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Kant’s Physics and Philosophy of Nature: Anticipating the Standard Model
Martin Schönfeld. 2016. Kant s Physics and Philosophy of Nature “nticipating the
Standard Model. Draft. The definitive version of this paper will be published in Sorin
Baiasu/Mark Timmons, ed., The Kantian Mind (London: Routledge, forthcoming 2017), all
rights reserved.
Martin Schönfeld
University of South Florida
mschonfe@usf.edu
What we now call physics was part of philosophy of nature in early modernity. It
included all topics of natural science, not just those of material nature, and its methods
involved a range of approaches. Newton, for example, adopted an empirical, quantitative, and
analytic methodology in works such as Principia (1687), whose full title is Mathematical
Principles of Philosophy of Nature. Kant, on the other hand, favored a conjectural,
qualitative, and synthetic approach in his early, pre-critical contributions to philosophy of
nature. Kant did not rely on experimentation and quantification, but proceeded in nonmathematical form by critiquing experimental results and empirical findings, and by
connecting pieces of information into larger syntheses, always searching for deeper causal
patterns of reality.
In the 1740s and ‘50s, Kant investigated the energetic and elementary aspects of
nature—force, space, matter; as well as fire, storms, and earthquakes. Philosophy of nature
was his sole focus from 1744 to 1755, his main focus from 1756 to 1763, and a side-interest
thereafter. He wrote the last tract on the topic in 1768. The leitmotif of his inquiries is
evolution: the origin of space and matter, the emergence of order and complexity, and the
self-organization and dissolution of nature. In his day, however, such inquiries were not well
received. They collided with the creationist dogma of the Christian belief-systems that
dominated Germany in early modernity before the completion of the Enlightenment.
Evolutionary lines of inquiry drew accusations of atheism, freethought (Freigeisterei) and
‘Spinozism,’ a label that denoted Spinoza’s pantheism but also Chinese metaphysics,
especially Daoism (cf. EaD, AA 8.335.25-36; “Lao-Kiun,” in Kant’s spelling, is Laozi 老子).
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As a consequence of his early physics, Kant was marginalized and failed to advance.
Only after he abandoned these interests and assumed the guise of a skeptic—with TG (1766),
which could be read as a critique of conjecture, and MSI (1770), with its cognitive distinction
between conceptual patterns and empirical structures—was it possible for him to become a
professor of logic and metaphysics. In the 1780s, in the critical period, his interest in physics
returned, but instead of investigating nature, he now examined the investigation itself. His
focus shifted from first-order to second-order concerns, or from questions on nature to
questions on science.
This critical philosophy of science deserves an account of its own, but can be treated
here only in passing, since our concern is Kant’s actual philosophy of nature. Yet interesting
about Kant’s eventual return to physics is its importance for the critical project. In KrV
(1781/1787), physics is the benchmark for investigations. It serves as marker of what it
means for a research program to “travel the secure course of a science” (B viii; Guyer/Wood
1998: 106).1 The ideal of an investigation is science; the ideal of science is physics; and the
ideal of physics is Newtonian physics (Friedman 1992: 136). At the end of KrV, Kant sees
future philosophers systematically embracing a scientific method, whose adoption, he hopes,
would let philosophy answer all the questions of human reason (A855/B883).
Despite its indirect role, physics is the engine that propels the critical project forward
and serves as the yardstick for its completion. The critical elevation of physics in KrV is
certainly in need of proof. It committed Kant to a series of demonstrations, which shed light
on his trajectory in the 1780s and ‘90s. In this idealized characterization, and as the quote of
the “secure course” already suggests, an inquiry qualifies as a science only if it has certainty.
But certainty is not given empirically; it can only be demonstrated a priori. Since physics is
the ideal science, the certainty of its foundations needs to be shown.
The general object of physics is matter, and in MAN (1786), Kant constructs a
groundwork for Newtonian physics aimed at the identification of the a priori in matter. This
theory of matter derives from the categories in KrV. MAN applies quantity, quality, relation,
and modality to determine matter, quantitatively, as “the moveable in space”; qualitatively, as
“the moveable insofar as it fills a space”; relationally, as “the movable insofar as it, as such a
thing, has moving force”; and concerning its mode of knowability, as “the movable insofar as
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it, as such a thing, can be an object of experience” (AA 4:480, 496, 536, 554; Friedman 2004:
15, 33, 75, 92). In Kant’s mind, the categorical demonstrations of MAN yield a transition
from the critical philosophy to the metaphysical foundations of natural science.
Believing that MAN had discharged the burden of proof, he thought that the critical
project was reaching completion and regarded the third Critique, KU (1790), as the work that
“brings [his] entire critical enterprise to an end” (AA 5:170; Guyer/Matthews 2000: 58). But
certainty happens to be just one of two traits in need of demonstration. A set of propositions
can be certain and yet fail to be scientific if they lack interconnections and a theoretical
center. In Kant’s critical project, science possesses unity next to certainty. Unity expresses
itself in propositional coherence. Like certainty, unity can only be shown a priori. But since
certainty is about the foundations, while unity is about the propositional edifice, proving
certainty does not prove unity. Another and separate demonstration is needed.
In letters to Christian Garve and Johann Kiesewetter in 1798, Kant conceded that
there is still a hole in his project, right between the foundations of physics, and physics itself.
(Förster 1993: xvi, Kant to Garve 21/9/1798 AA 12:257, Kant to Kiesewetter 19/10/1798,
AA 12:258.) Without filling this second gap, the critical project would not be complete. To
close this gap and show the unity of science, a “transition from the metaphysical foundations
of natural science to physics” (to Kiesewetter, ibid.) needed to be done. He worked on this
project until his health started failing in 1801. The unfinished result is the OP. It does not
give us the promised demonstration of the unity of physics. Instead, its argumentation
oscillates between second- and first-order questions and shows Kant returning, in a way, to
his pre-critical roots. Once more he engages in conjecture about nature, and like Einstein and
others after him, he sought the ontological unity of the physical world in the hypothesis of a
self-organizing energy-field, the ether.
Fascinating about the pre-critical conjectures of the young Kant is their controversial
character to this day. Scholars, by and large, dismiss them as misguided and obsolete (e.g.
Lalla 2003: 453). This is the interpretive standard, and as a result, the scholarly literature is
scant. On the other hand, scientists praise pre-critical conjectures such as the Nebular
Hypothesis as “the essence of modern models” (Coles 2001: 240), and they find anticipations
of modern physics even in Kant’s earliest work, GSK (Barrow 2002: 203-205). This
disagreement is not entirely due to faulty communication across disciplinary boundaries
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(although it surely plays a part), for both sides do have a point. Scholarly skepticism is
appropriate in that the concepts Kant uses for the phenomena investigated—matter, force, or
space—differ from their definitions today. But scientific praise is appropriate, too, because
discrepancies do not constitute discontinuties from Kant’s physics to the Standard Model.
There are links between the ideas in the former and the information in the latter. When Kant
examines ‘living force’ or vis viva and ‘dead force’ or vis mortua in GSK, for example, he
works with concepts that are now obsolete. Also, Kant’s scientific context—Leibnizian
dynamics and Cartesian kinematics—lacks the definition of mass that would be found in
Newtonian mechanics. Nonetheless, the dynamic phenomena denoted by these concepts are
real enough and have quantitative correlates (the product of mass and velocity squared, and
the product of mass and velocity, respectively). Leibnizian vis viva and Cartesian vis mortua
are fuzzy on ‘mass,’ but their approximations such as ‘quantity of matter’ worked well
enough in experimental setups. So, there are scholarly reasons to regard ‘living force’ and
‘dead force’ as antiquated notions, and there are scientific reasons to consider them as
legitimate and meaningful precursors to their modern equivalents, energy and momentum.
Recent scientific progress has made it easier to make sense of Kant’s obscure early
physics. As we know more about nature now, we can also see the pre-critical conjectures in
clearer light. Findings in physics, chemistry, and complexity theory have made possible
readings of Kant’s conjectures that simply had not been possible a generation ago. As this
chapter will describe, it appears Kant not only anticipated isolated aspects of the Standard
Model but also got the overall story of natural evolution right. In light of these progressions,
scholarly misgivings appear increasingly dated. Today, scientific praise has the last word.
1. Liabilities and Kant’s Retreat
However, before the early physics became obscure, it had been rather provocative.
Continuously working on its central claims would prove to be an academic liability and
eventually forced Kant to retreat. His actual investigations of material nature are wide and
varied. He examined the nature of force (in his first book, GSK, written 1745-47); the history
and future of the Earth (in two articles, FEV and UFE, 1754); the nature of fire (in his
Magisterial Dissertation, DI, 1754); the fate of the cosmos (in his anonymous second book,
NTH, 1755); the origin of solar systems and the structure of star clusters (also in his second
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book, and in his third, BDG, 1763); the ultimate elements of matter and space (in his
Professorial Dissertation, MoPh, 1756); the mechanics of earthquakes, winds, and the
monsoon (a series of articles, VUE, GNVE, FBZE, TW, and EACG, 1756-57); the concept of
mass (a tract, NLBR, 1758), and the structure of space (a short tract, GUGR, 1768). All these
investigations interlock with one another, collectively casting light on a systematic
conception of nature (Schönfeld 2000: 3-4).
Over time, Kant’s conception of nature underwent shifts. They did so not, as one
might expect, from a theoretical need to revise his conclusions, but rather as rhetorical
attempts at damage control. His early conclusions—the positions advanced from 1745 to
1756—had created a problem, preventing him from filling the vacant professorship of
metaphysics and logic that he applied for. He secured employment as an assistant librarian
and adjunct instructor, but his application in April 1756 for the position was denied, despite
his degrees—promotion to Magister in June 1755 with DI, permission to lecture (venia
legendi) in September 1755 with PND, and defense in April 1756 of MoPh.
In order to teach physics, philosophy of nature, or metaphysics at a Prussian
university in the mid-eighteenth century, the successful candidate need to possess not only
the requisite credentials (which Kant had), but must also abide by a certain political
correctness. By the 1750s, the ongoing Enlightenment was sufficiently advanced so that it
was not necessary anymore to profess one’s piety at every turn. But the division of Church
and State had not yet progressed to the point so as to free teaching from the authority of faith.
According to Biblical doctrine, nature was created in a limited time by a supernatural God,
who also created humans in his own image, with supernatural, immortal souls. This was
dogma. It entailed three constraints on propositions about nature:
First, since creation, nature underwent variations but no constitutive changes.
All constitutive changes had been wielded by God during creation. None
happened afterwards.
Second, because God is the creator, creative activity is in God. Nature’s
activity follows lawful processes, and its parts can reproduce and procreate,
but the whole is devoid of creative power.
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Third, nature is a composite of physical nature, living creatures, and humans
with souls. Physical nature and living creatures are of the same stuff, matter.
Supernatural, immortal souls are of another kind, mind. Matter and mind are
mutually exclusive. Matter is extended but does not think, and minds think
but are not extended. Ontologically, they have nothing to do with one another.
Their interaction cannot be accounted for by physical means.
These constraints meant that a professor of philosophy had to acknowledge that nature
is static; that it is mechanical and passive; that its ontology is dualistic, and that the problem
of mind-body interaction can only have a theological solution. If one chooses to deny any of
this and state the opposite—that nature is dynamic, that it has power to evolve on its own,
that it is a coherent whole in which mind and matter are surface aspects whose interaction is
energetic—then one cannot teach. At best, one’s career will not advance, and one will risk
being branded as an atheist, Spinozist, or ‘freethinker’ (Freigeist).
This was no different in Königsberg than anywhere else in Prussia, if not Europe. The
former chair of metaphysics and logic, Martin Knutzen, belonged to the Pietist congregation
and fit administrative expectations (Kuehn 2001a: 76-86). However, the former holder of the
(discontinued) chair in natural philosophy, the sinologist Christian Gabriel Fischer, had
chosen to challenge the dogma. He was expelled from the university, banished from the city,
and forcibly exiled from Prussia in 1725 (Kuehn 2001b: 12).
Freethinkers were not always persecuted in Germany, but if they were tolerated at all,
then only outside academia. Christian Wolff (1679-1754) defended Chinese philosophy at
Halle, which led to accusations of Spinozism and to his exile in 1723 (Albrecht 1985: XLVILIII). Georg Bilfinger (1693-1750), a scholar of Chinese philosophy, followed Wolff into
exile, and moved to Russia to do physics at the St Petersburg Academy of Sciences
(Schönfeld 2010: 48-56). Life improved for freethinkers in the 1730s, and markedly got
better in Prussia with the coronation of Frederick II in 1740. Bilfinger went back to Swabia in
1734. Fischer received permission to return to Königsberg in 1736. Wolff was allowed to
return to Halle in 1740. But Bilfinger resigned from academics, Fischer remained barred from
teaching, and Wolff was rehabilitated only because he spent years in exile writing assurances
that his views agreed with dogma. The king’s secular reach was checked by the clout of the
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clergy and the power of theology departments at universities. Theologians served as
watchdogs on campus, as Fischer, Wolff, Bilfinger, and Kant all had to learn the hard way.
Kant entered the university in 1740 and eventually studied under Knutzen. In 1745 he
started working on a topic about the nature and measurement of physical force. But instead of
writing up his research as a dissertation in Latin, he wrote a book in German, GSK, which
disqualified it as an academic document. He completed it in 1747 and then left the university
without a degree. GSK appeared in 1749. It is an amateurish work, a raw unedited text,
stylistically crude, and flawed in its contents. Evidently it is the product of a lone wolf,
without a teacher who might otherwise have been willing to proof-read the manuscript and
suggest revisions. Apparently, Kant and Knutzen had suffered a fall-out, which was no
surprise considering the risky claims in GSK (e.g. § 1, 6, 9-10, and see below). Instead of
heeding Knutzen’s Christian views, Kant followed Fischer’s. And like Fischer, he left school
and town, only returning years later.
The three dissertations upon his return, on fire, metaphysical cognition, and physical
monads (DI, PND, and MoPh), contained no theologically controversial statements. But just
as the freethinker John Toland (1670-1722) had differentiated between exoteric and esoteric
statements—the former kowtowing to dogma and for public consumption; the latter frank but
just for friends—Kant had dropped hints, in UFE, that he had been working on an
evolutionary cosmology, or cosmogony (AA 1:191.4-8), which he published anonymously as
his second book, NTH, in 1755. Only few copies saw the light of day, because the publisher
went bankrupt, or was driven into bankruptcy, just when printing the text, and the copies,
locked up in a warehouse, fell victim to a fire. Some copies survived, and a bookseller’s
advertisement offering “NTH by Magister Kant,” either a casual slip or deliberate sabotage,
just when he applied for the position that had been left vacant since Knutzen’s death, blew his
cover (Rahts 1902 in AA 1:545).
His third book, BDG (1763) is an exercise in contrition and reads as an attempt to
make amends. It is a diligent effort in rational theology, and it contains a summary of NTH—
but only of the parts related to the so-called Nebular Hypothesis (see below) and purged of all
the former problematic contentions. The conception of nature laid out (BDG II.7, AA 2:137151) was perfectly mechanical, beautifully Newtonian, and devoid of any and all conjectures
about force before space, cosmogonic self-organization, and cyclic universes. The nebular
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hypothesis, which details the emergence of complexity out of chaos, is now applied only to
the solar system (AA 2:144-147) and the rings of Saturn (AA 2:149-150), not to the whole
cosmos anymore. By reducing his evolutionary cosmology to historical astrophysics, Kant
hoped to demonstrate his desire to stay within the constraint that concedes only nonconstitutive changes to variations of nature. The purpose of this summary, he writes, is to
show that mechanistic explanations of natural developments harmonize with faith in an
omniscient and wise creator-God (AA 2:147.31-148.13).
Still, it was to no avail. The professorship in metaphysics kept eluding him. In 1764,
the university offered him a professorship in poetry. As Voltaire’s case illustrates, poetry can
take more liberties. Kant would not be allowed to teach philosophy, given his publication
record on material nature, but his pre-critical conjectures could be forgiven—as poetic
license, as it were—if deemed fiction. Kant rejected this offer. In 1770, he wrote the
inaugural dissertation, MSI, which could be read as a concession to dualism and skepticism,
and thereby as a tacit disavowal of freethought. With this public recanting, he joined
academic philosophy full time at last.
2. Evolution of Space
If one wanted to sum up the theological liabilities of Kant’s physics in one word, then
evolution would come to mind. In the preface to NTH, he writes,
I assume the matter of the entire world in a state of general dispersion and render it
into complete chaos. I see matter form in accordance with the established laws of
attraction and modify its motion through repulsion. … I enjoy the pleasure to see the
generation of a well-ordered whole only guided by established laws of motion … This
unexpected evolution (Auswickelung) of the order of nature on a large scale seems
initially suspect to me, since it bases such a composite rightness (zusammengesetzte
Richtigkeit) on such a mean and simple basis. But … such an evolution of nature
(Auswickelung der Natur) is nothing incredible, because nature’s essential striving
(wesentliche Bestrebung) necessarily brings this about, and … this is the most
magnificent testimony of nature’s dependence on that primordial being (Urwesen),
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which contains even the source of beings as such and their first laws of causation.
(AA 1:225.32-226.15 my translation; compare Reinhardt 2012: 197)2
Kant’s Auswickelung der Natur (AA 1:226.8) is a German rendition of the Latin
evolutio naturae. The verb auswickeln and its noun, Auswicklung (in Kant’s spelling with an
extra ‘e’), denotes activities such as unfolding, unfurling, or unwrapping. The root of
‘evolution’ refers to the opening or unrolling (e-volvere) of parchments in libraries. Evolution
in Kant is the unrolling of the book of nature. This differs from our understanding. We
associate evolution with life, while Kant used it for matter. Evolution, for us, governs organic
nature. For Kant, evolution happens to material nature first, and to organic nature only after
material nature has gained the requisite level of composite rightness (AA 1:226.6-7). We also
associate evolution with a mutability of life against shifting adaptive pressures. For Kant,
evolution does not consist in random adaptations, but instead in an irreversible emergence of
complex structures. Composite rightness—complexity—emerges by lawful processes from a
“mean and simple basis” (AA 1:226.7). This basis is a chaos of particles subject to laws of
motion. Kant’s evolution of nature is something we now call emergent evolution or
emergence, whose study belongs to the systems- and complexity theories located in the
material sciences between physics and biology. How entropy not only allows for, but also
necessitates complexity, was shown by Ilya Prigogine, whose work on dissipative structures
was a contribution to non-equilibrium thermodynamics and won him the 1977 Nobel Prize in
Chemistry (I. Prigogine 1993:263-285).
With what does nature’s evolution begin? In NTH, Kant traces the emergence of
complexity from dispersed matter in space. In GSK, however, he considers an earlier stage,
the emergence of matter and space from energy. He begins with praising Leibniz as the first
who understood bodies contain essential forces—a force that belongs to matter “even prior to
extension” (§1; AA 1:17.20-23). Extension is the property shared by space and matter. Since
force exists prior to extension, there must have been a primordial stage in which there was
only force, but neither space nor matter yet. In §4 Kant deduces “the origin of what we call
motion”: in a given substance, force is determined to act outwardly, thereby altering the state
of other substances (AA 1:19.2-6). In §7 he deduces “links and relations” emerging from
reciprocal effects of energetic activity (AA 1:21.30-33). This growing web of “connections,
situations, and relations” entails the emergence of places (AA 1:22.5-7). In §9, he remarks:
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It is easy to show that there would be no space and no extension (Ausdehnung) if
substances had no force to act external to themselves. For without force there is no
connection, without connection, no order, and, finally, without order, no space. Yet it
is somehow more difficult to see how the plurality of dimensions in space derives
from the law according to which this force of substances acts externally. (AA 1:23.49; Schönfeld/Edwards 2012: 26-27)
The primordial stage of nature consists of undifferentiated energy. But as an aside, it
needs to be noted that present-day knowledge of physical phenomena such as ‘matter,’
‘mass,’ ‘space,’ and ‘energy’ is qualitatively and quantitatively vastly sharper than it had
been in Kant’s lifetime. The ongoing revolution in the natural sciences began around 1600,
and while Kant’s understanding of these phenomena reflects the one-and-a-half century mark
of scientific progression, ours has passed the four-century mark. But what Kant’s
understanding lacks in physical precision is made up by metaphysical imagination. He likens
the creative and all-pervading energy to Spinoza’s conatus, calling it ‘force’ or ‘living force’
in GSK. In a tract written next, FEV, he adds ontological details: this “continuously effective
force” (AA 1:211.24) constitutes life in nature, governs all creation, and should not be
understood as a non-material force, like a soul, but rather as:
… a subtle but universally effective matter, a general world spirit, which serves as the
principle of activity in the products of nature, and which is a true Proteus, capable of
assuming all shapes and forms (AA 1:211.24-34; my trans.).
This living force, subtle matter, or undifferentiated energy acts outwardly. Energy
radiates, and radiation yields a field, which turns out to be a fabric of links, constitutive of
places, and thus of space (GSK §7 AA 1:21.30-33; 1:22.5-7; §9 1:23.5-9). Radiation creates
extension (§9 AA ibid.).This may sound like a non sequitur in English, but the semantic
implication is shared by Latin and German. The Latin extensio consists of the preposition ex
meaning ‘out’ and the verb tendere, ‘to stretch’. It is the same with the German Ausdehnung,
a compound of aus and dehnen. Extension, in Kant’s mind, is a ‘stretching-out’. English
makes it seem as if extension were a state. German and Latin, however, suggest that
extension is an effort, sustained by force. What acts outwardly is radiation (Ausbreitung, a
‘broadening-out’; §10 AA 1:24.24). By acting outwardly, force broadens and stretches out.
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Out-stretching is extension. Thus the volume of space stems from the action of force.
Radiation is the cause. Extension is the effect.
But something is still missing. Radiation may be simple, but extension is complex.
Energy dissipating is one thing, but space extended is three things: length, width, and depth.
Where do these new properties come from? In §9, Kant acknowledges that the derivation of
dimensions from the activity of force is more difficult, but in §10 he attempts just that:
Because everything found among the properties of a thing must be derivable from
what contains within itself the complete ground of the thing itself, the properties of
extension, and hence also its three-dimensionality, must also be based on the
properties of the force substances possess in respect of the things with which they are
connected. The force by which any substance acts in union with other substances
cannot be conceived without a certain law that manifests itself in its mode of action.
Since the kind of law by which substances act on each other must also determine the
kind of union and composition of many substances, the law according to which an
entire collection of substances (i.e., a space) is measured, or the dimension of
extension, will derive from the laws according to which the substances seek to unite
by virtue of their essential forces. … I am of the opinion that substances … have
essential forces … such … that they propagate their effects in union with each other
according to the inverse-square relation of the distances; secondly, that the whole to
which this gives rise has, by virtue of this law, the property of being threedimensional; thirdly, that this law is arbitrary, and that God could have chosen
another, e.g., the inverse-cube relation; fourthly, and finally, that an extension with
different properties and dimensions would also have resulted from a different law.
(AA 1:24.2-30; Schönfeld/Edwards 2012:27-28)
So radiation generates extension, and this creative activity happens in a regular,
lawful mode. As a quantity of force stretches out from its source, its intensity—the power per
unit area in the direction of travel—gets ever more stretched out the farther it travels. The
farther it goes, the thinner it gets. Intensity wanes inversely proportional to the square of the
distance from the source. This evokes Newton’s inverse-square law of universal gravitation.
But Kant argues for something else. While Newton examines nature in the context of
mechanics, Kant examines nature’s history in the context of cosmology. For Newton, space is
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the referential frame for the propagation of gravitational force, and the strength of this force
weakens in the inverse-square as it traverses space. But for Kant, space is the structural
consequence of the radiation of primordial force, and the density of space weakens in the
inverse-square as this space expands from the source. In Newton, force travels across space,
and here, the propagation of force is relative to space, while space serves as the absolute
backdrop for traveling forces. But in Kant, force extends space. This makes force into the
absolute backdrop of space and space into the relational fabric of force. The consequence of
Kant’s conjecture, relational space, evokes Leibniz, not Newton.
The origin of space is a chain of transformations. As force acts outwardly, it radiates a
field. As the field spreads out, it gets thinner. As it decompresses its tightly packed being, it
wraps itself out, unfolding along dimensions, unfurling as space. The generative radiation is
governed by the inverse-square law. This use of the law evokes Newton’s predecessor
Johannes Kepler (1571-1630), who found the inverse-square law in light in 1604, as the rate
of photometric measurement that governs how luminance wanes when traveling from the
source.3 Combining Leibniz’s relational space with Kepler’s inverse-square law of radiation,
Kant hypothesizes in §10 the emergence of spatial dimensionality from radiated extension.
3. Evolution of Matter
So now nature has evolved space. Where does matter come from? Kant’s answer in
GSK that matter derives from places (Orte) in the spatial dimensionality only raises new
questions. In the fabric of space, any place is a point. But points are not extended. This is
good news insofar as a lack of extension means points are not divisible, suggesting that
matter consists of indivisible ultimate elements. But it is bad news, too, since extension-less
points do not add up to the volume of a body, suggesting that elements would have to have
volume while being indivisible. Geometrically this is a problem. How can matter have
elements if they are not points? And how can matter be in space if its elements are points?
Kant attacks this problem in MoPh.
His approach in MoPh hinges on ideas in GSK on the nature of force—not so much on
what force does but rather what it is. Following a suggestion by the sinologist and natural
philosopher Georg Bilfinger (1693-1750), Kant suspected that the stalemated conflict
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between Cartesian and Leibnizian theories of force indicates that the truth of the matter is the
conflict; that force really is captured by both theories (GSK §20, AA 1:32). The structure of
force is a yin-yang 陰陽 of mutually exclusive aspects: Descartes’ ‘quantity of motion’ that
anticipated the physical quantity of momentum, and Leibniz’s ‘living force’ that anticipated
kinetic energy. Force is both. Put in modern terms, Kant’s ‘true estimation’ of force is a
combination of Cartesian momentum and Leibnizian energy (§163, AA 1:181).4
Applied to matter, Kant argues in NTH that this combination expresses itself in force
acting outwardly in two ways, as attraction and repulsion (AA 1:234). This attractiverepulsive interplay, for Kant, is the “single universal rule” of material nature (AA 1:306.22).
It explains nature’s evolution from a simple basis to complex order. The interplay weaves
space into a fabric and stitches points into folds. In PhMo Kant argues that the two actions of
force differ in their reach: attraction acts in the inverse square, repulsion in the inverse cube
(AA 1:484.32-33). This is the key to Kant’s solution of the puzzle of matter.
Consider a point. But assume it nothing to be but power: a source of radiation. This
power-point or ‘physical monad’ acts in a binary way, spreading attraction and repulsion.
Further assume that repulsion is stronger than attraction, making the source energetically
impenetrable and effectively resistant to division. Repulsion, propagating in the inverse-cube,
falls off quicker than attraction, propagating in the inverse-square. The energy field generated
by attractive-repellent radiation from the power point thus gains a boundary, at which
repulsion (strong but declining quickly) and attraction (weak but declining slowly) are equal
(AA 1:484-485). Inside the horizon, repulsion prevails, allowing the monad to sustain itself.
Outside, attraction prevails, letting other monads coalesce into a matrix.
The geometric problem finds a resolution in dynamics. A point is unextended, but if
physical space is energetic, so must ultimately be its points. A point source creates extension
by outward activity. The binary radiation creates bubbles, which Kant calls ‘activity spheres’
(sphaerae activitatum; AA 1:481.36-39). Its centre is a power point. Its volume is a field
ruled by repulsion. Equidistant from the centre in all directions is an attractive-repulsive
equilibrium, the dynamic horizon, or the surface of the bubble.
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The trick to this dynamic resolution of the puzzle is to add time. A geometric point is
unextended, but a point source produces extension through activity over time. A power point
acting outwardly in mutually opposite directions, by attractive pulls and repellent pushes, can
do so by successive oscillation, alternating in a dynamic vibration. This binary radiation
spawns bubbles whose surface is the energy equilibrium of attraction and repulsion. These
activity-spheres are three-dimensional volumes in time. They are the smallest indivisible
units of spatial and material extension.
So now nature has evolved matter. According to MoPh, the ultimate elements of
material particles are energetic vibrations with standing wave-fronts, with physical monads at
the centres and oscillating activity-spheres enveloping them. Kant’s reasoning anticipates, in
philosophical, non-mathematical form, the contemporary view that final elements are strings
vibrating in bubbles that lend space to their hidden dimensions. Today Kant’s activityspheres are called Calabi-Yao manifolds, after Eugenio Calabi, whose work on the Kähler
metric in differential geometry earned him the Steele Prize in 1991, and Shing-Tung Yau 丘
成桐, whose proof of the Calabi conjecture earned him the Fields Medal in 1982. Calabi-Yao
manifolds have made string theory into a candidate for the unified final theory.
4. Evolution of Complexity
In NTH, Kant shifts perspectives from particle physics to astrophysics and cosmology.
Nature’s primordial force has generated space and matter. Matter is still tiny, and as yet
unordered, dispersed through space. Kant imagines this by envisioning fog. Is it possible to
link this imagined archaic state to the present? Nature today consists of planets, stars, and
galaxies. Locally it consists of the solar system, with the Sun at the center and the Earth in
orbit housing life. How does one get from here to there, from fog to system?
At this juncture, Newtonian mechanics enters the picture. Gravitational force (the
macroscopic guise of attractive force) and the laws of motion gain key importance now. Start
with a fogbank, then, and imagine a chaos of particles suspended in space (AA 1:263.16-23).
As soon as masses exert gravitational forces, uniform distribution yields local concentrations.
The fog lifts in some places and thickens in others (AA 1:264.20-34). Concentrations pull on
one another, until one pull prevails as gravitational center (AA 1:265.16-19). The fog
15
collapses into itself, leaving clear skies in its wake. Fog becomes cloud. The cloud keeps
accreting (AA 1:265.20-24), and the particle streams accelerate towards a centre growing
crowded. Collisions happen. Crashing particles veer off at odd angles. Repulsion makes itself
known. Widening currents of the inbound stream are deflected laterally (AA 1:265.24-30).
The cloud tightens into a sphere, but surges soar this way and that. The cloud grows tides.
The tides suffer the same fate as the concentrations earlier on (AA 1:265.30-34). One tide,
one deflected current, one lateral vector prevails (AA 1:265.34-266.8). The tides join and
surge in one direction. The cloud spins. As rotation gains speed, centrifugal forces check
attraction at the equator of spin (AA 1:266.8-12). Meanwhile accretion pulls in the poles. The
cloud bulges out and flattens into a disk. Somewhere along this process (AA 1:266-268) the
center grows so hot that it bursts into flame. A sun is born. Along the disk spinning around
the star, lumps accrete into planets and absorb the last fog shrouds while rotating in one
ecliptic plane. The disk becomes a planetary system (AA 1:267).
Nature, Kant thinks, reiterates its patterns across scales, and ‘analogies and
harmonies’ govern them all (1:235.16). What happens to solar systems is bound to happen to
spiral galaxies (1:250-3). On the planets, meanwhile, complexity keeps unfolding. Planets
have a purpose; their telos is to evolve conditions that can support organisms and minds
(1:352.34-353.4). Where conditions are best, life flourishes and cultures arise.
Kant’s conjecture that stellar and galactic systems evolve from clouds is the Nebular
Hypothesis. In 1943, C. F. von Weizsäcker gave Kant’s hypothesis its astrophysical form,
which included testable predictions (such that the outer regions of the solar system would
contain remnants of the cloud; cf. also NTH AA 1:281.14-19). In 1949, G. P. Kuiper
confirmed the Weizsäcker-Kant prediction and found the Kuiper Belt named after him.
Astrophysicists predict that even older shrouds of the fog, the conjectured Oort Cloud, will
soon be found.
Unfortunately, evolution does not continue for good. The oldest areas, which formed
up earliest, are also first to decay. At the heart of expansion, dissolution sets in. Chaos
spreads once more (AA 1:319). Nature expands outwards but its center does not hold,
collapsing into itself—thus to face the very conditions that make the process start all over
again. For Kant, the universe in eternity is a phoenix of nature who burns up only to take
wing from the ashes (1:321.13-14). Today, this remains speculation. But, as it so happens, the
16
1998 discovery of the acceleration of cosmic expansion, which earned Saul Perlmutter, B. P.
Schmidt, and A. G. Riess the Nobel Prize in Physics in 2011, lends support to the idea that
the Big Bang may actually be part of Kant’s larger cosmic cycle.5 Thus nature evolves. In
sum, the freethinker Kant can rightly boast, “just give me matter, and I shall build you a
world with it!” (AA 1:229.10-11 and 1:230.1-2). To make due on his claim, all he needs is
energy.
MARTIN SCHÖNFELD
(6350 words)
17
References
Barrow, J. D. (2002) The Constants of Nature. New York: Pantheon.
Coles, P. (2001), ed. The Routledge Companion to the New Cosmology. London: Routledge.
Förster, E. (1993), “Introduction,” in Förster, E., ed. and trans. Opus Postumum. The
Cambridge Edition of the Works of Immanuel Kant, Cambridge: Cambridge.
Friedman, M. (1992) Kant and the Exact Sciences, Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard.
Friedman, M. (2004), ed. and trans. Kant’s Metaphysical Foundations of Natural Science.
Cambridge: Cambridge.
Guyer, P., and Wood, A. (1998), ed. and trans. Critique of Pure Reason. The Cambridge
Edition of the Works of Immanuel Kant, Cambridge: Cambridge.
Guyer, P., and Matthews, E. (2000), ed. and trans. Critique of the Power of Judgment. The
Cambridge Edition of the Works of Immanuel Kant, Cambridge: Cambridge.
Höffe, O. (1994) Immanuel Kant, New York: SUNY.
Kuehn, M. (2001a) Kant: A Biography, Cambridge: Cambridge.
---. (2001b) “Kant’s teachers in the exact sciences,” 11-30 in Watkins, E., ed., Kant and the
Sciences, Oxford: Oxford.
Lalla, S. (2003) “Kant’s ‘Allgemeine Naturgeschichte und Theorie des Himmels’ (1755),”
Kant-Studien 94 (2003): 425-453.
Prigogine, I. (1993) “Time, Structure and Fluctuations,” Nobel Lecture 8 Dec 1977, 263-285
in Frängsmyr, T., ed., Nobel Lectures, Chemistry 1971-1980, Singapore: World Scientific.
Rahts, J. (1902) “Anmerkungen zu Allgemeine Naturgeschichte und Theorie des Himmels,”
545-558 in AA 1, Berlin: Reimer (later DeGruyter).
Reinhardt, O. (2012), ed. and trans. Universal Natural History and Theory of the Heavens.
182-308 in Watkins, E., ed., Natural Science. The Cambridge Edition of the Works of
Immanuel Kant, Cambridge: Cambridge.
Schönfeld, M. (2000) The Philosophy of the Young Kant: the Pre-Critical Project, Oxford:
Oxford.
---. (2011) “Bilfinger, Georg Bernhard,” 1: 48-56 in Klemme, H., and Kuhn, M., Dictionary
of Eighteenth Century German Philosophers, 3 vol., London: Thoemmes/Oxford Reference.
18
--- . and Edwards, J. (2012) Thoughts on the True Estimation of Living Forces. 1-155 in
Watkins, E., ed., Natural Science. The Cambridge Edition of the Works of Immanuel Kant,
Cambridge: Cambridge.
Further Reading
E. Adickes’s Kant als Naturforscher (Berlin: DeGruyter, 1924) is a comprehensive account
of Kant’s scientific research, in two volumes, by one of the first editors of the Akademy
Edition. J. Cañedo-Argüelles’s Commentario, pp. 311-473 in Cañedo’s Spanish translation of
GSK, Pensamientos sobra la verdadera estimación de las fuerzas vivas (Bern: Peter Lang,
1988), is the most detailed commentary with historical backstories about Kant’s earliest
work. I. Polonoff’s Force, Cosmos, Monads and Other Themes in Kant’s Early Thought
(Bonn: Bouvier, 1971) is an in-depth study of Kant’s philosophy of nature. G. Tonelli’s
Elementi metodologici e metafisici in Kant dal 1747 al 1768 (Torino: Edizione di ‘Filosofia’,
1959), is a classic of scholarship and an authoritative examination of the metaphysical
assumptions and methodological approaches in Kant’s pre-critical philosophy.
Note on Contributor
Martin Schönfeld is Professor at the University of South Florida, Tampa, USA, where he
teaches history of ideas, comparative philosophy, and environmental thought. He is currently
working on Philosophy of Climate Change: A Kantian Approach.
Notes
1
Works by Kant are cited according to volume and page numbers in the Akademieausgabe (AA),
followed by line numbers, if appropriate. Translations of Kant s works are cited by translator s name,
year of publication, and page number in the Cambridge Edition. Kant s Critique of Pure Reason is cited
according to the pagination of the first (A) and second (B) editions.
Reinhardt translates Auswickelung as development cf. Reinhardt
97. This is not quite
accurate, because the German for development would be Entwicklung, which is not Kant s term.
2
The inverse-square law of force propagation was first formulated as the photometric law in Kepler s
Astronomia Pars Optica (1604), chapter 1, proposition 9; cf. Johannes Kepler, Gesammelte Werke, ed. M.
3
19
Caspar (Munich: Beck, 1937ff.) 20ff. vol., 2:19. Kepler was also the first to conjecture that gravitational
force is a property of matter, such that bodies are attracted to one another by a force propagating at
the inverse-square to their distance; cf. letter to Fabricius, item 4, 11 Oct 1605, Werke 15:241.
Kant s momentum-energy conjecture of force makes more sense in Einsteinian relativity than in
Newtonian mechanics. In Newtonian mechanics, momentum, energy, and force are three distinct but
related quantities: the space integral of force is energy, and its time integral is impulse, which changes
an object s momentum. In General Relativity, space-time is relative to mass, and constant in a mass
before and after collisions is its total of momentum-energy. Analogous to the contraction spacetime,
Einstein s student John “. Wheeler suggested momenergy for this invariant dynamic quantity.
4
Cf. Martin ”ojowald, ”ig ”ang or ”ig ”ounce? New Theory on the Universe s ”irth, Scientific
American 299.4 (October 2008): 44-5 the same, What happened before the ”ig ”ang? Nature Physics
3 (2008): 523-5 5 and Class for Physics, The “ccelerating Universe scientific background on the
Nobel Prize in Physics
, 7 pp., Royal Swedish “cademy of Sciences,
, URL
http://www.nobelprize.org/nobel_prizes/physics/laureates/2011/advanced-physicsprize2011.pdf
5