Guaman Poma, Hieronymo de Chaues and the Kings of Persia

LATIN AMERICAN INDIAN LITERATURES JOURNAL A Review of American Indian Texts and Studies Vol. 10, No. 1 Pennsylvania State University Spring 1994 LATIN AMERICAN INDIAN LITERATURES JOURNAL A Review of American Indian Texts and Studies LATIN AMERICAN INDIAN LITERATURES JOURNAL A Revi.ew of American Indian Texts an4Sbu!i.es EDITORIAL BOARD Editor: Mary H. Preuss Associate Editor: Martin F. Cbesin Book Review Editor: Monica Barnes Mesoamerican Pictorial Manuscripts Editor: Eloise Quinones Keber Editorial Assistant: Rebecca Kelly BOARD OF ADVISORS Georges Baudot, Universite de Toulouse-Le Mirail Elizabeth Benson, Institute of Andean Studies (Berkeley) William Brito Sansores, Universidad de Yucatan Gordon Brotherston, University of Essex Domingo Dzul Poot, lnstituto Nacional de Antropologfa e Historia Jill Furst, Moore College Frances Karttunen, University of Texas, Austin Anatilde Idoyaga Molina, Centro Argentina de Etnologfa Americana Maarten Jans en, Rijksuniversiteit te Leiden Jorge Klor de Alva, Princeton University Miguel Le6n-Portilla, Universidad Nacional Autonoma de Mexico Luis Millones, Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos Nancy Troike, University of Texas, Austin Juan Adolfo Vazquez, University of Pittsburgh Johannes Wilbert, University of California, Los Angeles Volume 10 subscription rates (two issues): Individuals US$25.00, Institutions US$36.00. Outside of USA add US$6.00 for surface mail and US$12.00 for airmail. Make checks payable to LAIL Journal and send to: Editor LAIL Journal Pennsylvania State University, McKeesport University Drive McKeesport, PA 15132-7698 ISSN: 0888-5613 © Copyright 1994 LAIL Journal All Rights Reserved Vol. 10, No.1, Spring 1994 TABLE OF CONTENTS Sounds Heard in the Distance: Poetry and Metaphor in the Kuna Struggle for Autonomy by James Howe 1 The Poetics of Creation: Urarina Cosmogony and Historical Consciousness by Bartholomew Dean 22 Guaman Poma, Hieronymo de Chaues and the Kings of Persia by David Fleming 46 BOOK REVIEWS Review article: "Claro que no habfa angelitos en Mexico prehispanico" by Miguel Le6n-Portilla 61 On the Translation of Native American Literatures, edited by Brian Swann, reviewed by Dianne M. Bonno 64 Cultures et socieres Andes et Meso-Amerique: Melanges en hommage a Pierre Duviols, edited by Raquel Thiercelin, reviewed by Jean-Jacques Decoster 67 History and Mythology of the Aztecs: The Codex Chimalpopoca, translated and edited by John Bierhorst. Codex Chimalpopoca: The Text in Nahuatl with a Glossary and Grammatical Notes, edited by John Bierhorst. Reviewed by Louise M. Burkhart 69 Kachina Religion: Born a Chief: The Nineteenth Century Hopi Boyhood of Edmund Nequatewa As Told to Alfred F. Whiting, edited by P. David Seaman. Kachina Dolls: The An of Hopi Carvers by Helga Teiwes. The Origin and Development of the Pueblo Katsina Cult by E. Charles Adams. Reviewed by Linda B. Eaton. ROCK ART Prehistoric Rock An in Puerto Rico by C. N. Dubelaar BIBLIOGRAPHY Indian Religion and Mythology by Eduardo Lozano Notes to Contributors Sounds Heart in the Distance: Poetry and Metaphor in the Kuna Struggle for Autonomy 73 78 James Howe Massachusetts Institute of Technology 83 With the assistance of Jesus Alemancia and Cebaldo de Le6n, based on oral texts by Carlos L6pez, Samuel Morris, and Jimmy Solfs. 101 During the early 1920s, the government of Panama imposed a program of pacification and forced acculturation of the San Blas Kuna. Of the various forms that resistance to this ethnocidal campaign took, poetry is one of the most frequently called to mind today by the Kuna. Indigenous leaders sang to their followers, calling on a series of evocative tropes to identify their antagonists-identified as a paradigmatic individual, the wag a, "foreigner, non-Indian, Latin"-to name the threats the waga imposed, and to marshal opposition against him. In this paper we consider the metaphors used by the foremost leader of that era, Cimral Colman. Panama and the Kuna, 1900-1925 At the beginning of this century, most of the Kuna lived in shore and island villages scattered along a long stretch of the northeast coast of the Panamanian isthmus then known as San Blas (today officially called Kuna Yala). The Kuna, though actively engaged in raising and selling coconuts and giving nominal allegiance to the Colombian state, remained largely free of effective outside control. With independence from Colombia in 1903, the Panamanian government intended from the outset to subdue and assimilate the Kuna and thus to incorporate effectively the San Blas coast into the national territory, but in the short run it lacked the military and financial means to do so. During its first ten years, leaders of the new government had to content themselves with a policy of making contact Guaman Poma, Hieronymo de Chaues and the Kings of Persia David Fleming Columbia University A continuing exercise in Andean ethnohistory is the close examination of Felipe Guaman Poma de Ayala's El Primer Nveva Coronica i Bven Gobierno1 for clues to the ｮｯｾｅｵｲｰ･｡＠ background to life in Peru during the early colony and, by extension, to the pre-colonial period. Many scholars have commented extensively on various aspects of Guaman Poma's work, and have deduced or derived complex arrangements for Inca and local religion, social behavior, and political history from his account. However, thanks to detailed work by numerous researchers, 2 it is now accepted that at least a portion of the background depicted by Guaman Poma cannot be described as Andean because it clearly derives from demonstrable late medieval and Renaissance European usages. To determine what is truly indigenous in the text one must examine it carefully and assess what, if anything, written by Guaman Poma cannot have been referring to, or affected by, his extensive though often erratic knowledge of Spanish art, beliefs, practices, and writings, and his fervent, if somewhat heterodox Christianity. Consideration of potential European sources for Guaman Poma's work has so far tended to concentrate on what might be called the high literature of the sixteenth century. That is , works of great scholarly content and importance such as the Bible, the philosophy of Aristotle, the commentaries of Jerome, Augustine, and Thomas Aquinas, and the nearly contemporaneous writings of men familiar with the Americas such as Bartolome de Las Casas and Joseph de Acosta have been reviewed for their contribution to the Nveva Coronica. However, many of these are difficult books , written in Latin or intricate Spanish, and perhaps not very accessible to a reader of the time without a form al scholastic education. Furthermore, these works often made no concessions to a reader unfamiliar with religious and philosophical debate. It is likely that Guaman Poma also used another, more accessible type of source, one GUAMAN POMA 47 designed to be widely distributed to an audience with modest scholarly abilities: the popular almanac. Almanacs were usually written in vernacular languages such as Castilian Spanish, were already being printed in cheap editions by the mid-sixteenth century, and were frequently re-issued with updated texts, information, and commentary on current events. At least some of the information in the Nveva Coronica can be traced to a contemporaneous almanac written in Spanish. One portion of Guaman Poma's work that is clearly not Andean is the early chapters of the first part of the Nveva Coronica, where the writer sets out a chronological framework into which he fits the pre-colonial history of Peru. 3 Here, Guaman Poma is clearly borrowing the form and much of the language of a European prototype. I believe that this prototype 4 was Hieronymo de Chaues' Chronographia, an almanac first compiled and published in Seville in 1548 and reprinted at least ten times in the sixteenth century. So far as I know, Guaman Poma's use of Chaues has 5 been previously discussed only by Barnes. Chaues' chapter divisions, wording, and subject matter are found copied virtually word-for-word in Guaman Poma's manuscript. A particularly unusual entry in this portion of the Nveva Coronica consists of something that had absolutely no relevance to pre-colonial Peru and very little connection with the history of Christianity: on Guaman Poma's Page 31 [31] there is a complete genealogy of the kings of.ancient Persia, the Achaemenid dynasty that began with Cyrus II, the Great, in the mid-sixth century B.C. with the conquest of Babylon and ended in the late fourth century B.C., when the Persian empire was conquered by Alexander of Macedon. This forms part of Guaman Poma's description of the fifth age of the world and is a list of the kings' names: 6 . .. desde el tienpo del Rey de percia. ciro rrey delos perzas. rreyno. canpizes rreyno. dos hermanos magos. sucidieron y rreynaron says meses. dario rreyno. xerxes rreyno. artabano rreyno ciete meses. artaxerxes. rreyno. xerxes rreyno. dos meses. sodiano rreyno ciete meses. dacio llamado noth artagerges rreyno fue llamado. assuero. artagerges llamado. ocho. rreyno. arses o xerxes rreyno. dario. rreyno. alexandro rreyno despues7 . . . . Two problems are introduced into the modern edition of this passage by the editors. 8 First, the editors do not consider more than one argument in their description of the (admittedly confusing) events surrounding the death of Cambyses.9 Second, the editors gloss the first non-Persian name 48 LATIN AMERICAN INDIAN LITERATURES JOURNAL in the list, Alexander, as "Alexandro II, rey de Epiro, " 10 that is, Alexander II, king of Epirus in Greece, a king of only modest achievements who had nothing to do with Persia. In fact, this name in Guaman Poma's list must refer to Alexander III of Macedon, son of Philip, known conventionally as Alexander the Great, the man who destroyed the Persian empire by 330 B.C. and assumed the kingship of Persia in turn, and a man whose example as a daring Great Captain was ｾ｡ｲｴｩ｣ｵｬｹ＠ admired during both the Roman Empire and the Renaissance. 1 The first point that the student of ancient history notices in Guaman Poma's list is that the genealogy of the Persian kings found in a document dating from 1615 at the latest is in accordance with current opinion. That is, the succession of kings derived from secondary Classical and Biblical sources (the only sources available in the early seventeenth century) matches the succession first developed in the mid-nineteenth century following the decipherment of primary documents recorded in cuneiform scripts on stone and clay tablets and in Aramaic on papyri. Many of the major Classical authors were first published in printed book form during the late fifteenth century or the sixteenth century, and became available for the first time in a millennium to a relatively wide readership. It is therefore clear that here Guaman Poma used a source or sources that in turn had access to the latest historical scholarship. Of what possible relevance could the Persian royal genealogy be to the condition of the Spanish colony in Peru? And where did Guaman Poma find this list? It is surely not the sort of information that would normally be contained in documents or published works relevant to or dealing with the administration of Spain's overseas territories. I will take the second question, that of the possible source, first. There are two potential answers: Guaman Poma used an edition of a Classical author in its original Greek or Latin; or he used a Spanish source that either translated or referred to one of these Greek or Latin sources. I believe one can dismiss the first alternative, that Guaman Poma used one of the new editions of a Greek or Latin text. There is no evidence that Guaman Poma knew ancient Greek and very little that he knew any Latin other than some sixteenth-century church Latin used in the Roman Catholic mass . He seems not to have had the training to read the complex Latin found in an author such as Cicero or Vitruvius, to name two Roman authors who were very popular in Renaissance Europe. Therefore, one must assume that Guaman Poma used a Spanish source that either translated or excerpted one or more Classical sources. GUAMAN POMA 49 By 1615, there had been relatively few published translations into Spanish of Classical historians whose works would have provided the reader with any information on the Persian kings. 12 It is unlikely that Guaman Poma had access to a translation into Spanish of a Classical author made only in manuscript. This means that Guaman Poma must have used a secondary source based on a Classical original. Furthermore, it is known that Guaman Poma was taught to read by his half-brother Martin de 13 Ayala, a mestizo and ordained priest. While competent at writing Spanish and Ayacucho Quechua, it is obvious from the manuscript of the Nveva Coronica that Guaman Poma did not have anything like the deep Classical training of American commentators such as ｂ｡ｲｴｯｬｭｾ＠ de Las Casas, Joseph de Acosta or Bernabe Cobo. This would have made it most likely that when referring to a Classical author, Guaman Poma must have used a rendition of such a source meant for popular, rather than scholarly, readers. In addition, it would have to have been a Classical source that was not on the Church's Index Librorum Prohibitorum, 14 because it is highly improbable that, apart from the problem of access to forbidden books, Guaman Poma would have used a publication listed in the Index in making an argument intended specifically to alert a king whose titles included the term Catholic Majesty to abuses committed by churchmen in his service. Such an action would have robbed his work of any authority it might otherwise have had and could have made trouble with the Holy Office for the persons who gave Guaman Poma access to the books on the Index. As stated above, I believe that the source used bv Guaman Poma was 15 Hieronymo de Chaues' Chronographia. 1 The Chronographia \ was an almanac, intended primarily to provide information on how to use astronomical methods to calculate geographical position; the progression of ecl ipses; the dates of important church festivals such as Easter, Good Friday, and Ash Wednesday; which astrological conjunctions meant disasters were most likely to occur, 16 when were the best times to plant, harvest and administer medicines; and the succession of the months . The book also had long sections giving the chronological background to modern European life, based primarily on the Bible. According to the Chronographia, the history of the world was divided 17 into six ages that corresponded to the six da;s of the Biblical creation. 18 The six ages (derived, according to Chaues, 1 by the historian Eusebius20 from divisions in the Septuagint, the Greek translation of the Old Testament traditionally made about 270 B.C. by seventy-two translators, and the Hebrew Bible) were as follows: 50 LATIN AMERICAN INDIAN LITERATURES JOURNAL Adam to Noah Shem, son ofNoah to Abraham Abraham to David David to the Exile Cyrus to Julius Caesar From the birth of Christ to the present Age 1 Age2 Age3 Age4 Age 5 Age 6 The role of Cyrus of Persia in the history of the Jews of the Old Testament was an important one. Although he himself was never (one presumes) a supporter of any religion other than the Zoroastrianism practised in pre-Islamic Iran, in 538 B.C. he allowed the Jews to return to Jerusalem from the Babylonian Captivity into which they had been forced by Nebuchadrezzar of Babylon in 587 B.C. The first action of the Jews upon their return to their homeland was to rebuild the Temple, which had been destroyed by the Babylonians following the capture of Jerusalem. As a result, the Persians occupied a favored place in the minds of the Jews and were seen as having initiated a new phase in the history of the world. It is for this reason that one age of the world according to the Church begins with Cyrus. Chaues prepared a series of chronological tables in which he laid out the succession of major figures in the history of each of his ages , together with their dates and significant contemporaneous persons or events. In the case of the table for his fifth age, it is very impressive to note that the absolute chronology used by Chaues for the Achaemenid kings differs from that now accepted (after more than a century of archaeological and historical work on sources whose existence was unsuspected in the sixteenth century) by between two and five years. Chaues' purpose in this list of important persons was to provide the historical background to the 21 emergence of Christianity, a function that was copied by Guaman Poma. Why do I think that Guaman Poma copied Chaues' work, 22 rather than some other source that might have had the same information? I cannot be certain, but there is an insertion in Chaues' table of Achaemenid kings that is duplicated in Guaman Poma. This insertion is not from a Classical source and indicates that Chaues, or another secondary source consulted by Chaues, had a specific opinion about the identity of one of the Persian kings with relation to the Old Testament. The importance of this interpolation by Chaues, and therefore by Guaman Poma, is that it marks an attempt to link the Classical and Biblical chronologies in a single scheme for the history of the world . GUAMAN POMA 51 The second king Artaxerxes is listed by both writers as "Artaxerxes reyno. fue llamado Assuero" (Chaues 1572: folio 63[r]) or "artagerges rreyno fue llamado assuero" (Guaman Poma 1615:31 [31]); that is, "Artaxerxes reigned he was called Assuero [i.e., Ahasuerus]." This identification of Artaxerxes II (ruled 404-358 B.C.) with Assuero links the Classical sources with the Biblical account in the Book of Esther of the Persian King whose name has been rendered in English as Ahasuerus23 from the Hebrew W1 1 1 M or 'h!rwr! and the Greek Auuv71pov. There is still no final agreement of which Persian kin::B this was, because 4 of disputes over the correct translation of the name. At the time that Chaues wrote, the accepted opinion, for chronological reasons, was that the Persian king referred to in the Book of Esther was the first king named Artaxerxes, who ascended the throne, as was known by the sixteenth century from the Classical historian Diodorus Siculus, in about 465 B.C. 25 However, Chau es identified Ahasuerus with Artaxerxes II, who came to the Persian throne in 404 B.C., or sixty years after Artaxerxes I. This would ｲ ･ｾｵｩｲ＠ that the date of the Book of Esther be lowered by a like amount.2 I believe (although I cannot now demonstrate) that for reasons of Biblical chronology, Chaues wanted a more recent date for Esther, and changed his identification of Ahasuerus from Artaxerxes I to Artaxerxes II to accommodate this . This alteration then came across into Guaman Poma. wn My first question, what this king list in a discussion of the condition of the Spanish colony in Peru was intended to achieve, can be quickly answered . Scholars have already shown that Guaman Poma was attempting to place the Andean world within the context of world history. 27 At the time that he wrote, the only model of world history available to scholars in Spain and the rest of western Europe was based on a combination of Biblical and Classical sources. As a person reasonably well versed in the Old Testament, Guaman Poma would have been familiar with the stories of Cyrus and Ahasuerus, and would have seen the utility 28 of the list (this was not the only list he copied from Chaues ) for providing essential background for an argument based on Christian principles. Despite the great similarities between the king list given in Chaues and that found in Guaman Poma, there is one glaring difference. Chaues gives the regnal dates for the Persian kings (as he does for all the persons he names in the tables for each of the five ages of the world before the present), while Guaman Poma does not give any lists of dates, in this section or any other. Given the close correspondence between the texts in all other respects, this omission cannot be accidental. It is here that one 52 LATIN AMERICAN INDIAN LITERATURES JOURNAL realizes that the intentions of Chaues and Guaman Poma in presenting their lists of historical personages were probably very different. Chaues intended to place the history of contemporaneous Europe within a deep historical context that completely incorporated the Biblical and Classical backgrounds to Renaissance society. The modern world, to Chaues, was the logical successor to the worlds that had preceded it and would in turn bequeathe order and tradition to the worlds to come. It is clear from his work that Chaues thought in linear terms: events followed one another in a steady sequence, relying on what had passed before and in turn influencing what came after. History was a collection of facts, and facts could best be supported by a detailed chronology. Guaman Poma, by contrast, had a completely different intention in this section of his writing. I have mentioned above that Guaman Poma tried to fit the Andean world into a broader cultural and historical panorama. Given that the dominant power in 17th-century Peru was Christian, and that the Christian background to Spanish power had such a certifiably long history, Guaman Poma, as a Christian, had the difficult task of trying to interrelate the deep historical antecedents of Christian Spain with the poorly understood background to Inca domination. This he succeeded in doing, but at the cost of any historical accuracy as would have been understood by Chaues. Rather, what Guaman Poma seems to have believed was that the Inca empire and Christendom, as they were before the arrival in the New World of the Spanish, were coterminous. That is, the Inca empire had lasted as long as Christendom and was parallel to it. The arrival of the Spanish in the New World, and the subsequent Christianization of the Andes, began the sixth, or modern age. This then implies that Guaman Poma was more concerned with showing that the structure of Andean society was proto-Christian because both the Romans and the Incas, as contemporaries, were precursors to Christianity. GUAMAN POMA 53 imperial Rome) and Manco Capac (the founder of imperial Cuzco) were contemporaries, while Christ was born in the reigns both of Caesar Augustus (the second Roman emperor) and of Sinchi Roca (the second Inca emperor). In such an arrangement, it would be impossible to include a detailed chronology, so the dates found in Chaues had to be removed. We must therefore conclude with a cautionary note. Clearly, scholars have not yet identified all the European elements in the Nveva Coronica. The belief that any part of Guaman Poma's work that cannot be related to a demonstrable Old World source must therefore illuminate pre-Hispanic practices cannot be maintained in the light of the foregoing discussion of a clear source that has not been remarked on before. It is entirely possible that there are other, as-yet unidentified European sources for the Nveva Coronica, whose contents would have influenced the preparation of the final manuscript in some way that we have not yet identified. Acknowledgement This paper forms a part of a continuing series of investigations into the European background of the Andean community during the early colonial period (Barnes 1992, 1993, 1994a in press, 1994b in press; Barnes and Fleming 1991; Fleming 1993; Fleming and Barnes 1993, 1994). As always, I thank my co-worker Monica Barnes for her criticisms and comments. The original version of this paper was presented at the Twelfth Northeast conference on Andean Archaeology and Ethnohistory, held at the Carnegie Museum, Pittsburgh, October 23-24, 1993, and at the 11th International Symposium on Latin American Indian Literatures, June 3-5, 1994, The Pennsylvania State University, McKeesport. Notes In order to accommodate his own needs, Guaman Poma modified the six-age system used by Chaues, in which the sixth, or modern, age began with the birth of Christ. As did Chaues, Guaman Poma started his fifth age with Cyrus of Persia. However, in order to engineer his synchronicity of the Inca and Classical/Biblical rulers, Guaman Poma had to conflate Chau es' fifth and sixth ages into his fifth age, because the sixth age in the Andes had to begin with the arrival of the Spanish in Peru. This meant that to accommodate his parallellism of the Inca and Mediterranean chronologies, Guaman Poma had to give his twelve Inca rulers impossibly 29 Therefore, one finds that Julius Caesar (the founder of long lives. 1. The text of the Nveva Coronica was completed by 1615, according to a letter written by Guaman Poma (Varallanos 1979:208). A facsimile edition of the entire text was published by Paul Rivet in 1936. The most complete modern transliteration, with index, notes, and light commentary, is that of Murra, Adorno, and Urioste (2nd ed., 1987). 2 . For example, Adorno (1986, 1992), Cummins (1992) , van de Guchte (1992), Maccormack (1991, especially 316 ft). 56 LATIN AMERICAN INDIAN LITERATURES JOURNAL 19. Chaues (1572: folio 58 [v]). 20. Eusebius, bishop and historian, published the first edition of his Chronicon, in which he set out the temporal frame of sacred and secular history from the birth of Abraham, in about A.O. 303 (lane Fox 1987:606). 21. Chaues' source for the list of Persian kings (1572: folio 63 [r]) is not certain. However, the most likely Classical writer was Diodorus Siculus, whose Histories was very popular in Spain because it has numerous mentions of the Iberian peninsula. As recorded in the National Union Catalog of the Library of Congress, Pre-1956 Imprints, the manuscript Greek text of Diodorus was first translated into Latin by Poggio Bracciolini of Florence (1390-1459) and published in Bologna in 1492, which makes the text one of the earliest European printed books. There were at least a further ten Latin editions published in Venice, Paris and Basel by 1548 (the date of the first edition of Chaues), as well as a bilingual Greek-Latin edition published in Basel in 1539. Diodorus provides details of each of the Persian kings, including one which is unique to him and which is also found in Chaues' table, the statement that the usurper Sogdianus reigned for seven months (Diodorus Siculus, Histories 12, 71.1; Chaues 1572: folio 63 [r]). This contradicts the account given in Ktesias, Section 48, where the usurper "Secundianos" ruled for six months and fifteen days. Ktesias wrote in Greek and was not published in Latin, and may not have been read by Chaues. GUAMAN POMA 57 25. Diodorus Siculus, Histories 11.71.1. The dates of the Persian kings are given in Diodorus in various ways. The accession of Cyrus II, the Great, which is now thought to have occurred in 559 B.C., is correlated with the beginning of the 55th Olympiad, or 560 B.C., counting from the first Olympiad in 776 B.C. From Artaxerxes I the years of the Persian kings' accessions were cross-checked by giving the names of the Roman Consuls and the Athenian Archon of that year. 26. Chaues' naming of Artaxerxes II as Ahasuerus is in direct opposition to the statement made by Flavius Josephus, Jewish Antiquities 11.184, that the successor of Xerxes (i.e., Artaxerxes I), was Ahasuerus. It is possible that Chaues did not have access to the editio princeps, or first collated and printed edition, of Josephus's works published in Greek in Basel in 1544. It is also possible that Chaues did not read Greek (which would not have prevented him from using Diodorus Siculus, whose work had been published in Latin several times by 1548). 27. See Barnes (1994a in press; 1994b in press). 28. Guaman Poma's lists of popes, Roman emperors, and Spanish kings are all copied from Chaues. 29. A point already discussed in Barnes (1994b in press). 22. Chaues' Chronographia was one of the most popular books in the Lima book trade in the late sixteenth century (Irving A. Leonard 1942:22). Bibliography 23. "Now it came to pass in the days of Ahasuerus (that is Ahasuerus which reigned, from Indian even unto Ethiopia, over an hundred and seven and twenty provinces:" Esther 1: 1 (King Jam es Version). 24. Traditional arguments in favor of one of the Persian kings named Artaxerxes are found in Paton (1908:6, 8). However, modern opinion now tends towards Xerxes, son of Darius I, who ruled 484-465 B.C. and who is best known in European histories for having invaded Greece, burned Athens, and lost the sea battle at Salamis that marked the major Persian attempt to conquer Greece in 840-479 B.C. See Moore (1975:70). Xerxes' invasion provided Alexander of Macedon with the excuse he needed to invade and destroy Persia 150 years later. The identification with Ahasuerus of the Book of Esther and King Xerxes is based partly on arguments of Old Test/ament ｣ｨｲｯｮ ｾ ｹＬ＠ and partly on the closer resemblance of the Hebrew 'llirwr! to the Old Persian Xfayarfa or Xerxes than with Old Persian ArtaxsaOra or Artaxerxes. Adorno, Rolena. Guaman Poma: Writing and Resistance in Colonial Peru. Latin American Monographs, N° 68, Institute of Latin American Studies. Austin, Texas: University of Texas Press, 1986. _ _ . "Don Felipe Guaman Poma de Ayala: Author and Prince. " In Guaman Poma de Ayala: the Colonial Art ofan Andean Author, 32-45. New York: Americas Society, 1992. Alden, John and Dennis C. Landis. European Americana: A Chronological Guide to Works Printed in Europe Relating to the Americas 1493-1776. Vol. I, 1493-1600. New York: Readex Press, 1980. Barnes, Monica. "Las Edades de! Hombre y de! Mundo segun Hieronimo de Chaues de Sevilla y Guaman Poma de Ayala de! Peru." In Humanismo Siglo XX. Estudios dedicados a Juan Adolfo Vazquez, edited by Juan Schobinger et al. Buenos 58 LATIN AMERICAN INDIAN LITERATURES JOURNAL Aires: Fondo Editorial de! CEHASS (Centro de Estudios de Historia, Antropologfa y Sociologfa Sudamericana),1994a in press. _ _ . "The Gilcrease Inca Portraits and the Historical Tradition of Guaman Poma de Ayala." In Andean Oral, Traditions: Discourse and Literature!Tradiciones orales andinas: discurso y literatura. Selected papers from Symposium CUL 06 of the 47th International Congress of Americanists, July 1991, edited by Margot Beyersdorff and Sabine Dedenbach-Salai.ar Saenz. Bonner Amerikanistische Studien 24, 1994b in press. _ _ . "Un ana!isis de la iconografia y la arquitectura andinas en una iglesia colonial: San Cristobal de Pampachiri (Apurfmac, Peru)." In Mito y simbolismo en los andes: La .figura y la pal,abra, edited by Henrique Urbano, 182-211. Cusco, Centro de Estudios Regionales Andinos "Bartolome de las Casas," 1993. _ _ . "Catechisms and Confessionarios: Distorting Mirrors of Andean Societies." In Andean Cosmologies through Time: Persistence and Emergence, 67-94, edited by Robert V. H. Dover, Katharine E. Seibold, and John H. McDowell. Indiana University Press, Bloomington and Indianapolis, 1992. Barnes, Monica and David Fleming. "Filtration-gallery Irrigation in the Spanish New World." Latin American Antiquity 2, no. 1 (1991):48-58. Beardsley, Theodore S., Jr. "Hispano-Classical translations made between 1482 and 1699." Duquesne Studies, Philological Series 12. Pittsburgh: Duquesne University Press, 1970. Burn, A. R. "Persia and the Greeks." The Defence of the West, 546-478 B. C. London: Arnold, 1962. Chaues, Hieronym0 de. Chronographia o Reportorio de los tiempos, el mas copioso y preciso que ha'sta ahora ha salido a lu.z. Compuesto por Hieronymo de Chaues Astrologo y Cosmographo. Con privilegio. Sevilla. 1572. GUAMAN POMA 59 Anaheim, California, April 20-24, 1994. _ . "The Worldwide Distribution of Filtration Gallery Systems and the Social Mechanisms Underlying Their Construction and Management." In Culture and Environment: A Fragile Co-existence. Proceedings of the Twenty-Fourth Annual Conference of the Archaeological Association of the University of Calgary, edited by Ross W. Jamieson, Sylvia Abonyi and Neil A. Mirau, 363-369. Calgary, Alberta, Canada: University of Calgary, 1993. Frye, Richard N. The Heritage of Persia. London: Weidenfeld and Nicholson, 1962. Gonzalez Garcfa, M. Francisco (1978 [1934]) "Los acueductos de Nazca." In Tecnolog{a andina, edited by Rogger Ravines, 129-156. Lima: Instituto de Estudios Peruanos. Reprinted, with notes by Ravines, from Aguas e lrrigaci6n (Ministerio de Fomento, Lima, Bolet{n de la Direcci6n de Aguas e lrrigaci6n) Vol. 2, no.2 (1934): 207-222. Guaman Poma de Ayala, Felipe. El Primer Nveva Coronica y Bven Gobierno Conpuesto por Don Phelipe Guaman Poma de Aiala . .. MS N°2232 in the Royal Library, Copenhagen, Denmark, 1615. van de Guchte, Maarten (1992). "Invention and Assimilation: European Engravings as Models for the Drawings of Felipe Guaman Poma de Ayala." In Guaman Poma de Ayala: the Colonial Art of an Andean Author, 32-45. New York: Americas Society, 1992. Hampe Martinez, Teodoro. "La difusi6n de libros e ideas en el Peru colonial. Analisis de bibliotecas particulares (Siglo XVI)." Bulletin hispanique LXXXIV, N° 1-4 (1987): 56-84. Kelly, J. D. 17ie Oxford Book of Popes. Oxford: Oxford University Press, Cummins, Thomas (1992) "The Uncomfortable Image: Pictures and Words in the Nueva Coronica i Buen Gobierno." In Guaman Poma de Ayala: the Colonial, Art of an Andean Author, 32-45. New York: Americas Society, 1992. Fleming, David. "The Puquios of Nazca in Peru: A Prehispanic Invention or Colonial Artifact?" South American Explorer 34 (1993): 25-28. Fleming, David and Monica Barnes. "Are the Puquios of Nazca Prehistoric?" Paper Presented in General Session S74, "Northern and Western South American Archaeology,'' at the 59th Annual Meeting of the Society for American Archaeology, 1985. Kent, Roland G. Old Persian Grammar Texts Lexicon. 2nd ed. New Haven: American Oriental Society 1953. Leonard, Irving A. "Best Sellers of the Lima Book Trade, 1583." The Hispanic American Historical Review 22:5-33. Lane Fox, Robin. Pagans and Christians. New York: Knopf, 1987. 60 LA TIN AMERICAN INDIAN LITERATURES JOURNAL Maccormack, Sabine. Religion in the Andes: Vision and Imagination in Early Colonial Peru. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1991. Moore, Carey A. "Archaeology and the Book of Esther." Archaeologist 38 (1975):62-79. Book Reviews The Biblical Claro que no habfa angelitos en Mexico prehispanico Murra, John V., Rolena Adorno and Jorge L. Urioste. Felipe Guaman Poma de Ayala. Nueva Coronica y Buen Gobierno. 2nd ed. 3 volumes. Cr6nicas de America. Madrid: Historia 16, 1987. Olmstead, A. T. History ofthe Persian Empire. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1948. Parker, R. A. and W. H. Dubberstein. Babylonian Chronology 626 B. C. - A.D. 75. Brown University Studies 19. Providence: Brown University Press, 1956. Paton, Lewis Bayles. "A Text-critical Apparatus to the Book of Esther". In Old Testament and Semitic Studies in Memory of William Rainey Harpe, edited by R. F. Harper, F. Brown and G. F. Moore. Vol. 2: 1-52. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1908. Rivet, Paul. Felipe Guaman Poma de Ayala. Nueva Cor6nica y Bue11 Gobierno (Codex peruvien illustre). Universite de Paris, Travaux et Memoires de l'Institut d'Ethnologie 23, 1936. Varallanos, Jose. Guaman Poma de Ayala. Lima: G. Herrera Editores, 1979. Cronista precursor y libertario. He lefdo con mucho interes el comentario o resefia que ha escrito Frances Karttunen, en los Book Reviews de esta revista [9(1)]. Se refiere en ella conjuntamente al libro de Susan D. Gillespie, The Aztec Kings: The Construction of Rulership in Mexica History y al que he publicado recientemente bajo el tftulo de The Aztec Image of Self and Society: An Introduction to Nahua Culture. Este libro, como en el se sefiala, fue "edited with an introduction by Jorge Klor de Alva." El comentario de Frances Karttunen me parece en general muy acertado y, en lo que a mf concierne, le agradezco las apreciaciones favo rables que hace de mi trabajo. En particular quiero destacar las que ponen de relieve que, si bien esta obra se basa en Los antiguos mexicanos a traves de sus cr6nicas y cantares (1961), es en realidad una aportaci6n puesta al dfa. Como lo nota Frances, en ella he tornado en cuenta trabajos recientes de varios distinguidos investigadores. Hay un solo punto en su resefia que quiero precisar aquf. Es el relativo al poema que, tanto Angel Ma. Garibay como yo , hemos interpretado como un dialogo entre varios forjadores de cantos. Desde luego que el texto en nahuatl del manuscrito de Cantares Mexicanos (Biblioteca Nacional, Mexico), lo presenta, como lo nota Frances, "in typical Nahuatl verse-pair structure, each verse sharing a coda of vocables. There are no stage directions." Efectivamente, la interpretaci6n adoptada, como lo percibe ella, proviene "from lines within the poem which mention names and shift between third person and first person verb prefixes." De hecho, al principio del folio 10 r. de Cantares, hay un " verso" (en el sentido de unidad de expresi6n a modo de parrafo), que es el que tuvimos como clave para la interpretaci6n propuesta: Oc noncohuati nican Huexotzinco y nitlatohuani nitecae huatzin huiya chalchiuhti, c;an quetzalitzin y niquincenquixtia in tepilhuan aya c;an nicxochimalina in tecpillotl huia, ohuaya, ohuaya.