Thematic review- Sport and British Imperialism

Thematic Review: Sport & ‘The Empire’ Tony Collins, ​Sport in Capitalist Society: A short history ​(Oxon:Routledge 2013) Dean Allen, ‘Tours of Reconciliation: Rugby, War and Reconstruction in South Africa, 1891­1907.’ ​Sport In History​ 27(2) 172­189 (2007) Geoffrey James Levett, ​Playing the man: sport and imperialism 1900­1907​. (PhD thesis, Birkbeck University of London 2014) In choosing my titles for thematic review it is important first to consider the aim of my dissertation, which will be a study into the life of James Peters, the first player 'of colour' to represent England, and only 'black' full England International until Chris Oti in 1988. It will be the first major dedicated work conducted on Peters, as whilst two short biographical histories exist: produced by Tony Collins for ​The Oxford Dictionary of National Biography ​and Jeff Green in ​Black Edwardians there has been no major academic article or book profiling Peters.1 In his career playing at halfback, which spanned between 1898 to 1914, there can be little doubt that Peters experienced, and to an extent fell victim to, racist attitudes that would appear abhorrent by modern standards. His race is obviously a major part of his story, and one I intend to explore more thoroughly within the dissertation. The dissertation though will not attempt to write a complete biography of Peters. Rather the focus will remain on one key year in Peters life and career: 1906. It was in 1906 that Peters won his first England Cap, and also heralded the arrival of the touring ‘Springboks.’ 2 My dissertation will answer two clear and pertinent questions: whether the Springboks refused to play against Peters when he was representing Devon, and whether they had requested his non­inclusion or even threatened to boycott the game, had he been selected for England. The dissertation then will need to be as much focused on the 1906 Springbok tour, and understanding the background and history of the tour, as on Peters himself. The tour came only 4 years after the succession of an especially bitter conflict (1899­1902 ‘Boer War’), with players selected to play together that had fought on opposite sides during the war. Many contemporary commentators make reference to the tour being a deliberate attempt at national reconciliation, and there seems a genuine belief amongst some that sport would have the power to not just alleviate tensions but help build a united nation. This is well 1 Tony Collins, ​‘Peters, James (1879–1954)’, ​Oxford Dictionary of National Biography​, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004)​ and Jeffrey Green, ​Black Edwardians: Black people in Britain 1901­1914, ​(London: Frank Cass 1998) 2 The ‘Springboks’ was the nickname afforded to the South African touring team in 1906, owing to the emblem on their Jersey and has remained attached to the rugby team to the present day. I will refer to the team as either the South Africans or the Springboks throughout. covered by Dean Allen in his essay, and will be analysed at length in this review. That Sport wielded a ‘soft power’ within Empire is a topic much explored by sporting historians, whether looking at the ‘Empire games’ of cricket and rugby, or other sports carried overseas by British Pioneers.3 In order to whittle down the enormous array of literature on the subject to a more manageable size, I will be looking most specifically at the late Victorian and early Edwardian era (1880’s­1914) as this is most immediately applicable to my dissertation. This thematic review will explore the role of sport as part of the ‘Imperial Mission’ and where the 1906 Springboks, as well as James Peters, fit into the historiographical discussion of the topic of sport and Empire. The three texts chosen give a wide ranging view of sport and the imperial mission, and are also good starting texts from which to explore the three themes around which much of the history of sport and Empire explore. These are ideas of manliness and masculinity explored through the work of Tony Collins; sport and its use in colonial politics for which I will use Dean Allen’s essay; and finally the racial dimension within sport and Empire, discussed by Geoff Levett. Whilst these three texts will head the discussion on these three areas they are not ghettoised, with plenty of overlap between the three chosen texts. As well as looking at histories focused on sport and its role in Empire, it is also instructive to look at more general Empire histories, often written by historians with an economic or political history background and focus, such as Niall Ferguson and David Cannadine. These traditionally dealt with aspects in Empire of ‘hard power,’ such as military or political decisions. Analysing how they deal with sport, which is becoming considered increasingly important as the ‘soft power’ of sport becomes better understood, is instructive on what elements of sports history are permeating the wider historical narrative of Empire. Finally, the major aim of this thematic review is to establish exactly what hole in historiography a study of James Peters fills. Looking closely at his interactions with the 1906 Springbok tour could support or contradict the current orthodoxy of thinking on sports role within Empire. Sport, Masculinity and Empire Much of the work of Tony Collins, whether looking at sport in general or rugby union and league in particular focuses around the twin themes of social class, and masculinity. Sport in Capitalist Society ​does not diverge significantly.4 Whilst much of Collins’ work on class applies primarily to English sport and society, he explains that ideas of masculinity were exported around the Empire, through books such as 3 Richard Holt, ​Sport and the British, ​(Oxford: Clarendon Press 1989) 4 Tony Collins, ​Sport in Capitalist Society: A short history ​(Oxon:Routledge 2013) Tom Brown’s Schooldays​. The ideas drawn from this and other work came to be refined through the Victorian era into the concept of ‘Muscular Christianity​.’ ​Born in the English public schools, Muscular Christianity defined what it meant to be an honourable and worthy Englishman. As Tony Collins states, it became a handbook of almost religious importance throughout Empire.5 Collins, in ​Sport in Capitalist Society, although appreciating its enormous influence, is critical of its tone describing ​Tom Brown ​as ‘​interlocking of educational principle, sporting enthusiasm and moral self­righteousness could be seen at its most smugly didactic.’6 It was key though to the rise of amateurism, which was to be one of the core principles of the export of sport not just as recreation, but as something that could be seen as morally improving, and also used for political gain. The spread of sport by early ‘sporting missionaries’ often then had a religious and morally improving undertone, but it wasn’t necessarily as closely adhered to in ‘the colonies’ as it was amongst English public school alumni.7 Public school ideas of how to play the game were not shared amongst other social classes, where the legacy of sports events remained very much as contests played to win. Within the ‘White colonies’ where the games of cricket and rugby were most embraced, there was not the large middle class of England to sustain the same high minded ideals, yet there was still the desire to play sport. A clear example of this is the majority of the players on the 1905 ‘Originals’ tour were from a working class background.8 This meant within New Zealand, for example, the rugby playing ideal was not the Oxbridge educated gentleman amateur, but the rugged pioneer farmer. 9 The ​‘Corinthian spirit’ of fair play was often less important than a winning culture, leading to criticism of New Zealand as cheats, and led to unfavourable comparisons to the 1906 Springboks, who were hailed as more fair minded in their play.10 Sport, Politics and Empire That sport had a role to play in developing closer national and political ties within Empire is relatively firmly established as historical orthodoxy, and is explored by Dean Allen in his paper, concluding that they played a crucial role. Sport acted as an imperial umbilical cord between the nations of Empire and Niall Ferguson somewhat tongue in cheek describes ‘the English habit of losing to colonial teams would 5 Tony Collins, ​Sport in Capitalist Society: A short history ​(Oxon:Routledge 2013) p.30 6 Ibid.) p.31 7 Geoffrey Levett, ​Playing the man: sport and imperialism 1900­1907​. (PhD thesis, Birkbeck University of London 2014) p,207 8 Greg Ryan, ​The contest for rugby supremacy: Accounting for the 1905 All Blacks, ​(Canterbury: Canterbury University Press 2005) 9 Greg Ryan, ​The changing face of rugby: The union game and professionalism since 1995​, (Cambridge: Cambridge Scholars Publishing 2008) 10 John Nauright, ‘Colonial manhood and Imperial race virility: British responses to post­Boer War colonial rugby tours,’ in Timothy Chandler and John Nauright, ​Making men: rugby and masculine identity, ​(Oxon: Routledge 1996) p.130 help knit Greater Britain together.’11 Greg Ryan reiterates this: ‘paradoxically the weakness of English rugby union became one of the game’s great strengths,’ with victories by touring sides establishing rugby as the national sport in these nations.12 The 1905 New Zealand ‘All Blacks’ tour not only helped strengthen ties to Great Britain, but is still held up as one of the defining moments, along with Women's emancipation and the Gallipoli campaign, in the birth of New Zealand as a proud and separate nation.13 This sense of sport for the greater good of the Empire was not simply limited to rugby, and did not begin with formal tours. Australian success on the cricket field was vital for establishing it as an emerging and separate nation, giving it a unique national identity rather than just one of distant Englishmen.14 Allen discusses the notion of building the nation with South African tours prior to 1899, but the unique feature of sport within South Africa was its ability not simply to build, but to rebuild a nation, as was needed from 1902. Allen highlights that cricket and rugby especially, was ‘used for reconciliation ever since its introduction...especially between the two white races.’15 That sport had the power to do this is not just historical hindsight, but was believed in earnest by commentators of the period. ​The Field ​in 1896 pronounced that ‘The value of International matches at various games between England and her colonies...will be found to be equal, if not surpass, as a factor in the manufacture of goodwill, any treaty, commercial or political, that ever was drawn up.’ 16 Pierre De Coubertin was a disciple of these beliefs, founding the Olympic Games with the belief they could help in the forging of a new peaceful internationalism. While Martin Polley acknowledges that to modern ears, having witnessed the Olympics used as a political football during the Cold War, ‘such rhetoric seems incredibly naive,’ it still remains an aim of the International Olympic Truce Foundation.17 Allen is also rightly sceptical about to what extent sport really could influence the unification of a nation, but in his biography on James Logan he demonstrates how it could at least be used as a method of personal advancement. 18 Looking closer at the Springbok tour of 1906, it is clear that the English RFU had by this stage certainly bought into ‘a belief in the indivisibility of its game with the British Imperial mission,’ revelling in a 11 ​Niall Ferguson, ​Empire: How Britain made the modern world,​ (London: Penguin 2004) p.261 12 Ryan, ​The changing face of rugby: (​2008) p.4 13 Jock Phillips, ‘The hard man: Rugby and the formation of male identity in New Zealand’ in Nauright, John and Chandler Timothy eds. ​Making men: Rugby and masculine identity, ​ (London: Psychology Press 1996) 14 Jack Williams, ​Cricket and Race,​ (Oxford, Berg 2001) ​ 15 Dean Allen, ‘Tours of Reconciliation:.’​ Sport In History​, 27(2) (2007) ​ 16 The Field​, 27/6/1896 17 Martin Polley, ‘“No business of ours” ?: The foreign office and the Olympic Games, 1896­1914, ​The International Journal of the History of Sport, volume 13, Issue 2, (1996) 18 Dean Allen, ​Empire, War and cricket: ​Logan of Matjiesfontein, (Cape Town: Zebra Press 2015) self­appointed role of Empire builder and reconciler.19 This meant encouraging the view of Roos and the Springboks tour as peacemakers, something Levett rightly describes it as ‘an exercise in imperial propaganda.’20 The tour departed with the specific intent of reconciliation, with deliberate selection of both English and Afrikaner players representing the four separate regions of South Africa and led by Afrikaner Paul Roos. Politician FS Malan declared on their departure: ‘older generations in South Africa might have been divided, the younger generation has come together in sport.’21 Carrying this theme Roos states during an after dinner speeches that: ‘the tour has united us...South Africa was one, and all differences have been forgotten.’22 This is mirrored by the Chief Justice of South Africa, Sir J.H de Villiers, who proclaimed that the ‘tour has done more to dispel racial ill­feeling than any other event in recent history.’23 Taking this to its furthest extreme was the South African commentator EJH Platnauer: ‘had the tour come off in the season 1898­99 it is possible that later occurrences which took place, and shook the whole of South Africa to its foundations, might have been avoided.’24 This idea is fanciful, or as Allen puts it, ‘a naïve and simplistic view,’25 and the overblown rhetoric was satirised in the​ South African Review​ of 25/1/1907. ‘Paul Roos is not an Empire builder, but an Empire blender…[the tour has] done more in a few months to bring real harmony and good understanding between SA and the UK than 20,000 Winston Churchill’s et al. could do in 50 years.’26 ​The idea that a sporting contest could heal deeply divided wounds is still prescient today, with a mythology having developed around Nelson Mandela’s use of the Rugby World Cup in 1995 to heal a nation, promoted by John Carlin’s book ​Playing The Enemy.27 ​As with the World Cup, what the 1906 tour provided, was a potential source of unity. How effective they were to prove was dependent on who bought into the idea, and to what extent that was carried through. In both cases there was a relatively short term legacy of improved relations, but no seismic and lasting shift as the ‘soft power’ of sport would get trumped by the more ‘hard power’ of political or economic grievances. Allen’s scepticism on the political success of the 1906 tour is therefore justified, and largely agreed on by Levett. The 1906 tour is a good example then of sport’s political relationship with Empire, with the ‘sacrifice’ of Peters for the England fixture, a clear example of where outside influences, or the ‘bigger picture,’ had come to influence sporting selection. 19 Ryan, ​The changing face of rugby:(​2008) p.4 20 Levett, ​Playing the man, (​2014) p.81 21 Dean Allen, ‘Tours of Reconciliation:.’​ Sport In History​, 27(2) p.9 22 Daryl Adair ed., ​Sport: Race, Ethnicity and Identity: Building Global Understanding​ (Oxon, Routledge 2015) p.12 23 Dean Allen, ‘Tours of Reconciliation:.’​ Sport In History​, 27(2) (2007) p.9 ​ 24 Ibid. 25 Ibid. 26 ‘Mimosa,’ ​The South African Review, ​(Cape Town, SA) 25/1/1907 27 John Carlin,​ Playing the enemy, Nelson MAndela and the game that made a nation ​(London: Atlantic Books 2009) Sport, Race and Empire The third work to be considered as part of this thematic review is Geoff Levett’s study ​Playing the man: sport and imperialism 1900­1907.28 As a topic it is closely linked to that of Allen, but differs in approach as Levett keeps his focus broader, incorporating tours from New Zealand and Australia. As Levett’s work is a PhD thesis as opposed to Allen’s being an article, he also has space to review the roles of key individual sportsmen and commentators, such as CB Fry, PA Vaile and James Peters. Levett is the only historian to have dealt with Peters to the extent of conducting a significant amount of original archival research into his life. He does not though delve directly into the issue of whether the Springboks refused to play him, which is the major point on which my dissertation differs, and disagrees with Levett’s conclusion that a boycott did happen at Devon, but was kept quiet by an embarrassed media.29 Where Levett and Allen also diverge is in discussing the racial implications of Peters, and wider into Empire. In the context of Allen’s essay racial differences are between the two ‘white tribes’ in South Africa, English and Afrikaner, whereas Levett delves more into racial issues between between those of different skin colours. For Levett, Peters’ treatment was an attempt to make him, the ‘invisible man on the imperial sports field,’ as owing to his race he was seen as at best inconvenient, at worst an embarrassment to be blotted out.30 This language echoes that of Phil Vasili when describing England’s first black footballer Arthur Wharton; ‘Those promoting Empire as an expression of white supremacy found him a supreme irritation,’ about whom there was a deliberate ‘loss of memory.’31 There was certainly no celebration of different races playing sport, unlike in France where a celebrated ‘Black vs White’ rugby match was held in 1905.32 The historiography of racial prejudice within English rugby is minimal. Whilst much has been written on problems within South Africa and New Zealand, English rugby has minimal literature on specifically race history. It is though well served when discussing class prejudice, with numerous works by Tony Collins excellently analysing the role of social class within English rugby, most notably ​A Social History Of English Rugby Union​.33 Whether there were many racial undertones within English sport at this time also depends on whether the historian accepts the logic of David Cannadine’s argument in ​Ornamentalism, that​ ​racial discrimination was simply a subset of class discrimination.34 Peters’ experiences within English 28 Levett, ​Playing the man, (​2014) 29 Ibid. p.79 30 Ibid. p.171 31 Vasili, Phil, ​The first black footballer: Arthur Wharton, 1865­1930 ­ An absence of memory ​(Oxon: Routledge 1998) 32 Levett, ​Playing the man, (​2014)p.142 33 Tony Collins, ​A Social History of English Rugby Union, ​(London: Routledge 2009) 34 David Cannadine, ​Ornamentalism: How the British saw their Empire, ​(London: Penguin 2002) rugby, at the hands of English supporters and selectors, largely correspond with the problems faced by players of a lower social class as described by Collins. Peters then can be cited as evidence to support the existing theories that it was social class that was often the defining factor within English rugby union. Levett’s study details well the implications of Peters’ social class, highlighting the arguments between various commentators such as ‘Dux’ and ‘Argus’ in which Peters was the unmentioned subcontext.35 The experience of other sportsmen however, most notably Ranjitsinhji who despite being Indian royalty experienced racial discrimination, run counter to Cannadine’s argument. Ranjitsinhji offers a good point of comparison to Peters, as reflecting on his treatment at the hands of the MCC in 1896, can be compared with that of Peters and the RFU in 1906. Lord Harris, an influential member of the MCC, blocked his selection for an England test at Lords, declaring that foreign born players or 'birds of flight' should not be selected for England.36 This has been interpreted in a wide variety of ways, often depending on the author. There is a significant historiographical discussion around Ranjitsinhji led by Jack Williams’ work ​Cricket and Race, ​which​ ​gives an excellent overview of racial issues in cricket, especially around the selection of Ranjitsinhji, which he is able to approach from a largely neutral perspective.37 Satadru Sen’s work on ‘Ranji’ delivers a political biography of Ranjitsinhji, railing against among other things the shortened and anglicised version of his title.38 Marco Rodrigues’ ​A political biography of Ranjitsinhji ​is similar to Sen in seeing the racial antipathy and malice in Harris’ actions, also citing the fact that Harris was born in Trinidad, yet claimed full qualification as an Englishman, as proof of his hypocrisy.39 Whilst at its heart born of racist sentiment, the statement itself is slightly more nuanced, claiming it is not his colour but his country of birth and the expectation that Ranjitsinhji was only a temporary resident of England that barred him.40 Levett agrees with Williams, that it was this issue of his country of birth not skin colour that caused the greatest issues for ‘Ranji.’ This is seemingly borne out with Peters, who being an Englishman born, did not experience any figure from the RFU openly stating an objection to his inclusion. However given the public outcry and support for Ranjitsinhji, it would have not been especially expedient for the RFU to do so. 35 Levett, ​Playing the man, (​2014) p,63 ​ 36 Satadru​ Sen, Migrant races: Empire, identity and K S Ranjitsinhji, ​(Manchester: Manchester University Press 2004​) 37 Jack Williams, ​Cricket and Race,​ (Oxford, Berg 2001) 38 ​Sen, Migrant races: Empire, identity and K S Ranjitsinhji, ​(2004​) 39 Rodrigues, Marco, ​Batting for Empire: A political biography of Ranjitsinhji,​ (London: Penguin 2003) 40 Williams, ​Cricket and Race (2001) ​p.13 The other major incident around which race, sport and Empire all converge is that of the imposition of the Colour Bar in Boxing, imposed in 1911. Levett does not particularly discuss the Colour Bar, as it lies outside of the time period of his study, and it is not necessarily immediately applicable to James Peters. As a sport boxing is vastly different to rugby, with a sociological footprint on the margins of society, always one tragedy or wrong step away from being banned. It is not then particularly reflective of wider society, and the decision to ban ‘coloured’ boxers from holding British titles was one made by a small group of the political elite.41 Neil Carter offers a good overview of the issues, and one area in which there is a relevant link between the Colour Bar and Peters is the demonstration of the importance of imperial considerations.42 Given the reports of rioting after the victory of Jack Johnson over ‘great white hope’ Jim Jeffries in 1910, British authorities feared similar scenes undermining the authority of their rule within the colonies. That a precedent of placing imperial concern over the sacred ‘level playing field’ of sport had already been set by the exclusion of Peters is not discussed in any histories of the Colour Bar, but is perhaps pertinent to any new history. An important angle to understanding how the British perceived the non­english of the colonies comes from the ‘natives’ tours, in Cricket from Australia (1868) and rugby from New Zealand (1888). These had been profit driven, with players forced into performing evening concerts and native displays such as boomerang throwing and Haka on demand. As Greg Ryan’s research into the 1888­89 tour shows they had an, ‘important bearing, positive or otherwise, on British perception of the fledgling New Zealand colony.’43 The tours also created an expectation of cultural displays from touring teams, even when predominantly of Anglo­Saxon origin, and the 1905 All Blacks had been routinely called upon to perform Haka. Levett briefly mentions the ‘Zulu War Chant’ performed by the Springboks but does not dissect it further. Whilst there could appear a charge of hypocrisy in adopting the war chant whilst taking umbrage with playing against Peters, Levett also importantly acknowledges this public expectation for a unique South African entertainment. Whether the cry was initially adopted out of obligation, or as something of a joke by the team at the expense of the British Press, as to which player could offer the most preposterous explanation of its meaning, it was quickly dropped.44 Collins, Allen and Levett through their three works reviewed here are capable of acting as a starting point for those three main areas of sporting historiography in relation to Empire: masculinity, politics and race. 41 Neil Carter, '​British Boxings Colour Bar,' Paper presented at Black History Season, The Hidden history of black British sport, (De Montfort University, 22/11/2011) 42 Ibid. 43 Greg Ryan, ​Forerunners Of The All Blacks: The 1888­9 New Zealand Native Team​, (New Zealand, Canterbury UNiversity Press 1993) 44 That the players offered numerous bizarre explanations of its origin is recorded in: ‘Enter the ‘Springboks,’ ​Auckland Star, V. XXXVII, Issue 257, 3/11/1906 My dissertation on Peters will draw considerably on the areas of politics and race within Empire, whilst having the context of different and evolving concepts of masculinity as its background. The holes in the current historiography that a study of Peters can fill are in providing another case study, or point of comparison, in an era where black sportsmen are few and far between. Looking at rugby history specifically no major exposition of historical racism within rugby has ever been conducted, and Peters would stand as the natural starting point. In the wider field of historiography he also provides a useful window into understanding where the differences, if any, lay between class discrimination and racial discrimination. In an era that some historians such as Cannadine believe was largely devoid of racial delineation, Peters shows that race certainly did matter when dealing with South Africa from 1906, and that Peters stands as an example of a man sacrificed for the good of Empire. Bibliography Primary ● Auckland Star, V. XXXVII, Issue 257, 3/11/1906 ● ‘Mimosa,’ ​The South African Review, ​(Cape Town, SA) 25/1/1907 ● The Field​, 27/6/1896 Secondary ● Adair, Daryl, ed., ​Sport: Race, Ethnicity and Identity: Building Global Understanding​ (Oxon, Routledge 2015) ● ● ● Allen, Dean, ​Empire, War and cricket: Logan of Matjiesfontein​, (Cape Town: Zebra Press 2015) Allen, Dean, ‘Tours of Reconciliation: Rugby, War and Reconstruction in South Africa, 1891­1907.’ ​Sport In History​ 27(2) 172­189 (2007) Carlin, John,​ Playing the enemy, Nelson MAndela and the game that made a nation ​(London: Atlantic Books 2009) ● Carter, Neil '​British Boxings Colour Bar,' Paper presented at Black History Season, The Hidden history of black British sport, (De Montfort University, 22/11/2011) ● Collins, Tony, ​‘Peters, James (1879–1954)’, ​Oxford Dictionary of National Biography​, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004) ● ● ● Collins, Tony, ​Sport in Capitalist Society: A short history ​(Oxon:Routledge 2013) Ferguson, Niall, ​Empire: How Britain made the modern world,​ (London: Penguin 2004) Green, Jeffrey, ​Black Edwardians: Black people in Britain 1901­1914, ​(London: Frank Cass 1998) ● ● Holt, Richard, ​Sport and the British, ​(Oxford: Clarendon Press 1989) Levett, Geoffrey, ​Playing the man: sport and imperialism 1900­1907​. (PhD thesis, Birkbeck University of London 2014) p,207 ● Nauright, John, ‘Colonial manhood and Imperial race virility: British responses to post­Boer War colonial rugby tours,’ in Timothy Chandler and John Nauright, ​Making men: rugby and ● masculine identity, ​(Oxon: Routledge 1996) Phillips, Jock, ‘The hard man: Rugby and the formation of male identity in New Zealand’ in Nauright, John and Chandler Timothy eds. ​Making men: Rugby and masculine identity, ​ (London: Psychology Press 1996) ● Polley, Martin, ‘“No business of ours” ?: The foreign office and the Olympic Games, 1896­1914, The International Journal of the History of Sport, volume 13, Issue 2, (1996) ● Rodrigues, Marco, ​Batting for Empire: A political biography of Ranjitsinhji,​ (London: Penguin 2003) ● Ryan, Greg, ​Forerunners Of The All Blacks: The 1888­9 New Zealand Native Team​,​ (New Zealand, Canterbury University Press 1993) ● Ryan, Greg, ​The contest for rugby supremacy: Accounting for the 1905 All Blacks, ​(Canterbury: Canterbury University Press 2005) ● Ryan, Greg, ​The changing face of rugby: The union game and professionalism since 1995​, (Cambridge: Cambridge Scholars Publishing 2008) ● Sen, Satadru, ​Migrant races: Empire, identity and K S Ranjitsinhji​, (Manchester: Manchester University Press 2004) ● Vasili, Phil, ​The first black footballer: Arthur Wharton, 1865­1930 ­ An absence of memory (Oxon: Routledge 1998) ● Williams, Jack, ​Cricket and Race,​ (Oxford, Berg 2001)