A Note on the Two Seleucid Eras
By Yehuda Ben-Dor, Tel Aviv
The basic outline of the chronology of the early
years of Seleucus I Nicator has been established with a
reasonably fair degree of certainty. Yet the nature of the
era named after him, the so-called Seleucid Era
(abbreviated SE), has continued to be problematic for
the modern historian. In short, it is not always clear
whether a date given in SE refers to the SyroMacedonian or to the Babylonian calendar. In this brief
paper I will put forward a solution to this old problem
by challenging the common assumption that the SyroMacedonian SE began on Oct 7, 312 BCE.
During the wars of the Diadochi, Ptolemy I, the
satrap of Egypt, and his then admiral Seleucus I (the
former satrap of Babylon), defeated Antigonus
Monophthalmus at Gaza in the summer of 312 BCE.
That victory provided Seleucus I the opportunity of
leading a small force into Babylonia to retake the city
of Babylon.1 The precise date of this event is not
known. What we do know is that the SE was not
created by Seleucus I at this time. He recognized
Alexander IV (323–309 BCE) as the king of the entire
empire from the death of Philip III Arrhidaeus in Dec of
317 BCE. Seleucus I also carried on, unknowingly, a
posthumous count for Alexander IV after the 14-yearold boy-king and his mother Roxane were murdered at
Macedon in 309 BCE.2 Regnal years 10 and 11 are
attested on contemporary Babylonian tablets.3 The last
known record is dated to Feb 27, 305 BCE. The earliest
1
B. Z. Wacholder, ―The Beginning of the Seleucid Era and
the Chronology of the Diadochoi,‖ in: F. E. Greenspahn, E.
Hilgert, B. L. Mack, eds., Nourished with Peace. Studies in
Hellenistic Judaism in Memory of Samuel Sandmel (Chico,
Calif., 1984), pp. 183–211.
2
For the dating of Alexander IV’s murder to the year 309
BCE, see Nicholas Geoffrey Lemprière Hammond and Frank
William Walbank, A History of Macedonia: 336-167 B.C.
Vol. 3 (Oxford University Press, 1988), pp. 165–168. The
view of Wacholder, op. cit., that because Babylonians dated
by Alexander IV down to 305 BCE must mean he did not die
until this year, is, to my mind, a perfectly well-reasoned
deduction. A second possibility, one endorsed here, is that
Cassander was able to conceal the murder for several years. It
is not unreasonable that Seleucus I and the Babylonians only
became aware of it sometime after Feb 27, 305 BCE.
3
T. Boiy, ―Dating Methods During the Early Hellenistic
Period,‖ JCS 52 (2000), pp. 1–7.
known tablet dated by the Seleucid Era is dated SE 8
Nisannu 3 (Apr 16), 304 BCE.
Hence the earliest Seleucus I could have invented
his own dating era was sometime between the above
two dates. This would have been after Antigonus
Monophthalmus and the other Diadochi took up the title
of king (basileus). Seleucus I imitated them and
proclaimed himself king in 305 or very early in 304
before Nisannu 3 (Apr 16).4
This much is all clear. It is also clear from the
earliest tablet dated year 8 that in terms of the
Babylonian calendar Seleucus I gave the SE an
imaginary starting point by antedating to Nisannu 1
(Apr 3) of 311 BCE. This is understandable because the
date was just before or just after he recaptured Babylon
and terminated the year count of Antigonus
Monophthalmus. He also usurped the latter’s title
―general‖ (Gk. strategos, Akk. GAL.ERÍN.MEŠ) and
initiated a new dating convention in the month of
Simanu (31 May–29 Jun) of 311 BCE. This is recorded
in the Diadochi Chronicle:
[Seleu]cus spoke as follows: ―Year 7 of
Anti[gonus the general as Year 6 of Alexander
son of] the same (i.e. Alexander III) and
Seleucus the general you will count; month of
Sim[anu]‖ (rev. col. 4, lines 3ʹ-4ʹ).5
What is not so clear is the starting point of the SE
in terms of the Syro-Macedonian calendar. The usual
assumption is that it began with the first day of the
month of Dios (Oct 7) in 312 BCE, shortly after
Ptolemy I (with the help of Seleucus I) defeated
Antigonus Monophthalmus at Gaza. The problem with
this long-standing view is that it finds no real support
from any of the contemporary documentation. It is only
an opinion that gained popularity in the year 1695.6 It
4
He followed the example of Ptolemy I who proclaimed
himself king during the 444th year of the Nabonassar Era,
according to the Ptolemaic canon, which was the Egyptian
year Nov 7, 305 BCE to Nov 6, 304 BCE.
5
A. K. Grayson, Assyrian and Babylonian Chronicles
(1975), pp. 25–26, 117. Restorations in brackets provided by
Bert van der Spek.
6
This was pointed out by E. J. Bickerman, ―Notes on
Seleucid and Parthian Chronology,‖ Berytus 8 (1943–44), pp.
73–83, n. 7.
Yehuda Ben-Dor
actually complicates attempts to clarify the situation
because the popular opinion was based on the belief
that the Macedonian year began in the fall and this is
not entirely correct. The Macedonian calendar was
lunisolar but the year was a regnal year and the day of
the New Year was simply the anniversary of whatever
day the king became king. It obviously changed from
one reign to the next and was by no means constant.
Therefore, if the Syro-Macedonian SE commenced on
Dios 1 this would only be so because Seleucus I dated
his accession to Dios 1, not because Dios 1 was
supposedly the day of the New Year in the Macedonian
calendar.
The Babylonian version of the SE is without
question a common era reckoned from the recapture of
Babylon in the spring of 311 BCE by Seleucus I as the
reinstated satrap. It is not a royal era as he was not
claiming to be a co-king alongside Alexander IV in 311
BCE. However, the Syro-Macedonian SE is a royal era
reckoned from the point where Seleucus I believed he
succeeded Alexander IV. It seems the only logical
starting point would be the month of Alexander IV’s
death in 309 BCE, a fictitious accession date for
Seleucus I to be sure but since Cassander appears to
have kept the boy king’s death hidden for several years
and it was only announced in Babylon after Feb 27, 305
BCE, it was fitting that the accession of Seleucus I
should be antedated to the actual time of Alexander
IV’s death once that date became known.
The above solution has never been suggested that I
am aware of but it deserves a serious look. The only
obstacle would be that 1 and 2 Maccabees show the two
Seleucid eras were at odds with each other by one year
at the most in the second century BCE. For example,
SE 149 (Babylonian) in 1 Maccabees is SE 148 (SyroMacedonian) in 2 Maccabees. If the Syro-Macedonian
SE began in 309 BCE the difference should be two
years and not just one. This is assuming the
Macedonian calendar was kept in line with the seasons
by intercalation, although one may assume with some
justification that the calendar fell into neglect in
Macedonia and among the Macedonian colonies of
Asia after the death of Alexander III and during the
tumultuous Diadochi Wars. Given the state of the
Macedonian calendar in Egypt this seems entirely
reasonable grounds upon which to build a case.7
7
Cf. E. Grzybek, Du calendrier macédonien au calendrier
ptolémaïque: problèmes de chronologie hellénistique
(Schweizerische Beiträge zur Altertumswissenschaft, 20.
Basle: Friedrich Reinhardt, 1990), pp. 69ff., who supposes
that intercalations to the Macedonian calendar in Egypt were
2
A letter written in the year 87 CE during the SyroMacedonian month of Panemos records a transaction
for the month of Dios ―of the same year.‖ This proves
the Syro-Macedonian SE changed somewhere between
Loos 1 and the last day of Dios.8 In other words, the
death of Alexander IV took place in the Macedonian
calendar between Loos 1 and Dios 30 in 309 BCE.
Assuming there were no intercalations made to the
calendar after the death of Alexander III on Jun 11, 323
BCE (Daisios 28) during the chaotic Diadochi Wars,
Loos 1 and the end of Dios fell on Feb 11 and Jun 7 in
309 BCE, respectively. Cassander ordered Glaucias to
secretly murder Alexander IV and his mother Roxane in
309 BCE as Alexander IV had just turned 14 in the
month of Gorpiaios (10 Apr–9 May on this
interpretation) and word was beginning to spread
throughout Macedonia that it was time to release the
boy from custody and give him his father’s empire. 9 A
further precision is provided by the Parian Chronicle
which assigns the death of Alexander IV to the
Athenian archon year of Hieromnemon—Jun 310 to
Jun 309 BCE.10 This would put the murder in the month
of Hyperberetaios (i.e. 10 May–7 Jun).
It is a simple matter of calendrical calculation to
project forward from this point and realize that although
the Syro-Macedonian SE would have started out in
Hyperberetaios of 309 BCE two years behind the
common SE in Babylonia it would eventually gain a
year as the calendar months cycled backwards into their
proper alignments with the seasons.11 The re-alignment
would have taken place in 291 BCE and perhaps it is no
coincidence that Seleucus I made his son Antiochus I
co-regent that year.
This would also have been the most opportune
moment for Macedonians in Syria to adopt the fixed
Babylonian and Persian intercalation system,
effectively cementing the synchronization of the SyroMacedonian months of Hyperberetaios and Dios with
the Babylonian months of Ululu and Tašrîtu.12 If this is
correct the common SE 21 (Babylonian) beginning with
Nisannu 1 on Apr 21 in 291 BCE was followed by the
omitted between year 6 of Philip III Arrhidaeus and the
accession of Ptolemy I.
8
P. Dura 21, cf. Bickerman, op. cit., n. 8.
9
Diod. 19.105.2. He would be 15 in Grecian reckoning.
10
FGrH 239 B 18.
11
It takes roughly 33 years for a strictly lunar calendar to
cycle through the seasons of the solar year and return to the
same point.
12
R. Hannah, Greek and Roman Calendars. Constructing
Time in the Classical World (London, 2005), pp. 94–95.
A Note on the Two Seleucid Eras
royal SE 20 (Syro-Macedonian) on some unknown day
in the month of Hyperberetaios (i.e. 16 Sep–14 Oct).
The one year difference between the two SE counts
became set in stone from here on and that would
account for the apparent conflict between the SE dates
appearing in 1 and 2 Maccabees.
These literary works employ two completely
different eras, not one era reckoned two different ways
depending on locality or scribal whim. One is a
common era with a starting point in the spring of 311
BCE because Seleucus I recovered his satrapy at that
time. I would argue it is the only era that is used by the
author of 1 Maccabees throughout. The other era is a
royal era reckoned from the death of Alexander IV and
it is the only era that is used by the author of 2
Maccabees. Two eras also co-existed in Egypt under
Ptolemy I, a common era reckoned from the point he
became satrap of Egypt and a royal era reckoned from
the point he proclaimed himself king and Pharaoh. It
should come as no surprise Seleucus I copied Ptolemy I
and invented two eras. The only differences are the
epochs of Ptolemy I were two decades apart and were
not extended beyond his lifetime, whereas we must
credit Antiochus I for continuing his father’s eras after
his death in 281 BCE.
Anticipating the objection that two systems, a
common era and a royal era, are not evidenced by any
double dates in the Seleucid empire is to be countered
by pointing out that a single era cannot logically have
two different starting points in two different calendar
years.13 So regardless of the absence of double dates,
there definitely were two different epochs and year
reckoning systems maintained within the vast Seleucid
empire after the death of Seleucus I.
The impact the above thesis has on Maccabean
chronology is that it potentially solves all problems
previously encountered by historians attempting to
reconstruct the Jewish-Seleucid wars. It may also
vindicate the Babylonian compiler of the Seleucid king
list.14 According to the scribe there were seven kings
13
For this reason K. Bringmann, Hellenistische Reform und
Religionsverflogung in Judäa: Eine Untersuchung zur
jüdisch-hellenistischen Geschichte (175-163 v. Chr.)
(Abhandlungen der Akademie der Wissenschaften in
Göttingen, Phil.-hist. Klasse, 3. Folge, Nr. 132; Göttingen:
Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1983), pp. 15–28, attempted to
argue that only one SE with only one starting point existed
(Oct 312 BCE) and underlies both 1 and 2 Maccabees.
14
For the text of the Seleucid king list, see A. Sachs and J.
Wiseman, ―A Babylonian King List of the Hellenistic
Period,‖ Iraq 16 (1954), pp. 202–212.
3
named Antiochus who preceded Antiochus V Eupator:
(1) Antiochus I, son of Seleucus I; (2) Antiochus II, son
of Antiochus I; (3) Antiochus III, son of Antiochus II;
(4) Antiochus, son of Antiochus III; (5) Antiochus, son
of Seleucus IV; (6) Antiochus IV Epiphanes, son of
Antiochus III; and (7) Antiochus, son of Antiochus IV
Epiphanes.
The king list states Seleucus IV died on Ululu 10 in
Babylonian SE 137 (Sep 3, 175 BCE) and was
succeeded that same month by ―his son‖ Antiochus
(rev. lines 9-10). This is thought to be an error for
―brother,‖ but it may very well mean son in the literal
sense. In the same year, in the month of Arahsamnu (23
Oct–20 Nov), Antiochus IV Epiphanes and his son
Antiochus became kings (rev. line 11). Three kings
named Antiochus at one time is admittedly an unusual
oddity but hardly an impossibility in a situation where
Seleucus IV’s son may have been removed. In SE 142,
in the month of Abu (31 Jul–28 Aug, 170 BCE),
Antiochus IV murdered his son (rev. line 12). In SE 143
―Antiochus is king,‖ i.e. the nephew was restored to coregent (rev. line 13). The last preserved entry on the
reverse of the tablet in line 14 is badly broken but
appears to read in [SE 148] ―in the month of Kislimu it
was heard that An(tiochus) the k[ing had died].‖ This
has been taken to signify the death of Antiochus IV
(between 20 Nov–18 Dec 164 BCE) and backed up by
an astronomical diary which mentions a king’s corpse
being escorted to Babylon in SE 148 in Tebetu (19 Dec
164 BCE–16 Jan 163 BCE).15 The alternative is the
royal corpse was actually the king’s deceased nephew
(king no. 5). The king list explicitly states in rev. line
10 that he lasted 11 years.
Antiochus IV died in SE 149 (Babylonian)
according to 1 Macc. 6:16-17 and his son and successor
Antiochus V Eupator was just nine years old at the
time.16 Indeed, in order for Antiochus IV to have heard
about the altar he erected in Jerusalem being torn down
by Yehuda ―the hammer‖ on Kislimu 25 (Dec 13, 164
BCE), as plainly stated in 1 Macc. 6, he must have lived
well beyond this date. The news would have taken a
minimum of three weeks to leave Jerusalem and reach
him in Ecbatana by fast mounted relay couriers.
15
Astronomical Diary III no. -163 C2 r. 17ʹ.
Appian, History of Rome: The Syrian Wars, §66. Appian
also writes that Antiochus IV died just shy of 12 full years.
Combined with the king list this means he died in the
common SE 149 (Babylonian) prior to the month of
Arahsamnu. The window is Apr 16 to Oct 10, 163 BCE. The
royal SE 148 (Syro-Macedonian) began in the fall during the
month of Hyperberetaios (11 Sep–10 Oct, 163 BCE).
16