SCANNING OUR PAST
HEINRICH GEISSLER:
PIONEER OF ELECTRICAL
SCIENCE AND VACUUM
TECHNOLOGY
T
he seemingly unrelated
instrumental equipment supporting several
of the main discoveries
in physics at the beginnings of the socalled Second Scientific Revolution, at
the close of the 19th century, usually
had elements in common. Three
outstanding discoveries are good examples. As part of his studies on the
phenomenon of luminescence in his
darkened laboratory at the University
of Würzburg, in November 1895,
the German experimental physicist
Wilhelm Konrad Röntgen (1845–
1923) discovered a new and different
kind of rays, X-rays, produced by the
impact of cathode rays on a material
object. Only a few months later, in
February and March 1896, the French
physicist Antoine-Henri Becquerel
(1852–1908) accidentally discovered
natural radioactivity as a new form of
radiation while investigating a probable relation existing between the
fluorescence of some uranium minerals he studied and the recently discovered X-rays. Finally, explorations of
the properties of cathode rays, originally focused on the link between
ordinary matter and the electrical
charges on the atom, were responsible
for the ultimate conclusion in 1897 by
the British scientist Joseph John
Thomson (1856–1940) that atoms of
Digital Object Identifier: 10.1109/JPROC.2015.2461271
This article provides an account of Heinrich Geissler’s
scientific achievements, placing special emphasis on
his early contribution to the development of the
cathode ray tube.
all substances contain the same kind
of negative particles: the electron.
Directly, or indirectly, the common
element in all these discoveries was
the experiment on electrical discharges
in gases.
The detection of cathode rays was
a consequence of the investigation of
the discharge of electricity through
rarefied gases. This latter phenomenon, which led to the birth of electronics with the invention of the
electron vacuum tube in 1909, has
been studied since the late 17th century. Many people contributed to this
development with experimentation
and technological factors. The glass
tube invented by Heinrich GeisslerV
the Geissler tubeVnot only allowed
a clear demonstration of the electrical discharge and contributed to the
discovery of the cathode rays, but
over the decades also led to a greater
or lesser extent to many other pioneering developments in electronics
and telecommunications, such as the
light and flash bulbs and a number of
projection technologies. This article
provides an account of Geissler’s
scientific achievements in the context
of the physics of his time, placing
special emphasis on his early contribution to the development of the
cathode ray tube.
I. FORMATIVE Y EARS
Johann Heinrich Wilhelm Geissler
(Fig. 1) was born on May 26, 1814,
in Ingelshieb, a little village in a forested mountainous region in central
Germany. He was the first of 11 children of Johann Georg Jacob Geissler
(1786–1856), a self-taught glass bead
maker and a manufacturer of instruments such as barometers and
thermometers, and Johanna Rosina
Eichhorn (1798–1839), a daughter of
a glassmaker. The family’s very poor
living conditions forced the children
to work from the age of five in the
only jobs available to a majority of
inhabitants of the village: the lamp
blown glass and cottage industries.
The difficult social conditions of the
time forced the Geissler brothers,
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Scanning Our Past
Fig. 1. Heinrich Geissler.
one after another, to leave home in
order to look for better lives, some of
them, as was the case for Heinrich, in
a seemingly predestined professional
career as glassblowers [1]–[4].
Geissler began working when he
was very young. After having become
an apprentice in glassblowing in SaxeMeiningen, a Duchy of Central Germany,
he became a Handwerksbursch (journeyman). Under the system that had
become common by that time, such a
young specialized craftsman would
spend a certain number of years traveling either within his own country,
or outside its borders, accepting
employment wherever it was offered
and being paid by the day. His aim
would be to become acquainted with
the different methods of doing the
work, and thereby perfect it and become competent enough to enter the
business on his own account. This
period, which for Geissler extended
to about one decade, included him visiting cities in countries such as Germany,
France, and The Netherlands, and
concluded in the early 1850s when he
settled permanently in Bonn. There, he
bought a house that he adapted to the
requirements of his workshop, and
joined the University of Bonn as a
mechanic.
Although most of the instruments
Geissler produced at Bonn were
aimed at the physics community,
others served the interests of different professionals such as chemists,
medical doctors, physiologists, and
mineralogists, who formed part of
the long international client list
he was able to build up during
his career. Names such as Eduard
Friedrich Wilhelm Pflüger (1829–
1910), a Professor of Physiology also
at the University of Bonn and responsible for the law that bears his name
correlating electrical stimulation
and muscular contraction, Hermann
Vogelsang (1838–1874), the first
Professor of Mineralogy and Petrology at the Polytechnic School of Delft
and an important figure in these areas
during the 19th century, and Justus
Freiherr von Liebig (1803–1873),
later Baron, a German chemist informally considered to be the founder of
organic chemistry, are examples of
the names included in this list.
Several elements allowed Geissler to
closely work with such important
scientists. The most relevant were:
the renewed reputation of science
studies focused on the achievement of
practical objectives that characterized
those times, the little practice in
practical work of most researchers
due to the generally sparse opportunities for their physical laboratory
training, and the little availability or
absolute inexistence of tenured mechanics or instrument makers at many
universities.
The range of products in Geissler’s
workshop included not only all the
glass laboratory instruments and apparatuses, then in use, but also some of
his own innovations. One example is a
vaporimeter he patented [Fig. 2(a)] as
a result of a Bonn industrialist’s request, in which the vapor pressure
exerted upon a column of mercury
gave a measure of the alcohol content
in liquid beverages [5]. Another is a
pycnometer [Fig. 2(b)], jointly designed with the Russian chemist
Dmitri Ivanovich Mendeleev (1834–
1907) in 1859, which, provided with
an accurate and delicate thermometer, allowed the determination of the
density of liquids and its relation
with temperature [6]. The standard
thermometers designed by Geissler
are better known as the first result of
what would later become a successful
Fig. 2. Geissler’s instruments. (a) Vaporimeter [8]. (b) Pycnometer [9].
association with the Professor of
Mathematics and Physics at the
University of Bonn, Julius Plücker
(1801–1868). The thermometers differed from those then in use by
utilizing a thinner, although still
strong, glass by incorporating the
concept of capillarity, and by a higher
precision resulting from using a new
glass balance with a sensitivity of
0.1 mg of mercury for their calibration [7]. By using these ingeniously
contrived instruments, in which mercury was made to exactly compensate
for the expansion of glass, both men
were able to determine the coefficient of cubical expansion of ice of
0.0001585, and to demonstrate that
water reached its maximum density
at 3.8 C (later determined to be
3.98 C). In 1855, Geissler was rewarded with the Gold Medal at the
World Exhibition in Paris due to his
excellent work on fine glass and its
different applications to science and
instruction.
II . VACUUM PUMP:
THE FIRST OF TWO
OUTSTANDING
TECHNOLOGICAL
DEVELOPMENTS
Two of Geissler’s achievements, the
development of an improved vacuum
pump and its subsequent application
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Scanning Our Past
to the technique for making the tubes
that later would bear his name, place
Geissler as one of the main pioneers
in the study of electric discharges of
rarefied gases.
The realization that high vacuum
levels were essential for studies of
electrical discharges led to great advances in physics in the second half of
the 19th century; indeed, those advances would be unthinkable without
highly developed vacuum technology.
This fact had been identified before
Geissler’s time. Much earlier, and still
far from any possible association with
electricity, experimenters like the
French astronomer Jean-Felix Picard
(1620–1682), for example, had observed strange and intermittent glow
discharges in the vacuum space above
the mercury surface when a mercury
barometer was shaken, and that these
discharges were the strongest when
mercury moved most vigorously up
and down in the tube [10]. The Swiss
mathematician Johann Bernoulli (the
elder) (1667–1748) generated the
first widespread and intensive interest
in the phenomenon by suggesting in
1700, while teaching at Groningen,
The Netherlands, the interaction of a
‘‘first element’’ squeezed out of mercury
and freed to vibrate with the rapidity
necessary to produce light with a ‘‘second element,’’ or ‘‘celestial globules,’’
entering through the pores of glass of
the barometer, as the real cause of light
so produced, or of the mercurial phosphor, as it was then called [11].
Bernoulli also reported that a clean
and dry barometer, extremely pure
mercury, and minimum contact between air and mercury were essential
requirements for producing light, and
that the presence of small amounts of
air produced a short-lived luminescence in the form of tiny sparks rather
than as the continuous flame like light
produced in vacuo.
Although it is true that a partial
vacuum had been created as early as
the 3rd century before the Christian
era by Hero of Alexandria, the vacuum technology only began to develop
in a coherent fashion at the time of
Otto von Guericke (1602–1686), a
1674
widely famous German scientist and
inventor, by his celebrated experiments in which opposing teams of
horses in Magdeburg were unable to
separate two evacuated hemispheres.
von Guericke, who justly was the man
that constructed the earliest mechanical device for generating what later
was recognized as electrical charges
and produced glow discharges by rubbing a sulphur globe [12], raised significant issues with the ‘‘torricellian
void,’’ and, around 1650, developed
the first rudimentary air pumpVa
sort of syringeVto pump air directly
out of a vessel.
News of von Guericke’s achievements spread throughout Europe,
starting many other interesting experiments. About a decade later, the
Anglo-Irish natural philosopher,
chemist, and physicist, Robert
Boyle (1627–1691), perfected von
Guericke’s air pump and allowed experimenters to create a partial vacuum in a glass bell at the top of a device
by pumping air out using a handle.
Later, in 1709, the English scientist
Francis Hauksbee (1660–1713) produced a two-cylinder pump of much
better design, which reduced not only
the need for human labor, making the
experiments a one-man task, but also
the pumping time, since no pauses
were required between the plunger
strokes to operate the stopcocks [13],
[14]. The very sophisticated and wellthought-out design included a receiver
(the glass vessel for experiments) on a
plate on top of the pump structure,
and a gearwheel with two racks, each
connected to a piston in a cylinder
[15]. The new model was arranged in
such a way that the pistons were balanced against each other as they were
driven in opposite directions by the
rack and pinion, being capable of
reaching 1.9 mm Hg in 2 min.
The considerable time that Hauksbee would devote from then on to the
improvement of his air pump and its
possible employments, as well as the
compliance with the requirements of
the Royal Society were the elements
that contributed to the nature of his
subjects of study and scientific re-
Proceedings of the IEEE | Vol. 103, No. 9, September 2015
search projects. His experiments with
which a flickering and bluish light was
created inside rotatable and previously evacuated glass globes and cylinders after rubbing their outside
surface, the comparison of light produced by mercury in a vacuum with
that produced under a partial exhaustion of air, and the systematic identification of low air pressure and the
motion of mercury against glass as
critical factors in the production of
light in glass vessels [16] turned him
into not only the first person to perform the scientific study on the effects
of electrostatics in vacuum, but also
made his apparatus the forerunner of
discharge lamps of the 19th and 20th
centuries [17]. The colorful displays
resulting from these and similar experiments carried out by him and other
scientists in the following century
were more usually regarded as curiosities to be demonstrated in public
by the increasing number of amateur
investigators in different countries in
Europe, and different explanations,
such as chemical changes occurring
in gas, associated with metallic spectra caused by volatilization and ignition of electrodes [18], for example,
were often given at the time as their
interpretation.
After 1750, the technical improvement of the air pump became a problem mainly in engineering and, with
small refinements, Hauksbee’s design
remained, in principle, unchanged
until the mid-19th century. The small
demand from the experimenters for
lower pressures and the limitation of
the measurable pressures in the mercury manometers to about 0.5 mm Hg
contributed to this particular state of
things.
In the 1740s, the French clergyman and physicist Jean Antoine Nollet
(1700–1770), often known as AbbéNollet, conducted experiments in a
sealed glass bulb about the size and
shape of an ostrich egg, from which
the air had been pumped. In the
‘‘electric egg,’’ as he called it, the discharge tube was quite separate from
the source of electric charge, but connected to it by a wire.
Scanning Our Past
The next serious experimental advance in the studies of glow discharges
and the spectral emission from the
glows came a century and a decade
later, and involved Geissler and
Plücker. The low demand for lower
pressures from experimenters as well
as the limitation in the measurable
pressure to about 0.5 mm Hg with
the available designs of mercury
manometers were two reasons for
little improvement of the ultimate
vacuum in about two centuries. The
increasing number of researches on
electrical phenomena starting in the
1850s, including discharge tubes,
required, however, higher vacuums.
Incandescent lamps resulting from
attempts at creating a light bulb in
those times burned for short periods
of time, not only because of the
quality of the filaments, but also
because of the excessive amount of
air inside the bulb. Attempts to
introduce mechanically operated
valves and reduce the dead space at
the bottom of the cylinder proved to
be insufficient to solve the problem of
leakage at the pump’s pistons and
other working difficulties, forcing,
since 1850, changes in other directions in order to get operation pressures below 0.01 atmospheres.
The problem was solved in 1855
when Geissler designed a mercurial
vacuum pump based on moving a column of liquid mercury instead of mechanical pistons, which allowed him
to eventually reach absolute pressures
of about 0.1 mm Hg. The model was
based on a new type designed more
than 130 years before Geissler’s time
by the Swedish scientist and theosophist Emanuel Swedenborg (1688–
1772), which combined Torricelli’s
mercury work of nearly a century earlier with von Guericke’s pump [19].
Swedenborg replaced the solid
piston of the mechanical pump by a
column of mercury, which by being
alternately raised and lowered gradually exhausted a vessel. A little table
with three long legs, which carried the
glass bell jar that was to be exhausted,
was the base unit of the equipment,
which was additionally connected at
the bottom with an iron vessel, from
which the first iron tube descended
perpendicularly, which, by its part,
joined the second one by a flexible
tube of leather. Mercury which filled
both tubes was made to rise and fall by
placing the moveable tube upright, or
laying it down. In this way, the iron
vessel, provided with the required
valves, was alternatively filled and
emptied with liquid metal.
Geissler modified Swedenborg’s
model by connecting the mercury reservoir to a glass bulb via a flexible
rubber tube, the latter being provided
with a two-way valve by means of
which it could be connected either to
the outside air or to the vessel to be
exhausted. Lowering the reservoir
would draw gas out of the vacuum
system and into the bulb, while the
immediate closing of the valve would
isolate the system and made the reservoir rise again, compressing the
trapped gas and pushing it out of the
system. Repeatedly lifting and lowering the reservoir led to the required
extremely low pressures [20].
Geissler’s work began in 1855 and
the pump was presented to the public
three years later. It was first described
in a pamphlet prepared by W. H.
Theodor Meyer (1820-?), the curator
of Bonn University’s physics cabinet,
during the 1857 meeting of the Society
of German Natural Scientists and
Physicians (Fig. 3) [21]. While fairly
effective and generating better vacuums than those obtained with piston
pumps, Geissler’s pump was expensive, difficult to handle, and very slow
to operate, requiring a very careful
coordination between the turning of
the valve and the mercury level [22].
Improvements to Geissler’s pump
by two other German instrument makers, proposed in the following decades, partially solved this drawback. In
1862, a German physicist, August
Joseph Ignaz Toepler (1836–1912),
introduced a modification using the
same principle applied by Torricelli
in his famous experiment [Fig. 4(a)].
In the simplified pump, which is still
in use today, the mercury reservoir
and the flexible tube were retained,
but the two-way valve was replaced
by a T-junction using mercury itself
to act as a seal [24]. While the vessel
to be exhausted was connected to
the torricellian vacuum, the new
arrangement of tubes improved the
passage of air to be expelled.
The other great improvement was
made 11 years later, in 1873, when the
German-born and naturalized British
chemist Hermann Sprengel (1834–
1906) devised a stunningly simple apparatus in which droplets of mercury
from a receiver dripped steadily, acted
as pistons in a cylinder trapping packets of gas in the discharge glass tube,
and carried them away [Fig. 4(b)].
The portion of trapped air became
smaller as the process went on, until
the mercury flow became continuous
and a very good vacuum level was
reached [25]. The manual recirculation of mercury introduced in the new
model was converted only three years
later to a self-recycling apparatus
[Fig. 4(c)] by Sprengel’s colleague
and compatriot Lambert Heinrich von
Babo (1818–1899). The new design
could operate with little or no supervision and could achieve lower vacuum than anything else available at the
time (about 0.0006 mm Hg). In line
with the pattern shown by most
vacuum pumps until the 20th century
[26], its better degree of vacuum contrasted with its low pumping speed.
When 10 kg were lifted up and down
by hand and a pump speed of about
0.004 ‘/s was reached, it required
approximately 6 h of pumping to
evacuate a vessel of 6 ‘ from 0.1 mm
Hg to about 2 10 5 mm Hg [27].
Geissler’s pump found one of the
first industrial applications, if not the
first one, in the researches carried out
by Thomas Alva Edison (1847–1931),
which led to the development, pilot
production, and mass production of
carbon-filament incandescent lamps,
and to the creation of a practical electric lighting system. From the very
earliest attempts to produce a practical incandescent light, it was clear
that the glowing element must be in a
vacuum in order to prevent oxidation
and thus increase the lifetime of the
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Scanning Our Past
Fig. 3. Geissler pump. (a) Original drawing [21]. (b) Schematic illustration of the physical principle [23].
(c) Complete apparatus as it was commercially available [23].
filament. The vacuum of the order of
2.5 mm Hg provided by the only vacuum pump available to Edison in
those times, a manual piston type
with two cylinders, had proved to be
insufficient for the experimental
requirements. The alternative of experimenting with relatively inert
platinum, which needed protection
from melting rather than from oxi-
dation, led him to unsatisfactory
results.
Conscious as Edison was that the
use of higher vacuum was an essential
requirement, he proceeded to obtain
Fig. 4. Improved models of the Geissler pump [23]. (a) Toepler’s pump. (b) Original Sprengel’s pump. (c) Self-recycling Sprengel’s pump.
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Scanning Our Past
Fig. 5. Combination of (A) Geissler’s pump, (B) Sprengel’s pump, and (C) McLeod’s gauge.
(a) Laboratory scale [28]. (b) Arrangement in Edison’s pilot plant [30].
all possible information on the subject. The good vacuum achieved with
Geissler’s pump in March 1879 was
not sufficient, however, because of
both the necessity for repeating the
process many times and the impossibility of continuous pumping. Edison
decided then to try a Sprengel pump,
which had the advantage of being able
to pump continuously during heating
of the carbon filaments that were the
next object of study. A combination of
both types of pumps, described in a
contemporaneous scientific publication, allowed the attainment of
vacuums of about 10 6 atmospheres,
sufficient to solve most of his technical problems [28]. A Geissler pump
for rapid evacuation, a Sprengel pump
for continuous pumping, and a
McLeodgauge pump (developed in
1874 based on Geissler’s pump) for
pressure measurement became the
elements of an arrangement that combined all the features required for
lamp experiments (Fig. 5). By midAugust 1879, Edison had assembled at
least eight different arrangements
with both types of pumps, with the
collaboration of Ludwig Boehm, a fulltime glassblower who had apprenticed
under Geissler. By 1903, five of the
U.S. patents bearing Edison’s name
were up for improvements and automation of combinations of Geissler’s
and Sprengel’s vacuum pumps [29].
Experimenting with carbon as an
incandescent substance, which before
platinum had failed due to problems
with the vacuum, and using the improved vacuum system, Edison was
able to produce light, for the first time
in October 1879, which burned for
14.5 h with an intensity of 30 candles.
I II . DISCHARGE
TUBES: THE OTHER
OUTSTANDING
TECHNOLOGI CAL
DEVELOPM ENT
Although sporadic, the first quantitative investigations of continuous gas
discharges were made in the mid18th century by the Polish scientist
Gottfried Heinrich Grummert (1719–
1776), who studied alternatives to illumination in mines where light from
fire could not be used because of the
danger of explosions. His discovery
that an exhausted glass tube did not
need to be rubbed to show the electric
light but would glow if connected to,
or merely brought near, an electrified
conductor [31] was followed by other
studies carried out by Nollet and the
British botanist and physicist William
Watson (1715–1787). Nollet generated electric discharges in his exhausted
‘‘electrical eggs,’’ and found that the
conduction of electricity through the
residual gas in an exhausted glass
vessel toward the body of the investigator caused the vessel to become full
of light when his hand was brought
near it, and to be much brighter when
his hand was spread over glass. He
explained this and other electrical
phenomena on the basis of his illfated theory of affluent and effluent
currents of electricity [32], [33]. The
collision of particles of the effluent
stream with those of the opposite
moving affluent stream was responsible for excitation until a state of luminous emission. Watson, for his
part, not only showed that the flow
of charge through gas in a sealed container increased as pressure was lowered, but also proved, using a Leyden
jar, that discharge of static electricity
was actually an electric current [34].
One century passed until new
relevant developments occurred.
Looking for insights into the nature
of electricity, the British chemist and
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Scanning Our Past
later physicist Michael Faraday
(1791–1867) spent several months in
1838 studying the various forms of
discharge of electricity through several rarefied gases, such as hydrogen,
nitrogen, air, hydrochloric acid gas,
and coal gas. His intention was to
confirm the validity of his general
view that all electrical phenomena
depend on the action of contiguous
matter particles [35].
A few years before, studies carried out by the Dutchman Martinus
van Marum (1750–1837) showed that
spark discharges at atmospheric pressure exhibited different colors according to the gas used [36], and about the
same time Charles Wheatstone (1802–
1875) observed that brush discharges
at the end of a singly charged conductor were not, as might appear, continuous discharges of the surrounding
medium, but a rapid succession of intermittent discharges [37]. Faraday
took up Wheatstone’s experiments,
being convinced that a comprehensive
theory of the flow of electricity should
include phenomena associated with
the conduction of electricity in gases
under different conditions. Experiments carried out at pressures close
to 0.04 in of mercury (average atmospheric pressure at sea level is 29.92 in
of mercury) showed that as the
amount of air in the tube decreased,
a faint glow between the electrodes
could be seen, but it did not enable
him to explore this effect completely
because technology was not then
advanced enough to produce higher
vacuums within the tube. A significant
feature was his discovery that the glow
in discharge was not continuous, but
separated into bright regions close to
the electrodes and a dark region in the
middle. The existence of the so-called
‘‘Faraday dark space’’ in discharge
tubes renewed even more interest in
studies on luminous effects due to the
conduction of electricity through gases
at very low pressures, mainly because
of some initial observations of the
existence of a relation between the
reduction in pressure and the expansion of the dark space and the fading of
the color in the electrodes.
1678
Limitations in the voltage source
required to carry out the experiments
in the beginnings of 1840s were
another reason for the lack of interest
in studies on the conduction of electricity through gases and the temporary interruption of the researches on
gas discharges. The bulky batteries
and the complicated and expensive
electrostatic generators used until
then to supply the high tension for
these studies were cumbersome to
use, and, most importantly, could not
generate a sufficiently high voltage. A
solution appeared in the form of the
induction coil, first developed in the
1830s. In contrast to the continuous
steady current produced by electrochemical batteries, the output of the
induction coil, operating on the
principle of the transformer, was an
interrupted current of much higher
potential. The instrument, based on
Faraday’s discovery of electromagnetic induction of 1831 and the
invention of the electromagnet by
William Sturgeon (1783–1850), had
its origins in the almost simultaneous, although independent, innovative researches of two men: the
Irish priest and scientist Nicholas
Joseph Callan (1799–1864) and the
American electrical inventor Charles
Grafton Page (1812–1868). More
than a decade later, in the early
1850s in Paris, the German instrument maker Heinrich Daniel Ruhmkorff (1803–1977) also began making
powerful induction coils. Such coils
had an inner primary winding of a few
heavy turns, and an outer secondary
winding of many more fine turns,
which could provide very high voltage
discharges that produced sparks in
open air at five to ten times a second
(Fig. 6) [38]. The new apparatus
created periodic interruptions of current in the primary coil circuit, which
induced stepped up pulses in the secondary coil. The more secondary turns
there are, the higher the voltage.
Initial difficulties associated with
higher frequency required to operate
the switch more frequently in order to
generated frequent voltage pulses
were solved by using the electro-
Proceedings of the IEEE | Vol. 103, No. 9, September 2015
Fig. 6. Ruhmkorff induction coil.
magnetic force of the coil itself to
move the switch.
The new apparatus was a much
less expensive and more convenient
source of high voltage than either an
electrostatic generator or a thousand
or more battery cells connected in series. It produced a peak potential of
many thousands of volts, and the
current drawn by the discharge tube
was of the order of one milliampere.
William Robert Grove (1811–
1896), a lawyer and a professor for a
short time at the London Institution,
with interests in physical matters, was
the first in England to use a Ruhmkorff coil to create an electric discharge through gas at low pressure.
Grove, who a few years earlier had an
idea of producing light by sealing a
conductor in a glass vessel and heating
it electrically, and had devoted much
time and money to the study of this
phenomenon, discovered that the
striated patterns observed in the glowing gas accompanied all electric discharges in vacuum tubes [39].
His recently developed vacuum
pump and a platinum-to-glass seal he
invented enabled Geissler to produce a
type of sealed dual-electrode gas filled
tubes that glowed when current passed
through them, initially aimed at
investigating the recently opened field
of spectra of different gases (Fig. 7).
Geissler’s interest in them was probably
influenced by his brother Friedrich,
who two years before in Amsterdam
had made similar tubes filled with
mercury vapor for the Dutch mathematician and physicist Volkert Simon
Maarten van der Willigen (1822–
1878). What Geissler had done was
attach the two high-potential terminal
wires from an induction coil to an equal
number of ends of a small and thinwalled glass tube into which he had
Scanning Our Past
Fig. 7. Geissler tubes. (Credit: courtesy of Dr. Günter Dörfel.)
previously sealed short pieces of platinum wire, and then exhausted air from
the tube. A green–yellow phosphorescence of low intensity was induced in
the glass walls nearest the cathode
when electricity was discharged
through the tube. The light could
only briefly be observed because of
the physical difficulty of maintaining
low pressure for more than a few
moments. When the terminals of the
tube were insulated, the shape of light
varied.
The operating principles for the
new object were different and far
more complicated than those of the
arc and incandescent lamps [40].
Electric current was passed through
the tube between the electrodes when
pressure inside was very low, regardless of the known fact that gases are
commonly good electric insulators.
The electric discharge thus produced
filled the tube and gave off light.
Higher voltages were required when
the inner pressure decreased to below
a minimum value. Most of the voltage
was employed in overcoming the resistance of gas and, in a very minor
quantity, the surface resistance of the
anode to receive electrons, while
another little small portion, as it was
only later understood, was used to
extract electrons from the cathode. It
was then clear that the resistance of
gas depended not only on its chemical
nature and pressure, but also on the
diameter of the tube and the amount
of electric current flowing.
The Geissler tube, as it was later
called, was thought to replace an improved design of the already mentioned Nollet’s ‘‘electrical egg,’’ which
had a glass bulb with negative and positive electrodes protruding through a
wall (Fig. 8), previously designed by
Ruhmkorf and the French physicist
Jean-Antoine Quet (1810–1884) for
carrying out similar electrical experiments. Unlike Geissler tubes, which
were evacuated and sealed off, ‘‘electric eggs’’ were pumped out each time,
and the valve was closed. If it is true
that the possibility for changing gas
and its pressure were the advantages
exhibited by the electric egg, the
Geissler tubes showed to be, as a whole,
superior for the purposes of many
experiments.
A decisive factor for the proliferation of Geissler’s tubes was the second
stage of his cooperation with Plücker
(Fig. 9). When it began in 1857,
shortly after Geissler had shown his
vacuum pump and the tubes at the
university, the reputations of both
men were well consolidated and their
activities strengthened and supplemented each other: Geissler with outstanding skills as a glassblower but
missing out on formal education, and
Plücker as a leading mathematician
and physicist of the day, but aware of
his lack of skills in the experimental
work.
After various employments at
German universities, Plücker settled
in Bonn as a Professor of Mathematics
from 1836 until 1847, when he turned
to experimental physics. His first subjects of research were taken from
Faraday, whose nonmathematical experimental style he greatly respected.
After working in the study of the
magnetic properties of crystals, liquids, and gases, and more specifically on the anomalous magnetic
behavior of uniaxial crystals in a magnetic field, closely related to Faraday’s
researches on diamagnetism, Plücker
became involved in researches on
electrical discharges in vacuum tubes.
One of the main problems tackled
by Plücker and Geissler in the new
field of research was the comparison
of the two phenomena that Plücker
formerly differentiated when discharge tubes were subjected to external forces, such as, for example, the
influence of a strong magnet: the socalled ‘‘positive’’ light, which showed
up in the space surrounding the
anode, and aroused more attention
because of its sparkling effects, and
the ‘‘negative’’ light, a bright bluish
light that was localized close to the
surface of the cathode. As evacuation
proceeded and pressure inside the
tube decreased, the use of Geissler’s
vacuum pump presented the first
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Scanning Our Past
Fig. 8. Electric egg. (a) Lights of different discharges. (b) Edmond Becquerel’s arrangement for electric discharges in oxygen (1839) [41].
clear vision of the phenomena by
which the negative light spread into
the surrounding space while the
positive light faded away.
The most important of the joint
experiments of Geissler and Plücker,
carried out in 1857, focused specifically on the influence of a magnet on
the behavior of a gas discharge in a
tube. The first result of the comparative investigation of the behavior of
both lights under the influence of a
strong magnet showed that the positive light behaved in a way analogous
to a thin metallic wire stretched between the two terminals, as it had
previously been documented by the
Swiss physicist Auguste de la Rive
(1801–1873). Its properties had then
the possibility of being explained by
Ampère’s laws for metallic conductors. On the other hand, the negative
light, if extending from the cathode
into the surrounding space, would be
bent in agreement with Faraday’s
‘‘lines of magnetic force,’’ or magnetic
field lines as they would be later
known. The article where the results
were reported was authored, however, only by Plücker [42], [43].
Working with typical Geissler tubes,
250 mm long, 10 mm wide, and provided with bulbs at each end enclosing
the sealed-in electrodes and a large
upright horseshoe electromagnet to
the two limbs where an equal number
of heavy windings were attached, both
men were able not only to draw conclusions about the initially investigat1680
ed phenomena, but also about some
unforeseen situations presented as
‘‘. . . the division of the light-stream,
its decomposition at the negative
electrode into an undulating flickering light and the extension of the
stream from the positive electrode
into a brilliantly illuminating fine
point . . .’’ (Fig. 10).
Further experiments by Geissler
and scientists like Faraday and his
compatriot William Crookes (1832–
1919) indicated that all individual
gases or vapors would carry current,
and that some of them would give off
a fairly strong light. Geissler made
tubes according to the specific fronts
in which Plücker worked. For one of
them, the observation and investigation of chemical reactionsVa new
branch of science which he called
‘‘microchemistry’’Vfor example,
Geissler prepared tubes filled with
Fig. 9. Julius Plücker (1801–1868).
Proceedings of the IEEE | Vol. 103, No. 9, September 2015
vapors of essential oils which decomposed under electric discharge.
Geissler produced many different
tubes, experimenting with several
sizes, kinds of glass, gases, vapors, liquids, and pressures. In the 1880s, the
production became massive, both as
scientific instrument and entertainment devices. Around 1910, 12 years
after neon’s discovery by the British
chemists Sir William Ramsay (1852–
1916) and Morris W. Travers (1872–
1961) in London, the Geissler’s tube
discharges evolved into commercial
neon lighting thanks to the work of the
French engineer and inventor Georges
Claude (1870–1960). The tubes usually incorporated combinations of attractive shapes such as bells, bubbles,
curlicues, twists, and bends. Some
tubes were very elaborate and complex
in shape, and would contain chambers
within an outer casing. Several problems arose in the early years, mainly
due to the difficulty of obtaining good
quality glass over a long period, and
the incompatibility of glasses made by
different manufacturers. With certain
gases the efficiencies of light emission
realized were considerably higher
than those of incandescent lamps.
Nitrogen and carbon dioxide gave the
best results. Mercury, sodium, sulphur, chlorides, bromides, and other
vapors also produced light of various
colors. The tubes were not always
used for research but also as commercial novelties and entertainment
devices, which occasionally generated
Scanning Our Past
Fig. 10. Drawings showing a magnet’s effect on gas discharges in Geissler’s tubes [42], [43].
criticism from researchers like the
German Johann Christian Poggendorff (1796–1877) who, as editor of
one of the most important scientific
journal on physics at the time, Annalen
der Physik, only believed in pure
scientific work. Nevertheless Geissler
expanded the production of these attractive tubes and sold them in many
countries.
Thanks to his skills and dexterity,
Geissler participated in a select network of instrument makers and scientists who exchanged information and
demonstrated their newest achievements both at large public exhibitions,
fairs, and in each other’s laboratories
or workshops. Starting in 1859, many
tubes were dispatched by Geissler to
countries in Europe, mainly France,
England, and Germany, to the point
where soon few university physical cabinets were without them. Researchers
such as Faraday, Crookes, and Plücker’s
pupil, Johann Wilhelm Hittorf (1824–
1914) [44], as well as instrument
makers such as Ruhmkorff, and organizations devoted to scientific education and research, such as the Royal
Institution of London, through its secretary Henry Bence Jones (1813–
1873), among many others, received
important numbers of samples of the
tubes. Experiments carried out with
them led to many new discoveries in
the next decades.
The availability of Geissler tubes, a
Ruhmkorff coil really catching the
attention of continental scientists, and
the spectacular effects obtained in experiments such as those described
above renewed the interest of several
scientists in the subject of gaseous discharge. One of them, for example, was
Faraday, who, this time in the company
of the British businessman and amateur scientist John Peter Gassiot (1797–
1877), Vice-President of the Royal Society at that time, carried out researches between 1856 and 1858 in
order to try to reconcile the discharge
phenomena with his own theory of
electrical action. Most of their observations seemed to show reconciliation
with his theory, although few cracks in
its theoretical structure also began to
appear. It was Gassiot who really made
the experiments [45] and Faraday
never wrote anything for publication
from those observations [46].
In November 1862, Geissler
joined Plücker on a journey to the
Great London Exposition, where both
had the opportunity to show their experiments to Faraday, Gassiot, Jones,
the Irish General Sir Edward Sabine
(1788–1883), and the physicist John
Tyndall (1820–1893), among many
others. The favorable response contributed to enhancement of the dissemination of the new technology and the
distribution of the discharge tubes.
Similar demonstrations were made in
their native Germany, where those
present included Poggendorff and the
physicist Philipp von Jolly (1809–
1884), chemists Liebig and Friedrich
Wöhler (1800–1882), and the
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1681
Scanning Our Past
German instrument maker of Gustav
Robert Kirchhoff (1824–1887) and
Robert Wilhelm Bunsen (1811–1899),
Carl August Steinheil (1801–1870).
IV. CONCLUDING
RE MARKS
William Thomson, 1st Baron Kelvin,
expressed in 1893: ‘‘If a first step towards understanding the relations
between ether and ponderable matter
is to be made, it seems to me that the
most hopeful foundation for it is
knowledge derived from experiment
on electricity at high vacuum and if, as I
believe is true, there is good reason
for hoping to see this step made, we
owe a debt of gratitude to the able and
persevering workers of the last forty
years who have given us the knowledge we have: and we may hope for
more and more from some of themselves and from others encouraged by
the fruitfulness of their labors to persevere in the work’’ [47].
Geissler was one of those workers.
His mercury vacuum pump and innovative techniques for the construction
of gas discharge tubes containing metal electrodes paved the way for future
glow discharge experimentation, and
outstanding technological applications in the latter part of the 19th
century and the first decades of the
20th century.
The puzzle of cathode rays that
began with him and Plücker continued
in the first stage with Hittorf, who
suggested that the cathode was the
source of an emanation that was not
only electrically charged but also traveled in straight lines like rays of light;
Crookes, who concluded in the 1870s
that the current-carrying rays from the
cathode were a torrent of charge electrified molecules of matter in an
attenuated state not hitherto encountered; and the German scientist
Gotthilf-Eugen Goldstein (1850–
1930), who threw much needed light
on the atomic transformations involved in the phenomenon of gas discharges by discovering in 1876 the
so-called ‘‘Kanal-Strahlen,’’ or positive
rays [48]. Different scientists also in1682
scribed their theoretical and practical
contributions in the decades that followed Röntgen’s discovery of X-rays,
showing how to produce cathode rays
in low pressure discharge tubes; how
to focus, accelerate, and deflect them;
and finally, how to convert these rays
into light by slamming them into
phosphor, and causing phosphor to
emit light. Names such as Heinrich
Hertz, who used some experimental
results of his own investigationsV
later proved to be incorrectVto demonstrate that cathode rays were
electromagnetic radiation and not a
stream of particles, Phillip Lenard who
measured some properties of the
cathode rays, the Frenchman Jean
Baptiste Perrin (1870–1942), who demonstrated that the cathode rays were
negatively charged, and J. J. Thomson,
who by confirming Perrin’s experiments was led to discover the electron,
among others, belong to this group of
scholars. However, no matter how
long the list may be, or how important
the scientists’ inputs were, no one can
question the character of Geissler’s
work as a new starting point in this
subject, which transformed the gas
discharge research from a playful and
fragmented field into a new branch of
physical science and technology.
The cathode ray tube, whose
invention is usually credited to the
German physicist Karl Ferdinand
Braun (1850–1918), bears a strong resemblance to the original Geissler
tubes. A quick look at Braun’s account
of 1897 shows that both have a cathode
and an anode, but, in addition, the
cathode ray tube has a heater to warm
the cathode, and also a fluorescent
screen at the end of the tube with the
anode. The anode in both has a
positive voltage relative to the cathode, attracting the electrons pulled
along by the electric field [49]. While
Geissler’s and other cathode ray
tubes previous to Braun’s work had
produced uncontrolled cathode ray
streams, Braun succeeded in producing a narrow stream of electrons
directed by means of alternating
Fig. 11. Geissler’s Honorary Doctorate diploma. (Credit: Courtesy Sandra Otto, Archives of the
Rheinische Friedrich-Wilhelms-University of Bonn.)
Proceedings of the IEEE | Vol. 103, No. 9, September 2015
Scanning Our Past
voltages that could trace patterns on
a fluorescent screen.
The impact that Geissler had on
the advance of original investigation
of the subject of the gas discharge is
not easy to measure, and his name is
infrequently mentioned in connection
with the numerous discoveries where
his fruitful ideas have contributed in
greater or lesser degree to successful
results. Neither in his time, nor afterwards, did Geissler receive the homage that his contributions surely
deserve. If it is true that the University of Bonn, on the occasion of its
jubilee in 1868, rendered a tribute by
bestowing on him the honorary title
of Doctor of Philosophy (Fig. 11), he
himself lamented that his work was
not fully recognized. In a letter to
Liebig dated February 2, 1858, Geissler complained that he had prepared
and conducted most of the experiments, while Plücker only mentioned
him as a ‘‘helping hand’’ in his publications [50]. Some current accounts
on the state of the scientific research
in Bonn in the second half of the 19th
century [51] as well as reviews of the
development of the cathode ray tube
[52] fail to mention Geissler’s name.
Geissler was able not only to bring
about the practical realization of the
many designs submitted to him, but,
in a majority of cases, he planned and
produced apparatuses of the most elegant construction and rigorous preci-
rimental investigation to clear up the
properties of cathode rays. In 1874,
Franz Müller had joined the Geissler’s
workshop and carried the firm into
the early 20th century as ‘‘Geissler’s
Nachfolger’’ (Fig. 12). The Geissler
tubes were produced until the 1930s
there by other glassblowers like
Greiner & Friedrichs, Rudolf Pressler,
and Richard Müller-Uri. h
Acknowledgment
Fig. 12. Geissler Nachfolger’s catalog, 1925.
sion, involving a comprehension of
physical laws to be expected only of
someone with formal education, who
has devoted his life to the solution of
scientific problems.
Heinrich Geissler died on January
24, 1879, in Bonn, at the age of 65,
just before the great breakthrough of
the vacuum tube technology, and the
possibility of producing vacuums exceeding one millionth of an atmosphere opened up by Crookes, and
Geissler’s radiometer work, which
opened the door to a systematic expe-
The author would like to thank
Dr. G. Dörfel for his great help in the
preparation of this paper and for his
kind permission to reproduce the
photograph of the Geissler’s tubes
herein. He would also like to thank
S. Otto from the Archives of the
University of Bonn and R. Schäfer
from the Bayerische Staatsbibliothek
at Munich for providing a scan of the
diploma of Geissler’s Honorary
Doctorate and general information
about Geissler’s correspondence with
J. von Liebig, respectively. The valuable contribution of Hermann
Knauer is also much appreciated.
The author would like to express his
gratitude to the anonymous reviewers
of a draft of this paper and to the
Editorial Staff of the Proceedings of
the IEEE for their helpful comments
and suggestions.
SIMÓN REIF-ACHERMAN
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ABOUT THE AUTHOR
Simón Reif-Acherman was born in Palmira, Colombia, in 1958. He
received the Chemical Engineer degree from the Universidad del Valle,
Cali, Colombia, in 1980.
Since then, he has been with the School of Chemical Engineering,
Universidad del Valle, where he currently holds the position of Titular
Professor. He is the author of more than 15 articles. His research interests
include history of physics, chemistry and technology, and development
of learning tools in engineering education.
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