m p a r i n g f o c a l p h o b i c s a n d socialiy a n x i o u s subjects ( L a n g e t al., 1983), o v e r t a v o i d a n c e t e n d e d to o c c u r
m o r e f r e q u e n t l y in f o c a l p h o b i c s f a c i n g t h e i r o w n f e a r o b j e c t t h a n in socially a n x i o u s s u b j e c t s s i m i l a r l y c o n f r o n t i n g t h e i r p r i m a r y stress. D i f f e r e n c e s
between these fear types were even clearer when physiological responses were
e x a m i n e d . L i t t l e d i s t i n c t i o n was f o u n d b e t w e e n t h e a r o u s a l p h y s i o l o g i e s o f
s o c i a l l y a n x i o u s s u b j e c t s a n d t h o s e o f p h o b i c s w h e n b o t h g a v e s p e e c h e s to
an u n f a m i l i a r a u d i e n c e ( b o t h g r o u p s s h o w e d m a r k e d visceral a c t i v a t i o n d u r i n g
384
Lang and Cuthbert
this social performance task); however, when these same two groups viewed
phobic fear stimuli, socially anxious subjects stayed relatively calm, while
the specific phobics showed a progressive increase in heart rate the closer
they were to their phobic o b j e c t - a n increase paralleled by a higher probability of avoidance. Thus, the psychophysiologyof phobia looked very much
like preparation for flight, while the arousal response of socially anxious subjects, although quite high in amplitude, was more general in pattern and less
explicit in affective meaning. These group differences in psychophysiological response were also apparent in their fear imagery and in anticipation of
threat. Overall, severe phobics showed more three-systems (affective report,
physiological, and behavioral) concordance across contexts of emotional instigation than did comparably distressed socially anxious subjects.
The differences observed between socially anxious subjects and focal
phobics have reappeared with some consistency across experiments, but the
effect has often been too subtle for statistical significance and seldom dramatically large. This may be because socially anxious subjects were selected
according to their degree of speech fear. We inadvertently included in the
sample both explicit speech phobics (who may be no different from other
phobics in imagery) and members of a more broadly, socially anxious population (who are presumed to have a relative imagery deficit). Thus, in contrast to the current Diagnostic and Statistical Manual o f Mental Disorders,
3rd ed. (DSM-III), categories, our research indicates that a circumscribed
and focused fear of public speaking may more properly belong diagnostically with the specific phobias. More pervasive deficits would characterize
the socially anxious, such as difficulty in a wide range of interpersonal situations.
We infer from the above phenomena that the information network of
a phobia is, in general, more stable and coherent than that of social anxiety.
Furthermore, we believe that this property of network coherence is related
to a general ability to imagine vividly both new and previously experienced
events. In several studies focal phobics have reported images to be more vivid,
to involve more movement, and to be more closely related to content in
arousal response than was observed for socially anxious subjects (Lang et
al., 1970; Weerts & Lang, 1978; Bardach, E., & Weerts, T. C., Unpublished
manuscript, University of Iowa). We are not suggesting here that phobics
are better imagers than normals, hut only that, among the anxiety disorders
studied, they generate the most stable, vivid, and representative imagery. Furthermore, as we have previously argued (Lang, 1979), what is reported subjectively as an image has much more to do with the organization of responses
than it has to do with pictures in the mind's eye. The phobic image is a highly focused psychophysiological memory structure and a prototype affective
response disposition. It may be that the effect of high network coherence
in phobia is to restrict the association of its related arousal response processes
Information Processing and Anxiety Assessment
385
and thus limit their influence on other memory content, relative to the spread
or transfer of such excitation in other anxiety disorders.
In recent clinical applications of our imagery assessment technique, we
have found even more dramatic differences in imagery ability between focal
phobics and a population of agoraphobics. Perhaps even more than the socially anxious (with whom they are sometimes diagnostically confused),
agoraphobics show much less affective network coherence and considerably
less context specificity of the consequent anxious behaviors. While some
stimulus and response information is recurrent across fear induction settings,
the associative generality of the arousal response pattern is again much more
broad than that of focal phobia. It is expected that these patients will tend
to report less vivid images, to show a less responsive physiology in imagery,
to be less concordant across a three-systems assessment, and to be less consistent in the anxiety-induction contexts to which they respond. Furthermore,
as the associative structure is more diffuse and less accessible to any therapeutic intervention, agoraphobia is more persistent and the prognosis is poorer than for focal phobia.
Preliminary results of a psychophysiological imagery assessment of
agoraphobic and other phobic patients are presented in Fig. 3 (McNeil,
Melamed, Cuthbert, & Lang, 1983). It will be noted that the physiological
response to affective imagery is significantly less for the agoraphobics than
for the other phobics. Agoraphobics also report themselves to image less vividly and report lower levels of experienced arousal to clinical fear material (Fig.
4). Agoraphobics also have a higher incidence of dropping out from therapy,
while focal phobics more frequently continue therapy to a successful resolution. Research accomplished by other investigators (Barlow, Mavissakalian, &
Schofield, 1980) supports this general view, suggesting that agoraphobics have
a less concordant three-systems structure and that this may be related to this
group's poorer prognosis. Epidemiological studies (Agras, Sylvester, & Oliveau, 1969) are also consistent with this analysis, showing that focal phobias
are relatively short-lived, while agoraphobia persists in the population, with
the peak prevalence late in adult life.
AN ANXIETY-DISORDER C O N T I N U U M
It is proposed that the anxiety disorders may be distributed along a continuum of affective memory organization. The continuum is defined by the
degree to which arousing, negatively valent responses (and perhaps also disruption of control) are linked associatively to coherent affect networks or,
viewed from the other direction, the degree to which these affective response
dispositions float in memory and are prompted by many stimuli, transferring their excitation to a great variety of other memory structures. Proceed-
386
Lang and Cuthbert
IMAGERY RESPONSE AFTER SCRIPT PRESENTATION
"IMAGE" PERIOD
I0-
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Simple Phobics(n=9)
[]
Other Anxiety Disorders
(i]=5)
[ ] Agorophobics(n=5)
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CLINICAL
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Fig. 3. A comparison of pretreatment heart-rate change scores
for patients grouped according to the diagnosis of agoraphobia, simple phobia, or other anxiety disorders (including
obsessive-compulsive). These patients were seen at the Fear Clinic, University of Florida. The data presented are change scores
from the prescene baseline, for the 30-sec imagery period.
Agoraphobics exhibit markedly diminished responding, compared to specific phobics, for all three affective scene types of
clinical fear, standard speech fear, and personal danger.
ing from most to least along the continuum of network coherence, the order
of nosology is as follows: focal phobia, obsessions and compulsions, social
anxiety, agoraphobia, generalized anxiety states. Generalized anxiety would
appear to represent the condition of m a x i m u m associative fluidity of affective response structures. It is for these patients that the research on statedependent learning may be most relevant. Their behavior seems consistent
with the notion of an underlying affective response program, which mediates associated anxious thoughts, worries, and the like across disparate contexts and environments. Such a mechanism could account for Gentil and
Information Processing and Anxiety Assessment
387
AROUSAL
Simple Phobics In=9)
[[]--'l--I Other Anxiety Disorders (n=5)
High 29Arousal
(~--C) Agorophobics (n=5]
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CLINICAL
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Fig. 4. Posttrial ratings of subjective arousal obtained with the
self-assessment mannikin (SAM), obtained from the University
of Florida patient sample. Agoraphobic patients reported less
arousal for clinical fear material, while indicating arousal levels
highly similar to those of the other two patient groups for personal danger, standard fear, and standard action scenes.
Lader's (1978) report that anxiety patients have more frequent dreams of being
attacked or Butler and Mathews' (1983) finding that anxiety patients overestimate the probability of many threatening events (both social and physical). The presence of the proposed mediating physiology already has general
documentation: Lader and Wing (1966) and Hart (1974) are among the many
who have shown that anxiety patients generate more spontaneous sympathetic
responses, even at rest. We have already noted the high frequency of visceral and somatic symptom reports in this population (Hamilton, 1959; Buss,
1962). Furthermore, the evidence suggests that the response program of an
emotion can be either highly differentiated or general in its representation,
It can serve either as a focus for specific, context-bound acts (as in phobia)
or as the mediator of a spectrum of syndromal behaviors that may appear
in any setting. Thus, in the future diagnostic efforts may be enhanced, and/or
388
Lang and Cuthbert
defined, by a more quantitative assessment of the degree of such affective
ubiquity.
PERSPECTIVES
We have repeatedly emphasized that the meaning of emotion and cognition is in the organization and production of behavior. However, it now
appears that in focusing too narrowly on overt action and ignoring patient
differences in cognitive processing characteristics, early behavioral assessment neglected important nosological issues. A more balanced view permits
us to come to grips with a complex clinical and theoretical literature (e.g.,
Mischel, 1979; Bandura, 1977). Indeed, cognitive behavior modification has
already responded to the challenge (Meichenbaum, 1977; Mahoney, 1974).
However, the current concept of action programs departs from the latter approach as well, in at least two substantial respects.
First, a variety of clinicians tends to view cognitive and physiological
response mechanisms as separate domains of symptomatology and as independent treatment targets (e.g., Meichenbaum, 1977; Ellis, 1971). However, our
own studies of affective imagery and the research on emotional statedependent learning argue something quite different. They suggest that the
physiology of emotion is represented in associative memory and is, in this
sense, no less cognitive than a verbal report. It is important here to remind
ourselves that response information does not need to exert a central influence
through interoceptive or exteroceptive feedback from peripheral afferents.
We do not need to assume a homunculoid self that assesses acts after they
occur. In various embodiments, this notion has been widespread across a
wide variety of theoretical systems. For example, S. Schachter and his associates (Schachter & Singer, 1962) proposed that the physiology of emotion was marked by a unidimensional sympathetic arousal; differences
between emotional states were assumed to be the result of a cognitive labeling dependent upon appraisal of the activation in the context of current environmental circumstances. This view assumes that the physiological response
is a relatively independent phenomenon, which requires a secondary perceiving and labeling process for an emotion to occur. From the present perspective, however, there is every reason to believe that the action program itself
(or a particular subroutine, such as a pattern of visceral activation) is associatively linked to other information in the brain. While subsequent feedback may support, confirm, or modify ongoing emotional processing, it is
not necessary to the instigation or persistence of affective responses or their
associations.
The second, related point is that cognition denotes much more than
the natural language manipulations emphasized by the cognitive behavior
Information Processing and Anxiety Assessment
389
modification approach. H u m a n information processing should not be construed as isomorphic with the cogito of Descartes. We must be careful not
to embrace a crypto-subjectivism, however attractively it may be festooned
with the novel terminology of the computer metaphor. It is fundamental that
the mechanistic premise of natural science be retained regarding causality
and the admissibility of evidence for scientific discourse. Thus, the data
reviewed above suggest that the activation of cognitive networks, including
those pertaining to affective material, is largely outside of awareness and
is not readily explained by volitional concepts. However, this should not invite the resurrection of the volitional unconscious. Automatic processes
(Shiffrin & Schneider, 1977) are conceived very differently from those invoked by the dynamic psychologies of the past. As Laird et al. (1982) said
in concluding their paper on facial expression and state-dependent recall,
"Perhaps many of the e m o t i o n / m e m o r y relationships that have previously
been thought to reflect self-protective or self-aggrandizing purposes may instead arise from essentially undirected organizational properties of memory"
(p. 656). The emphasis on the real-time monitoring of cognitive events through
psychophysiological measurement (as opposed to a reliance on retrospective
narratives) is an important key to the current approach. Van den Bergh and
Eelen (1983) aptly summarized this view of cognitive psychology in assessment vis-&-vis behavioristic and subjectivistic approaches: "By removing conscious or verbal reports as necessary indicators of cognition, cognitive psychology provides a more solid theoretical framework to understand . . .
clinical phenomena for which the psychodynamic clinician used the concept
of 'the Unconscious' and for which behavior therapists used the concept of
conditioning" (p. 5).
FUTURE DIRECTIONS
The assessment of fear and anxiety is still in its earliest stages in terms
of cognitive psychophysiology. We are just beginning to see the merger of
older viewpoints with contemporary information-processing paradigms and
techniques. We can only sketch here some of the approaches which appear
promising with respect to their applications to the anxiety domain.
(1) Continued investigation of affective networks will provide a better
understanding of their organizational properties. One paradigm that appears
promising in this regard has been termed priming. This refers to a choice
reaction-time (RT) task in which the latency of a decision regarding some
lexical stimulus (e.g., previously seen/not seen) is shorter when the stimulus
is preceded (or primed) by a semantically or logically related word. For example, Ratcliff and McKoon (1981) reported that the RTs to report whether
a target word had appeared in a previously presented paragraph set were
390
Lang and Cuthbert
reduced as a function of the logical proximity of the priming word. We are
now using this paradigm in our laboratory to explore networks with affecrive components. This work already suggests large differences in priming
phenomena during recall of neutral and affective text. We now hope to determine whether affective propositions are incorporated across the dimensions of emotion described above; whether the presence of affective
propositions facilitates (e.g., Zajonc, 1980) or, conceivably, delays access
to a network; and whether the presence of emotional material affects access
across different networks.
(2) Another literature relevant to anxiety is that of attention, with a
set of interrelated concepts such as filtering (e.g., Broadbent, 1958; Posner
& Snyder, 1975) and automatic vs. controlled attention (Shiffrin & Schneider, 1977). For example, Segal and Fusella (1970) instructed subjects to imagine either auditory or visual material and concurrently presented low-level
auditory or visual stimuli. They found that signal detection thresholds were
higher when the stimulus modality matched the image modality, suggesting
that the ability to detect the stimulus was reduced by the allocation of attentional capacity to the image. Thus, measures of attentional allocation could
be studied as potential on-line markers of the vividness of imagery. Dependent variables that might be employed to study this possibility include signal
detection, as in Segal and Fusella's work; reaction times; the magnitude of
autonomic reactions (orienting) to an intruding stimulus; slow cortical potentials; and evoked potentials shown to be related to attentional and decision
processes, e.g., the P300 (Donchin, 1981).
(3) The study of state-dependent learning, as typified by the work cited
above by Bower, Clark, Laird, and others, has produced some of the best
evidence to date regarding the importance of response processes in emotional expression. The study of emotion-dependent learning and excitation transfer bears direct and immediate application to anxiety patients. The arguments
made here suggest that the mediation of memories through affective state
may be more generalized in anxious subjects than in normals. It is important that we confirm the evidence that imagery is best in phobics and that
it is reduced in quality as the hypothesized network coherence lessens and
the diagnosis of generalized anxiety becomes more appropriate. We should
test the hypothesis that excitation transfer occurs more easily in anxiety, that
valence may be less significant in inhibiting generalizations between arousal
states in anxious patients than in normals, and that positive affective arousal
as well as aversive activation may potentiate worry and negative self-reference
in high trait-anxious subjects. In terms of therapeutic issues, Butler and
Mathews (1983) have speculated that anxiety patients should be introduced
to the coping instructions of choice during a period of high anxiety, rather
Information Processing and Anxiety Assessment
391
than in a relaxed state as is usually done, so as to render them more accessible during periods of anxiety outside the clinic.
(4) We need to know more about the general dimensions of emotion,
i.e., valence, arousal, and dominance. For example, in studying valence,
should we be considering attentional sets such as orienting and defensive
reflexes (Sokolov, 1963)? Arousal also continues to be a confusing and poorly
defined concept. We know already that marked differences exist in the
peripheral physiology of various emotional acts (Obrist, 1981); these must
be accounted for in developing a comprehensive account of activation's role
in emotion. Even within presumably similar patterns of response, Zillmann
(1983) has presented interesting data suggesting that excitation transfer
occurs best when the preceding emotion has had some time to dissipate; this
phenomenon must also be accounted for. We also need more information
on how control-dominance may be represented in m e m o r y - f o r example,
whether this is truly an independent dimension of affect with its own psychophysiology or whether it can be understood, as some argue (Russell, 1980),
as "meaning" information that can be associated with various interactions
of valence and arousal.
The significance of valence, arousal, and control as parameters of anxiety is extensively documented in research already reviewed. However, it is
worth considering that these dimensions also provide a natural classification of methods used in the treatment of anxiety disorders. That is, therapists either attempt to reduce arousal through drugs or relaxation training
(Wolpe, 1958; Klein, 1981); try to modify the valence of negative contexts
by, for example, providing success experiences in the aversive context and
by reinterpreting the meaning of negative situations (e.g., Ellis, 1971;
Meichenbaum, 1977); or focus on training the subject in self-control, efficacy, and competency, b.y teaching skills and modeling (Bandura, 1977; McFall
& Twentyman, 1973). It may well prove that the most effective therapy will
not be similarly unimodal but will depend on careful consideration of all
three affective parameters.
In conclusion, basic research on memory and affect is already significantly advanced, and the principles of information processing and contemporary cognitive psychology have been shown to be germane to issues
regarding emotional behaivor. Parallel progress in the study of pathological
emotion can be achieved if these paradigms and strategies are applied in
research on anxiety. In this effort it will be necessary to monitor carefully
the psychophysiology of patients, as the evidence is now strong that the
representation of physiological events figures prominently in cognitive life.
The integration of psychophysiological propositions with other elements of
the cognitive programs for emotion represents an advance both in theory
392
development
cations.
Lang and Culhbert
and in the possibilities for assessment and treatment
appli-
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