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EC O L O G IC A L E C O N O M IC S 6 5 ( 2 0 08 ) 22 5 –2 41
a v a i l a b l e a t w w w. s c i e n c e d i r e c t . c o m
w w w. e l s e v i e r. c o m / l o c a t e / e c o l e c o n
METHODS
Developing post-normal technologies for sustainability
Bob Frame a,⁎, Judy Brown b
a
b
Sustainability and Society, Landcare Research, PO Box 40, Lincoln 7640, New Zealand
School of Accounting and Commercial Law, Victoria University of Wellington, PO Box 600, Wellington, New Zealand
ARTICLE INFO
ABS TR ACT
Article history:
The last two decades have seen the development of an array of techniques and practices aimed
Received 7 May 2007
at promoting sustainability. For many, results have been disappointing. There are charges that
Received in revised form
supposedly new organisational approaches remain embedded in managerialist, functionalist
7 September 2007
and anti-dialogic frameworks that are a significant part of the problem. Similarly the
Accepted 12 November 2007
technocratic scientization of public policy is viewed as ill-equipped to deal with the social,
Available online 21 December 2007
economic and ecological issues currently facing neo-liberal societies. In this paper we seek to
interpret these frustrations and identify pathways that move beyond this. Specifically, we
Keywords:
argue that the gap between sustainability rhetoric and sustainability practices can be
Sustainable development
reconceptualised through the practice of science as post-normal and through developing the
Post-normal science
notion of post-normal sustainability technologies (PNSTs). The exponents of post-normal
Sustainability technologies
science show why stakeholder engagement in sustainability (and other scientific) issues is
Stakeholder engagement
critical for the legitimacy and quality of decisions and the admission of complexity in decision-
Multi-actor heuristics
making and accountability processes. Building on this now well-established foundation we
Wicked problems
seek to characterise, and give examples of, PNSTs as tools for achieving this participation;
Clumsy solutions
wherein stakeholders assume expertise and interact with those possessing more traditional
forms of expertise in order to co-produce knowledge about sustainability. Recognition of
ideological and value diversity is also central to the post-normal sustainability agenda and
with PNSTs, the values-based nature of the issues involved is articulated in a way that seeks to
bring politics openly into the picture. To this end we identify processes that are emerging in the
literature and in practice that will enable PNSTs. These include extended peer communities
and multi-actor heuristics, agonistic processes and new characterisations of citizenship that
support moves to sustainability. In so doing, we believe that PNSTs offer “clumsy solutions” for
“wicked problems” that can be engaged with in both the research and practice arenas as
significant contributions to addressing urgent needs.
© 2007 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.
1.
Context
In sustainability research there is a strong drive to stimulate
institutions and social actors to approach both knowledgemaking and knowledge-using processes in ways that recognise their risk-laden, ideologically diverse and highly uncer-
tain environments. This paper argues that, to achieve this, we
need to develop new sets of technologies and that these can
fruitfully be based on the post-normal approaches to science
developed by Jerry Ravetz and Silvio Funtowicz in the mid1980s to mid-1990s (notably Ravetz, 1987; Funtowicz and
Ravetz, 1990, 1993, 1994) and in subsequent literature. We
⁎ Corresponding author. Tel.: +64 3 325 6701x3744; fax: +64 3 325 6718.
E-mail address: frameb@landcareresearch.co.nz (B. Frame).
0921-8009/$ – see front matter © 2007 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.
doi:10.1016/j.ecolecon.2007.11.010
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EC O LO GIC A L E CO N O M ICS 6 5 ( 2 00 8 ) 2 2 5 –2 41
believe it is important to revisit this body of work and to
refresh its applicability to contemporary “wicked problems”
and, to use Rayner's (2006) term, “clumsy solutions”, especially
related to sustainability.1
We propose that the current mismatch between the
rhetoric of sustainability and actual implementation of
sustainability principles can be addressed by post-normal
sustainability technologies (PNSTs). These work with the
complexity and uncertainty by enlisting stakeholders with
diverse perspectives and multiple capacities in the coproduction of sustainability know-how in what we term
multi-actor heuristics. It is our view that these are vital
requirements for society to tackle wicked problems such as
climate change, biotechnology, distributive justice, endangered species, etc. They form a suite of technologies (in the
widest sense) that are emerging as contributions to tackling
the highly complex, uncertain, value-laden issues facing a
resource-constrained world.
We consider that, although post-normal science proposes
an integrative process based on extended peer communities,
the notion of integration is dialogic and multi-perspectival; it
is not to be imagined that the dialogue will be one that
combines many voices and reduces them to a single,
consensual view. We affirm, as a general principle, the
irreducible plurality of perspectives and modes of understanding (O'Connor, 1999, p. 673, Table 1). Post-normal science
takes concepts of stakeholder input beyond simply broadening democratic participation to new processes, open
dialogue and ongoing engagement. Post-normal science is
based on “assumptions of unpredictability, incomplete control, and a plurality of legitimate perspectives” (Funtowicz and
Ravetz, 1993, p. 739). It is transdisciplinary, context-sensitive
and committed to methodological pluralism and concepts of
active stakeholder engagement.
Technologies, in this context, refer to interventions for the
creation and use of knowledge about sustainability, which
redistribute and disburse responsibility for environmental,
social and cultural stewardship onto broad-ranging groups of
stakeholders, including members of the public, as agents of
change. Technologies also describe ways in which individuals,
organisations, actor networks and governments alike provide
for themselves materially, socially and politically (e.g. through
forms of self-governance). PNSTs require new fora for public
engagement with science and technology, alongside other
stakeholders with diverse interests or stakes who may have
varying levels of “professional” expertise. Such technologies
offer alternative styles of knowing to bridge gaps between
science, politics and practice.
1
As with many new knowledge forms, notably particle physics
(with its charm, flavour and strangeness), post-normal science is,
as this paper attempts to demonstrate, developing its own
somewhat angular lexicon. PNSTs look set to be developed by
researchers bristling with inverted commas in a world in which
“wicked” problems, such as “strange” weather, are addressed
through “messy” governance to reveal “clumsy” solutions for
their “thickly” “cosmopolitan” citizens. These will be developed,
no doubt, by “post-disciplinary” researchers (including, perhaps,
“post-autistic” economists; see www.paecon.net) working in
“boundary” organizations and with “polyvocal” communities.
The paper is organized as follows. In the next section we
review the development of post-normal science to set up the
possibility of PNSTs. We then examine several multi-actor
technologies we have observed emerging and against which
we position the building of capability for sustainable development as a key concern. We then suggest that these
interventions can only exist with the emergence of certain
wider conditions that can be viewed as broader governance
structures that include notions of extended peer communities, agonistic participative processes and ecological citizenship. Finally we indicate possible leads and cautions for the
future development of such technologies.
2.
Post-normal science: emerging history
Before looking at the themes embraced by the term postnormal science and how these are beginning to develop in
practice, we seek to acknowledge the considerable literature
on the subject through a brief history over the last twenty
years or so. The subject was developed by Silvio Funtowicz
and Jerry Ravetz, initially on their own, and then with coauthors and, more recently, through an increasing group of
practitioners. We do not offer a rigorous review of this
literature, but rather aim to highlight some key works and
encourage others to engage with post-normal insights and
how they may illuminate the seemingly intractable issues of
sustainability.
Recognition of the inherent uncertainties and value-laden
nature of scientific practice, sparked by the realities of
operating in risk-laden environments, brought calls for a
more participative and ideologically open approach to
knowledge-making in science in the mid-1980's (Ravetz,
1987; Funtowicz and Ravetz, 1990). Calls for the democratization of science and scientific expertise became apparent in
the traditional hard areas of science, as evidenced by the
emergence of a core body of work on post-normal science in
the early 1990's through this journal and other publications
of the International Society for Ecological Economics (ISEE)
including those by Funtowicz and Ravetz (1991, 1993, 1994),
O'Connor et al. (1996) and by Funtowicz et al. (1997). Since
then there has continued to be development of post-normal
science by Funtowicz and Ravetz, often with co-authors
(Funtowicz and Ravetz, 1997; Castells and Funtowicz, 1997;
Gough et al., 1998; Funtowicz et al., 1998; Funtowicz and
O'Connor, 1999; De Marchi and Ravetz, 1999; Gallopín et al.,
2001) and by an increasing number of other academics, such
as Luks (1998, 1999) and O'Connor (1999) to name but two of
many. The literature broadens significantly from there and
examples populate the various PNSTs as they are discussed
in Section 3.
The phrase “post-normal” implies a qualitative change in
the way science and policy-making are approached and draws
attention to aspects of uncertainty and values that are typically
down-played or ignored in more traditional research. Postnormal science is underpinned by a complexity rather than
Cartesian epistemological perspective. O'Connor (1999) takes
the concepts of stakeholder input and democratic participation beyond notions of Laplacian reconciliation (with its ideal
of an integrated, single and internally consistent framework)
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EC O L O G IC A L E C O N O M IC S 6 5 ( 2 0 08 ) 22 5 –2 41
to dialogic reconciliation which allows for the coexistence of
a diversity of perspectives and ways of understanding. It
thereby opens up possibilities for more inclusive, open and
ongoing engagement processes in addressing complexity.
There are a number of terms that encompass the terrain in
question including “wicked problems”, as originally developed by Rittel and Webber (1973) and, more recently, by
various writers including Strand and Cañellas-Boltà (2006);
and “clumsy solutions” as originally defined by Shapiro
(1988) and adopted more recently by Verweij et al. (2006)
and in Verweij and Thompson (2006). Rayner (2006) has
reduced Rittel and Webber's original characterisation to the
following unique aspects of wicked problems, that is, they
are:
•
•
•
•
•
•
previously considered, perhaps, as unconstructive or irrelevant to the decision-making process.2
Strengthening knowledge diversity provides a valuable
countervailing force “to the homogenizing pressures of an
expanding global market” and can thus serve sustainability
agendas at the local and global levels (O'Hara, 1996, p. 101). In
such an approach decision-makers, stakeholders and technical
advisers are viewed as working together as co-investigators –
in networks of pluralistic collaboration– in an open discursive
community. Technical and value aspects of investigations are
regarded as inextricably intertwined. Though challenging for
those used to more linear processes, the strength of such an
approach lies in its acceptance of messiness:
While it may not be easy for all of us to cope with the
messiness of an open discursive… valuation process, this
messiness is where its power lies. It is the democratization
of a valuation and policy process which not only integrates
research and context, but offers the inclusion of numerous, vastly diverse and potentially conflicting life worlds.
There is no longer only one life-world admitted, one
conceptual framework shaping the valuation process, but
multiple ones… this can result in an important and fruitful
process of identifying a broadened, applied, and relevant
research agenda (ibid., p. 102).
Symptomatic of deeper problems
Unique opportunities that cannot be easily reversed
Unable to offer a clear set of alternative solutions
Characterised by contradictory certitudes
Contain redistributive implications for entrenched interests
Persistent and insoluble
The notion of post-normal science was first developed in
contrast with Kuhn's (1970) conception of “normal science”.
Normal science, underpinned by positivist philosophy, sought
“universal, objective and context-free knowledge” (Haag and
Kaupenjohann, 2001, p. 53) and was characterised by a lack of
reflection on the standpoints of researchers and social actors
in wider socio-political contexts. It therefore struggles to deal
with the uncertainties in real-world organisational and public
policy contexts. This is so especially in relation to sustainability issues. Sustainability now characterises the new policy
context for post-normal science (Ravetz, 2006, p. 279), which is
about managing complexities to do with questions of human
survival more than addressing uncertainties to do with
technological risks (ibid., p. 283). In post-normal science
“complexity is respected through its recognition of a multiplicity of legitimate perspectives… and reflexivity is realised
through the extension of accepted ‘facts’ beyond the supposedly objective productions of traditional research” (Funtowicz and Ravetz, 1997, p. 800).
Post-normal science is concerned to ensure that its
methods and results are accessible to stakeholders including
those who participate in quality assurance processes as part
of, for example, an extended peer community (Haag and
Kaupenjohann, 2001). Scientists are expected to communicate
epistemic uncertainties to other stakeholders to facilitate
transparent and interactive decision-making processes. This
means introducing scientific material to extended peer
communities as evidence and not as hard facts, as dialogue
is about negotiation more than scientific demonstration
(Ravetz, 2006, p. 278). It requires going beyond the “mainstream” of current disciplinary and inter-disciplinary thinking
that “may simply reinforce biases of the status quo” (O'Hara,
1996, p. 101). Open negotiation on complex issues helps ensure
the politics surrounding sustainability are acknowledged and
that various stakeholders can debate their perspectives
(Funtowicz and Ravetz, 1993). It also involves accommodating
the opinions of other stakeholders not previously recognised
as experts, and recognising information and knowledge
227
This approach is in marked contrast to conventional
approaches where stakeholders, if they are acknowledged at
all, are typically treated “as passive learners at the feet of the
experts” (Funtowicz and Ravetz, 1997, p. 800). Post-normal
science is concerned with fostering serious and wide-ranging
discussion and debate about the “kinds of communities,
characters, and cultures…. we want to help create” (Luks,
1999, p. 712 citing Throgmorton). It fosters new forms of
understanding and engagement with science and technology.
We argue that engagement with sustainability issues through
public-private–civil partnerships (Frame and Taylor, 2005;
O'Riordan, 2004), with scientists, advocates and other stakeholders, including policy-makers, is intrinsic to post-normal
science and also a source of strength for self-governance of
plural communities. The task of science for sustainability is,
after all, “mutual learning rather than making blueprints”
(Ravetz, 2006, p. 278), as sustainability is “partly about
techniques, but even more about changing consciousness”
(ibid., p. 279).
The current terrain of sustainability research is cluttered
with a multitude of seemingly random interpretations and
competing frameworks, without definable routes to implementation. It is our contention that this seemingly unordered
and chaotic space becomes more navigable (though no less
complex) by applying concepts of post-normality. The challenge is to develop capacities and technologies for turning
complexity and uncertainty into strengths for securing progressive social and environmental change. Diez (2001) and
2
As O'Hara (1996, p. 101) observes, the “prejudging of contributions into categories like relevant/irrelevant, educated/uneducated, or knowledgeable/ignorant has all too often excluded
contributions of women, minorities or indigenous peoples even
when they have been given a place at the table”.
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Bebbington et al. (2007a,b) emphasise the need to draw
together people and datasets in assemblages of knowledge,
often referred to as “dialogic potential”. This has to take place
across local, national, regional and global scales in ways that
recognise the inevitable variability in sustainability practices
due to differing contexts and scales of action, but also allow for
communication and accountability to go in multiple directions.
Doing sustainability is “learning by doing” and “doing
through learning” that calls for different capacities and
capabilities on the part of those involved (Martens, 2006;
Newton, 2005). This makes sustainability a concern as much of
governance (in its broadest sense) as it is of government
(Adger et al., 2003; Paavola, 2007). Sustainability as a complex,
experimental process benefits from the input of broad-ranging
stakeholders who, together, produce knowledge about sustainability in dialogic, ad hoc and incremental ways. Sustainability issues are post-normal issues where the traditional
juxtaposition of “hard” facts and “soft” values is overturned
(Haag and Kaupenjohann, 2001, p. 53). Here the concern is to
“deal with ill-defined problems… in concrete, entangled and
complex economic–ecological systems, frequently involving
local–global interactions, large scales, broad scopes and a high
degree of uncertainty of all kinds, notably epistemic-ethical
uncertainty” (ibid.).
Post-normal science, then, has begun to:
…encompass different magnitudes of scales (of time,
space, and function), multiple balances (dynamics), multiple actors (interests) and multiple failures (systemic
faults). [It also] has to play a major role in the integration
of different styles of knowledge creation in order to bridge
the gulf between science, practice, and politics (Martens,
2006, p. 36).
It reflects environmental and social concerns that are
issue-driven and marked by high stakes and extreme uncertainty, where quality in relation to outcome takes precedence
over expectations that a single truth – or “ethic of truth”
associated with normal or positivist science (Ravetz, 2006,
p. 278) – will be achieved. It engages non-scientists, but does
not seek to undermine scientific expertise or the importance
of scientific research. This is because “when science is
involved in the policy process, it is usually not the deep
theoretical obscurities that are at stake, but its relation to a
real-world situation” (ibid., p. 277). Indeed much of what postnormal science will achieve will draw on the plethora of
datasets, techniques and analyses already derived in the pure
and applied sciences. However, it does so conscious that
different disciplinary and theoretical lenses will provide
“contesting parties with their own bodies of relevant, legitimated facts” which inform and are informed by different
interests and normative standpoints (Sarewitz, 2004, p. 385).
Under these conditions, complexity and uncertainty
become useful for leveraging the necessary interaction around
the definition of sustainability issues, which leads to the coproduction of sustainability knowledge. While it is difficult to
achieve in practice, accommodating uncertainty as a normal
part of doing science, and making it a focal point for bringing
in broad-ranging stakeholders and being responsive to multiple interests, is a powerful approach that supports sustain-
ability policy initiatives. In this new approach uncertainty
does not function as a source of unwelcome tension between
scientists, policy-makers and citizens. Rather, it becomes an
essential component of the process as an aid to understanding
inherent complexities, which generates information useful for
theory building, experimentation and decision-making that
may, previously, have been neglected. This co-production of
sustainability knowledge is important because it disburses
responsibility and accountability across numerous stakeholders. It also reinforces a change in approach to democratic
governance which, as we argue later, becomes a key sustainability principle based on an agonistic approach to democratizing for sustainability (Brown, 2007). Active dialogue can not
only bring about democratic change but also “uncover barriers
to change” (e.g. hidden assumptions and valuation biases)
(O'Hara, 1996, p. 105).
Dialogic decision-making that works with multiple analytical perspectives is much better equipped to deal with “deep
conflicts” that “include differences over the legitimate
grounds for adjudicating disputes” (Baber, 2004, p. 333).
Internationally there are calls for better collaborative management of natural resources that takes account of the complex
nature of social–technical-environment systems (e.g. Douguet
and O'Connor, 2003; Svendsen and Laberge, 2005; Dougill et al.,
2006; Pahl-Wostl, 2005; Mayumi and Giampietro, 2006; Swedeen, 2006) and for recognition that science “can legitimately
support… a range of competing, value-based political positions” (Sarewitz, 2004, p. 386). Our proposals are cognate with
these endeavours.
3.
Post-normal sustainability technologies as
multi-actor heuristics
It is evident then that post-normal science requires widening a
discourse from a core set of experts to sets of others with
different skills and competencies and, accordingly, other
forms of expertise. Doing sustainability requires an assemblage of different technologies and stakeholders cooperating
to manage complexities and trial and error processes. This
gives rise to new forms of public/private/civic engagement
with science and sustainability, as well as new forms of
governance, requiring institutional reform referred to variously as “messy governance” (Strand and Cañellas-Boltà,
2006), “clumsy solutions” (Verweij et al., 2006; Verweij and
Thompson, 2006) and, ecological citizenship, as discussed in
Section 4. Sustainability science thus generates conditions for
multiple accountability and responsiveness amongst stakeholders that lead to relevance, and legitimacy in the knowledge being produced. Stakeholders – individuals, organisations
and actor networks – have to be continuously self-critical and
reflective, whilst conscious of what is at stake in their relations.
In the shift from government to governance,3 “science is a
crucial but not exclusive form of relevant knowledge” that
3
In this context, governance can be taken to be institutioncitizen partnerships using processes of open and inclusive public
decision-making that actively seeks the commitment and engagement of citizens, stakeholders and interest organisations
(www.environmentalcitizenship.net).
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EC O L O G IC A L E C O N O M IC S 6 5 ( 2 0 08 ) 22 5 –2 41
must be reflected in new participatory fora for decisionmaking (Liberatore and Funtowicz, 2003, p. 149). In these fora
all stakeholders become “users, critics and producers of
knowledge” (ibid.) in an “extended peer community” (Ravetz,
2006). The fora hopefully allow people to be “responsible and
responsive” participants in regulatory processes which relates
to the self-governance aspects of active citizenship and, in this
way, participation should become both a “compulsory”
requirement and a “compelling” experience (Newton, 2005).
As a form of governance, it is vital to ensure that self- and cogovernance are approached in ways that are genuinely
dialogic and empowering (cf. Bang's, 2004 warnings of how it
too often constitutes a “threat to democracy”). Policy
approaches that rely on conditioning and “normalising”
individual practices and self-discipline too often appear as
unwelcome forms of social control rather than democratic
interventions (Hobson, 2002). PNSTs support more decentred
forms of political action and provide much-needed space for
less programmed and innovative “practices of freedom” (Bang,
2004).
We turn now to techniques that are being developed to
address the inherent weaknesses in existing processes. These
are based on our research and our reading of the literature.
The list is, by its very definition, indefinitely contingent4 and
by no means exhaustive though we hope to have captured the
main trends. Technologies have been grouped loosely around
assemblages relating, first, to multi-actor heuristics and
including a wide range of techniques used in policy, accounting and evaluation; including the overall discourse relating to
sustainable consumption. Our review of these broad areas
leads us to question the current institutions of governance
and to pose ways in which these could be restructured to
provide mechanisms more likely to yield more sustainable
results. In turn we look at contradictions between utopian and
practical forms of active citizenship and to the various voices
which may seek privileged attention in any negotiated
discourse. Together we see these as requiring agonistic
forms of debate where there are opportunities for various
voices to be heard.
PNSTs require deliberation on issues to take place in
inclusive ways that permit multiple and potentially conflicting views to be aired, understood and considered outside of
existing institutions. The sort of questions it asks are “whatabout/what-if” questions (Ravetz, 2006, p. 277). We will
discuss later the ways in which these institutions may
develop to facilitate this kind of debate. For now the focus
will be on the processes required and these can be assembled
as types of heuristics that have a long-term component
rather than solely a tactical one. As with all post-normal
approaches, there will be no definitive list or fixed typology
but several approaches that can be loosely bundled under the
heading of participatory or collaborative approaches to
learning. Carolan (2006) and Guimarães Pereira et al. (2006)
explore various approaches to contributory, interactional and
4
As Ravetz and Funtowicz (1999, p. 642) observe, development
of post-normal science is likely to bring “differing interpretations... as between scholars and activists, or between reformers
and radicals”. True to its own presuppositions, advocates eschew
“unquestioned and unquestionable frameworks” (ibid., p. 643).
229
public expertise. In this paper, we seek to group these under
the following contingent headings:
•
•
•
•
Integrated assessment techniques
Futuring
Dialogic accountings
Other multi-actor heuristics
3.1.
Integrated assessment techniques
In the historical account of PNSTs, early signposts are found in
the mid 1990s European research agenda encompassing
various integrated approaches to assessment that explicitly
frame their work around or design tools through the application of post-normal principles. These include integrated
resource management approaches to large-scale ecosystem
management (e.g. integrated catchment management, integrated coastal management, bio-regionalism). These involve
learning approaches to help deal with ongoing uncertainty
and system change, and emphasise participation to support
dialogue and understanding among multiple social perspectives (Lee, 1993; Gough et al., 1998; van der Sluijs, 2002;
Guimarães Pereira et al., 2003; Risbey et al., 2005; Allen and
Kilvington, 2005). Alongside these is the closely related field of
technology and environmental risk assessment (e.g. Castells
and Funtowicz, 1997; Gough et al., 1998; Faucheux and Hue,
2001; Walker et al., 2003).
Techniques for integrated assessment or what O'Connor
(2000, 2006a,b,c,in press) refers to as deliberative sustainability
assessment, namely multiple scales, multiple stakeholders,
multidisciplinarity and multiple bottom lines; have also
emerged in this period and have been reviewed by van Asselt
and Rijkens-Klomp (2002). One such tool which usefully
represents the PNST nature of these tools is the basis of the
KerBabel™ Deliberation Matrix (O'Connor, 2004), which
enables a transparent presentation of the process and outcomes of judgements offered by each category of stakeholders,
for each of the options or scenarios under evaluation, with
reference to a spectrum of governance or quality-performance
issues. At one level this tool looks not significantly different
from many others emerging in the sustainability arena
(see reviews by Dalal-Clayton and Sadler, 2004, 2005; Ness
et al., 2007) and this must be perceived as a strength. Like
post-normal science itself, these tools should extend the
range of existing methods not seek to replace them as
they have often been adequately suited for their original
intent. So the fact that, to some users, the KerBabel™ Deliberation Matrix does not appear to offer anything “new”, is a
positive sign of its ability to act as an entry point to enable
interactive and participatory processes. However considerable
care needs to be taken to ensure that tools are not used as
forms of pseudo-participation.
The move towards deliberative assessment is generally an
ad hoc approach towards monitoring and evaluation in both
policy making and implementation. If the form of assessment
is interpreted in an agonistic manner then the processes can
be seen as genuinely post-normal. Few institutional arrangements currently exist to enable such interventions. However
one international convention is worth noting. The Aarhus
Convention on Access to Information, Public Participation in
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Decision-making and Access to Justice in Environmental
Matters (UNECE, 1998) became effective from 2001 and to
date has been ratified by 40 (primarily European and Central
Asian) countries. This establishes that sustainability can only
be achieved through involvement of all stakeholders; interactions between public and public authorities in a democratic
context; and by forging new processes for public participation
in the negotiation and implementation of international
agreements and this is beginning to have an influence on
the development of national strategies for sustainable
development.5 Another possible avenue, as noted below, is
the accounting profession and its institutional discourse
(although here too the resistances likely to be encountered
from a traditionally conservative professional body should not
be under-estimated and underline the need for active
involvement on the part of a broad group of social actors).
Finally there have been developments around knowledge
quality assessment with multi-dimensional and reflexive
approaches to enable analysis and diagnosis of uncertainty
in complex policy issues that have arisen from post-normal
science. These include the NUSAP notational system that
attempts to include both quantitative and qualitative dimensions of uncertainty in a standardised and explanatory
manner using the five qualifiers of the NUSAP acronym
(numeral, unit, spread, assessment and pedigree) as discussed
by Ravetz and Funtowicz (1990) at www.nusap.net and
reviewed by van der Sluijs (2006); and by Strand and
Cañellas-Boltà (2006). The assessors of the knowledge quality
are the extended peer communities.
All of these should not be seen as purely mathematical and
removed from practice. Lach et al. (2005), for example, describe
an excellent example of praxis built explicitly around PNSTs
and their application to “domesticate the wicked problems of
water resource management” and their use by large organisations. Other examples include Dougill et al. (2006), O'Connor
and van den Hove (2001), Walker et al. (2003) and van der Sluijs
(2005). These illustrative examples are increasingly wellestablished in practices that, in some ways derive technologies from international development that developed in synch
with PNSTs (Chambers, 1994, 2005). As these are welldocumented, they are not considered in depth here and we
move to other PNST developments.
3.2.
Futuring
Futures research has been described as “the study of the
present reality from the point of view of a special interest of
knowledge of the future; knowledge of the future considered
characteristically as knowledge of contingent events” (Mannermaa, 1986, p. 658). Futures studies is a “very fuzzy multifield” (Marien, 2002). It encompasses a variety of terms and
approaches (e.g. foresight, scenario building, futuribles, alternative futures) and has been classified in a number of ways.
For example, Inayatullah (1990) includes a cultural-interpretative perspective with an emphasis on understanding,
negotiating and acting in order to achieve a desired future.
Similarly, van Asselt and Rijkens-Klomp (2002) explored
5
For further detail, see the Aarhus website (http://aarhusclearinghouse.unece.org/).
participatory methods as tools for “mapping out diversity”
compared with “reaching consensus”; Selin (2006) examines
the importance of value judgements and the role of “trust” in
scenarios development; and Walz et al. (2007), for example,
have used participatory scenario analysis for integrated
regional modelling. van Notten et al. (2003), Börjeson et al.
(2006), and Bishop et al. (2007) describe various typologies
(predictive, explorative, and normative) of the overall futuring
field and from these only the explorative and those underpinned by democratic norms support the need for pluralist
interpretations of future occurrences as a means of supporting
decision-making processes in the present. These techniques
permit open discussion on contested and uncertain topics and
are ideally suited to enabling discussion around the long-term
temporal issues relating to sustainability (e.g. Frame, 2007).
Examples of exploratory techniques include framings of
multiple realities which expose the underlying and potentially
irresolvable trade-offs between economic, social and environmental capital including the need for a more dialogic approach
(Frame et al., 2005) and “opening up spaces for deliberating
desirable futures” (Höijer et al., 2006, pp. 364–365).
As such, and very much in keeping with the other
technologies discussed in this paper, clearly only some
futuring techniques provide post-normal aspects or are
amenable to utilisation in post-normal ways. In other words,
techniques must do more than acknowledge transdisciplinary
approaches and be context-sensitive. They need to wholeheartedly embrace these values through a clear commitment
to methodological pluralism and adopt participatory processes that enable alternative views to be expressed in more
than token ways. This is not always the case. As with the other
technologies, the futures literature is littered with examples
that may have shown acknowledgement of deliberative
approaches but often resulted in decision-making processes
that reinforce existing modalities rather than enabling new
processes that may have the potential to offer longer term
alternatives to seemingly intractable wicked problems. It is
this ability to provide a “transformative” approach (to adopt
the Freirian term) that exemplifies the post-normal from
“business-as-usual” and the possibility of opening up new
horizons. To understand this further, we turn now to some
critical appreciation of techniques that fall under the general
rubric of “futuring”.
Wallace (2007, p. 31), for example, identifies a cautionary
and highly relevant note, namely that scenario-building is
often “too socially unitary”. In so doing, Wallace finds that
themes of complexity, emergence, and reflection emerge,
which require “an attitude that can cope with, even delight in,
the transitory and unpredictable nature of events, without
succumbing on the one hand to a debilitating nostalgia about
what has passed, or on the other hand to an unrealistic
attempt to recapture a romanticised past of transcendental or
natural harmony” (ibid.). Furthermore, he draws on French
philosopher Agacinski's (2003) ethic of the ephemeral. This
is not concerned with either “living for the moment” or
“depriving oneself of the pleasures of the present by mourning
in advance what will inevitably pass” (ibid., pp. 31–32). Such
an ethic must recognise limits of human vision and the fact
that these are constantly shifting, and seek “to work responsibly within them according to their unique contingencies”
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(ibid., p. 32). In other words, to generate meaningful futures in
a post-normal sense requires participants to have a capacity
to co-create through a deepening level of awareness of
various possible trade-offs and an understanding of the
incomplete nature of any attempt to resolve these.
Scenario building, then, according to Wallace (2007, p. 26),
“should be subordinated to democratic discussion of ways of
collectively orienting to the future” and be a “tool of democratic envisioning” by focusing on a social constructionist
approach rather than a positivist emphasis on drivers. In so
doing, themes of complexity, emergence, and reflection
develop. A point shared, at least in part, with Craps et al.
(2004), who support the concept that differences between
communities of practice (to use Wenger's, 1998 term) can be
clarified using social-constructionist perspectives; such a
process may not yield common ground but may well provide
opportunities to deal with contradictory tensions.
To ground this notion of generating post-normal futuring
in a pragmatic way requires of its facilitators a capacity to
sense and co-create through a deepening level of awareness
about how shifts in a group emerge and can be caused. In
workshop situations this could draw on transformative
learning techniques of a Freirian nature, such as those
proposed by Senge et al. (2005), hooks (1994), or by Thomson
and Bebbington (2004). Suitably facilitated, such futuring
techniques are likely to enable benefits to emerge (e.g.
Frame, 2007). However, this may not necessarily occur in an
a priori predictable manner – and as such presents considerable uncertainty to risk-averse stakeholders. Furthermore,
they can be resource and time intensive, subject to “messiness” and may not produce organisationally convenient
results. The results of such futuring techniques often occur
as a suite of four options (frequently in a 2 × 2 matrix with key
drivers as the axes) with polarised alternatives which can
(unintentionally) guide the user to specific outcomes rather
than engage with the richness and inconclusive subtleties of
the essential “thick” interpretation (from Adger et al., 2003,
p. 1095, citing Geertz, 1973) where thick analysis implies the
identification of linkages and general patterns characteristic
of a particular context.
To achieve such a thick analysis requires further development in the futuring theme. Within the literature, a more
distinctive post-normal form of futuring is arising — foresight
knowledge and its associated assessment (Keenan et al., 2003;
von Schomberg et al., 2006; Guimarães Pereira et al., 2007). In
“fully-fledged” foresight, the European Foundation for the
Improvement of Living and Working Conditions (Keenan et al.,
2003, p. 21) develops the technology as an assemblage of the
following:
• Planning. Here it is assumed that strategic approaches will
involve qualitative as well as quantitative changes. There is
a move away from “rational” modelling based on notions of
equilibrium and stable structures to recognition of more
evolutionary approaches that recognise high levels of
uncertainty and “disruptive innovations”.
• Networking. This re-conceptualizes policy development
away from an “elite-driven/top-down approach” towards
broader, more participative designs. These recognize calls
“for greater democratisation and legitimacy in policy
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processes” and that no single body is “all-knowing” in an
increasingly complex and socially diverse world.
• Futures studies. Here there is a shift from predictive
approaches to more exploratory ones and from one-off
studies to ongoing dialogic iterations. These involve more
extensive stakeholder involvement in contrast with traditional expert-led approaches that present “users” with
visions from “on high”.
As with all post-normal approaches, the foresight approach
specifically acknowledges that it is not intended to completely
displace existing decision-making and planning processes
but is intended to complement and inform them so as to increase their overall effectiveness.
Guimarães Pereira et al. (2007) explain the post-normal
aspects of foresight knowledge through a series of attributes
that are by now familiar, namely that it:
• is non-verifiable (e.g. in a predictive sense) since it does not
give a representation of an empirical reality
• contains a high degree of uncertainty and complexity
• thematises a coherent vision of the future that includes an
“anticipation of the unknown”
• contains an action-oriented perspective (unlike normal
science, which lacks such a perspective)
• shares a hermeneutical dimension with the social sciences
and the humanities whereby knowledge is subject to continuous interpretation (e.g. alternative visions of “the future”)
• is more than merely future-oriented but intent to combine
normative objectives with socio-economic feasibility and
scientific plausibility
• is trans-disciplinary in its approach (using the term as
defined by Adger et al., 2003).
In this sense the foresight knowledge approach appears to
be a post-normal maturation of that aspect of futures studies
most relevant to the development of technologies in support
of moves to increased sustainability. It is not, of course, by its
very definition, a complete or finite process. The methodologies and instances of implementation are still at an early stage
and it is likely these will need to be accompanied by other
post-normal interventions if traction is to be achieved. If
foresight knowledge is seen as one aspect of these, perhaps
most naturally associated with the governance dimension,
then another highly relevant one is that associated with the
citizen themselves.
3.3.
Dialogic accountings
Possibilities for “accountings” that foster democracy and
facilitate more participatory forms of social organisation
have been proposed (Bebbington et al., 2007a,b; Brown, 2007;
Brown and Fraser, 2006) through theoretical and operational
development of more dialogic accounting technologies. These
proposals argue for an approach that respects difference and
takes interpretive and ideological conflicts seriously.6 They
6
This work draws, inter alia, on agonistic political theory,
standpoint epistemology and the work of ecological economist
Peter Söderbaum. See infra Section 4 for further discussion.
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also explicitly seek to avoid an overly “sanitised” view of
the world that ignores power and domination in social
relations. Dialogic engagement principles underpin such an
approach and show how such a model can be implemented
(Bebbington et al., 2007a,b). This requires reworking “calculation and democracy” (Power, 1992, p. 492) and a move
from monologism to dialogism to develop a critical pluralist
framework.
There is recognition that the complexity of sustainable
development – both in terms of scientific uncertainty and
ideological diversity – requires a multi-dimensional approach
(e.g. a plurality of decision criteria). Furthermore, the origins of
sustainability assessment models (SAMs) as a social and
environmental accounting technology are more readily recognised as being polyvocal (Bebbington et al., 2007a; O'Connor,
2000, 2004, 2006a,b,c, in press; O'Connor and van den Hove,
2001). Issues of subjectivity/objectivity become less of an
issue, as SAMs are part of a plural interaction. As such, they
are much less prone to perceptions as an objective, neutral
and complete tool. SAM thus gains strength from its explicit
social constructionist epistemology rather than “subjectivity”
being perceived as a weakness of social and environmental
accounting (as illustrated by scepticism in traditional accounting and neoclassical economic circles).
Boyce (2000) addresses the issue of accounting as a social
technology – “a form of social power” (ibid., p. 27) that may
perform an enabling or constraining function. Accountants
may help construct environmental and social visibilities that
facilitate dialogue and debate through the provision of a broad
range of non-financial as well as financial performance
indicators. Or they may contribute ideologically to the
“invisibility of bads” (ibid., p. 28), by ignoring or downplaying
non-economic impacts:
[Social and environmental accounts] may serve either as a
tool for broadening public discourse, debate, and decision
making (away from an exclusive focus on financial and
economic factors), or as a legitimating device to create an
appearance of broader accounting and thereby facilitate
the de facto dominance of financial and economic factors
(ibid., p. 29, emphasis in original).
Accounting, according to, inter alia, Bebbington et al.
(2007a,b), and Boyce (2000), could have a major role in
developing more participatory and democratic forms of
accountability through promoting open and transparent
decision-making by articulating costs and benefits at various
levels that engage the standpoints, interests, values and
priorities of a range of stakeholders. Boyce (2000, p. 55)
cautions against models aimed at bringing decisive closure
because sustainability is a contestable concept and so social
and environmental accounting should not intend to produce
“incontrovertible” reports. Social worth may be judged not in
terms of expert production of “the right answer” but in the
raising of questions and contestable issues for discussion.
Such accountings are not concerned with the “representation
of ‘infallible truth’ but in its creation of a range of environmental and social visibilities and exposure of values and
priorities that become inputs to wider democratic processes of
discourse and decision making” (ibid., p. 53).
Rather than simple information provision, the accounting
profession needs to develop models to present information to
“prevent premature closure on issues” and “which infuse
debate and dialogue, facilitating genuine and informed citizen
participation in decision-making processes” (ibid., p. 55). In
doing so, they might also help make power relations more
transparent. The involvement of accountants thus helps “to
make existing pluralistic structures operative” and opens the
way for new forms of accounting to be used “to promote
radical democratic change within a pluralistic framework”
(ibid., p. 54).
Accounting's challenge “is to develop forms of practice that
emphasize how accounting statements and insights should be
regarded and used as elements of a conversation or dialogue,
rather than as foundational claims asserting a particular kind
of objectivity or ‘truth'" (Morgan, 1988, p. 484, emphasis in
original). Dialogic accounting also aims to highlight the
inherently contestable nature of much traditional accounting
practice (O'Leary, 1985). Consistent with the aims of postnormal science, the aim is to provide broad-based understandings and multi-dimensional insights that can be used as
platforms for action by a wide range of social actors as they (re)
construct their social realities.
3.4.
Other multi-actor heuristic PNSTs
As society develops responses to climate change issues and the
wider sustainability discourse, new technologies will be
developed to assist in the process. Many of these build on
participatory approaches in various guises (e.g. Chambers,
1994, 2005; Craps et al., 2004) developed in specific disciplines
such as international development (e.g. participatory appraisal
techniques; collaborative project management, action
research, etc.) in addition to the futuring, assessment and
accounting approaches described above. However, such
approaches can be “subverted through competing narratives
that [construct projects] in positivist terms” (Boxelaar et al.,
2006, p. 118). It is insightful, therefore, to identify instances
where the issues at stake in multi-actor initiatives arise from
social constructionist perspectives. In turn this points to the
need, as we will discuss later, for bridging organisations that
foster convergence and divergence — so-called “boundary
organisations”. These examples have emerged in a range of
situations and are discussed over a wide literature, including
examples quite specifically connected to post-normal science
in, for example, Guimarães Pereira et al. (2006). Some examples
of these are summarized here with leads into relevant
literatures:
• Information and Communication Technologies (ICTs) and
Virtual Communities. The development of globalized communities of mutual interest via the internet is already
impacting on social constructions of democracy. For example, as discussed below, citizen-consumers can be held to
account if information systems make the environmental
impacts of individual consumer choices transparent. Early
examples using interactive ICT in the sustainability arena
include those by Guimarães Pereira et al. (1999) and
Guimarães Pereira and O'Connor (1999) with more recent
case studies by Spaargaren and van Vliet (2000), and by
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Berkhout and Hertin (2004) using websites that enable
individuals to calculate personal carbon emissions or assess
energy efficiency potentials of their household. In time,
property rights may, for example, be allocated through
household carbon budgets supporting informational and
economic incentives to induce behaviour changes. Further
to this, O'Connor (2006a) explores the use of ICT for
resolving collective problems of governance of common
environmental and natural resource issues and outlines
future possibilities.
• Science shops. These are units that provide “independent,
participatory research support in response to concerns
experienced by civil society” (Mulder et al., 2006, p. 279)
where the term science is used in its broadest sense to
combine social and human sciences with the natural,
physical and technological sciences. Civil-society groups
can approach these units with problems they consider need
researching. Clients must generally have no commercial
objectives and the research results must be made public. As
such, science shop projects are intended to provide a source
of citizen empowerment (e.g. through implementation of
the results in local communities and/or to influence policy
processes). The use of these science-society interfaces in
Denmark, Germany, the Netherlands and Romania has been
reviewed by Mulder et al. (2006).
• Peer review of science. Scott (2007) reviews the relevance of
science in addressing contemporary social challenges such
as global environmental change and the role of peer review
in that process using, inter alia, a post-normal lens. He
concludes that the current system (including the United
Kingdom's Research Assessment Exercise (RAE) and similar
exercises in other countries) is likely to discourage the kinds
of risky and complex research that are required. Peer review
is often “narrowly scientific” based on a positivist philosophy of knowledge and excludes wider, more socially
relevant concerns. A traditional disciplinary focus also
arguably disadvantages inter- and multi-disciplinary
approaches. This could be suitably addressed through
more plural, open and transparent approaches to the
criteria used in peer review.
The development of these practices of post-normal techniques is, to use the term from Deleuze and Guattari (1987),
“rhizomatic”, that is, pathways are not obvious or necessarily
transparent; engagement and take-up of new ideas and
processes is unlikely to take place in linear ordered ways but
through uncertain and unpredictable pathways. It may be that
this is an inherent component of a post-normal approach and,
potentially, part of its strength. Such PNSTs may increase with
time but in the absence of governance reforms to create
appropriate dialogic spaces, development is likely to remain
spasmodic.
4.
Governance for PNSTs
Existing governance arrangements and structures are arguably ill-equipped to deal with the complexities of sustainability or to accommodate PNSTs. Like traditional science,
they are, in themselves, fit for their original purpose, but
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the institutions articulating that purpose are found wanting
faced with contemporary dilemmas. One response to this is
to present sustainability in an aspirational sense and
reshape institutions and accountability accordingly. Postnormal science addressing sustainability concerns calls for
governance arrangements that are highly adaptable, creative
and able to make transparent to stakeholders their underlying values and assumptions (both collective and personal).
Or, to adopt the new lexicon, they involve “messy” governance. Such institutional arrangements help identify previously unanticipated dimensions, including the social
construction of knowledge and concepts of stakeholder
participation, and lead to increased information sharing
and interactive policy and management decision-making
across stakeholders and sectors. We look now at an
assemblage of arrangements which could facilitate the
development of PNSTs. These build on Funtowicz and
Ravetz's foundation of an extended peer community to
demonstrate how PNSTs might look in practice, the processes through which they can foster agency and dialogic
exchange and, finally, forms of citizenship that help to
enable sustainability agendas.
4.1.
Extended peer communities
Increasing numbers of initiatives involve wider groups of
people in decision-making and policy implementation
around sustainability issues (Funtowicz, 2006). These include
people without formal institutional accreditation but with a
desire to participate in attempts to resolve an issue. As such
they are called citizens' juries (Ward et al., 2003), deliberative
stakeholder consultations (Opinion Leader Research, 2006),
dialogic community (Dobson, 2005, p. 269) and so on. As
several disciplines (with their own paradigmatic differences)
may be represented, combined with two or more layers of
ambiguity, then issues about fitness for purpose arise that
lead, as elsewhere, to considerations of authority and
influence from multiple sources. In the context of a plurality
of legitimate perspectives, participation is “not only ethically
correct or politically expedient… It is the only way to reveal
the richness and variety of the relevant knowledges and for
quality, eventually to emerge” (Funtowicz, 2006, p. 145).
Increasingly such extended peer communities operate in
the virtual space, through new social movements, social
marketing campaigns or, as in some countries, in science
shops. Indeed, there are specific examples from within the
PNS world, e.g. the Post-normal Times (www.postnormaltimes.net) is:
dedicated to improving the quality of public participation
in science-based policy decisions related to the conundrums presented by problems of environmentally sustainable development, by providing multiple and constructive
perspectives on complex and controversial science and
policy issues. A central focus will be on justifications
provided for controversial high-stakes decisions that
pertain to complex problems such as climate change, in
which the disadvantages of making trade-offs fall disproportionately on those excluded from the decisionmaking process.
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The development of dialogic fora therefore requires reform
around concepts of equity and justice within and across
generations, geographical spaces and social groups, as well as
notions of ecological integrity and quality of life, for example
(Sneddon et al., 2006, p. 264). One aspect is the emergence and
development of boundary organisations as originally proposed by Brown (1991) and developed further by, inter alia,
Guston (2001). These are necessary to focus on process
management of particular sustainability issues, although
they depend on the relationships (or linkages) between
stakeholders (Guston, 2001). The role(s) performed by communicators, translators, mediators, etc., to equip diverse
stakeholders with requisite skills for negotiation and coinvestigation depends on which problem or issue is at stake
and what set(s) of stakeholders are involved. These processes
occur in multiple directions vis-à-vis several stakeholders.
The phrase “boundary organisation” carries the risk of
reproducing conventional power relations and notions of
authoritative core sets of experts (Craps et al., 2004). A
different language may be needed to better encapsulate the
sort of work these in-between organisations (or particular
individuals within those organisations) would do; that is, how
they go about empowering themselves and others in dialogic
fora in ways that do not presuppose conventional ways of
ordering their relations and interpreting their respective
interests. Giroux's (1992) concept of “border-crossers”,
Brown's (1991, 1993) work on bridging organisations and
participatory action research and Carolan (2006) on “interactional” and “public” expertises are helpful here.
In dialogic fora, concessions or compromises on sustainability issues have to be made between the utopian and the
practical as noted above; and between stakeholders with quite
different interests. This may mean one stakeholder (or
interest) pulling back to give the necessary conditions for
another stakeholder or set of stakeholders to act. With
sustainability science there is an inherent issue of dialogic
reconciliation and respect to do with building relationships
with others who have competing or opposing interests. This is
a meta-position that people take up in different ways and
which expresses their stakeholder interests in a non-essentialist way. In an ideal sense, this could involve a hospitality
ethic and agonistic respect, which admits tensions and
antagonisms (O'Connor, 1999, p. 673; Connolly, 2002; see also
O'Hara, 1996 on the development of discursive ethics) and is
sensitive to the complex and dynamic nature of social
relations. In practice, this will be difficult to achieve in
situations of heightened conflict and researchers will need
high levels of interactional and public expertise to contribute
to and monitor development of such case studies as proposed
by Carolan (2006). It calls for care in fostering “diverging and
converging interactions” in a way that recognises opportunities for collaboration, without losing sight of diverse
interests and frames (Craps et al., 2004, p. 385). Or, as Verweij
et al. (2006, p. 839) put it:
we have at one extreme an unresponsive monologue and
at the other a shouting match amongst the deaf. Between
these extremes we occasionally find a vibrant multivocality in which each voice formulates its view as
persuasively as possible, sensitive to the knowledge that
others are likely to disagree, and acknowledging a
responsibility to listen to what others are saying.
Only through creating the capacity and capability for
participatory decision-making, improved knowledge management and new institutional mechanisms, can innovation
and sustainability be delivered. Managing complex and
shifting social, economic and environmental issues requires
thinking in post-normal terms and utilising PNSTs. It also
requires focusing on improving understanding of future
governance and governing processes and governments and
institutions to become much more critically reflexive,
learning organisations.
4.2.
Agonistic processes
For many stakeholders, sustainability is a utopian ideal; and
consensus on what is and what is not sustainability cannot
(and never will) be universally agreed (for recent reviews of
different perspectives, see Hadorn et al., 2006; Castro, 2004;
Hopwood et al., 2005). It is often easier to understand what
sustainability is not, but achieving sustainability requires
recognition of ideological diversity and socio-political
processes:
There is no avoiding the policy questions of costs for
whom, benefits for whom, dangers borne by whom, and
when and where? In other words, whose perceptions
and principles are going to prevail, whose interests are
to count more, and whose less? Here scientific practice,
including the prioritizing of research and dissemination
of results, is necessarily entwined with wider political
processes (Funtowicz, O'Connor and Ravetz, 1997,
p. 92).
Sustainability knowledge gets played out in socio-political
spaces where ambiguities and contradictions are exposed, and
meanings vary according to local contexts and the particular
set of stakeholders involved. In other words, dominant
meanings are often “‘punctured’ by differing ‘evaluative
contexts’” (Barnett, 2002, p. 316). Pepper (2005) examines the
ways in which utopianism permeates both radical and
reformist environmentalism. Utopianism has created “ecotopia”, the radical environmentalist's utopia that has evolved
from writing and action over the past half century. Ecotopianism's “transgressive” potential in assisting change towards
an ecological society is judged to be limited by idealism and
unrealistic assessments of existing socio-economic dynamics.
Similarly reformist environmentalism can also be argued to
rest on unrealistic premises, reflecting liberal-capitalist utopian fantasies. In both cases, an idealistic stance is assumed,
one that denies the existence of power relations and the
messy influences of greed and corruption and this can be seen
as one of several “characteristic contradictions” to use
Ravetz's (2006) term. For post-normal science to accommodate
these, he proposes that new forms are needed for effective
engagement with sustainability and survival.
The post-normal science literature to date has largely
avoided explicit engagement with politics in the sense of
specific linkages across analytical tools, engagement and
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democratic theory.7 We propose agonism as an approach
that can avoid the twin difficulties of “reformist environmentalism” and “utopian fantasies”. We have developed the
case for this in detail elsewhere (Brown, 2007; see also
Bebbington et al., 2007a,b). In short, this work develops key
principles for a critical dialogic approach drawing on
agonistic political theory (Mouffe, 2000, 2005). These provide
a central role for diversity, respect concepts of interpretive
and ideological conflict and are sensitive to the complexity of
power dynamics. We utilize standpoint epistemology as a
way of recognizing the situatedness of all perspectives8
(Harding, 2004; Longino, 2001) and the work of Söderbaum
(1982, 1999, 2000a,b, 2001, 2007) to develop the concept of
positional analysis. This allows different social actors to
formulate their own “accountings” (broadly defined), and
thereby allows a fuller expression of the plural nature of
contemporary democracies than provided by more traditional “monologic” accounts. It seeks to foster social relations
that explicitly recognise relations of both conflict and cooperation. Dialogic engagement principles underpin such an
approach and show how such a model can be implemented
(Bebbington et al., 2007b).
We also consider agonistic processes help overcome many
of the limitations identified in approaches based on deliberative democratic theory. As Latta (2007) observes, deliberative political philosophy is an advance on more
“instrumental” approaches which attempt to steer individuals and collectivities in pre-determined directions. It
emphasises “the need to enhance the freedom and capacity
of citizens to engage in meaningful deliberation over
decisions that affect them” and recognises that democratic
processes can have “important educative or preferencetransforming qualities” (ibid., p. 383). However while regulative norms such as Habermas' ideal speech situation are a
“nice ideal to work toward” deliberative models too often lack
effective means “to address existing contexts of extensive
injustice, hierarchy and exclusion” (ibid., emphasis in
original). With Mouffe (2000, 2005) we would also argue that
they are often overly consensual in approach.
To date, awareness-raising of what is at stake environmentally, socially and politically, and addressing issues based
on differences has been the main achievement of post-normal
science. It is only through developing and implementing new
technologies that outcomes will become feasible. PNSTs then,
must involve finding appropriate concessions or compromises
between the different stakeholders. These are technologies
that function to redistribute and disburse responsibility for
social and environmental care onto broad-ranging stake-
7
One of our reviewers suggests early post-normal science was
quite explicit about avoiding politics, noting that at the time it
was created there was no effective politics of environmental
protest.
8
The central theme of standpoint epistemology is that all
knowledge is situated. The same object can be represented and
understood in many different ways depending on our physical
location, interests, values and worldviews. Consistent with our
concern to promote agonistic interaction, we favour those
variants that embrace critical pluralism (cf. those that seek to
identify a single epistemically privileged perspective).
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holders as agents of change, and which make traditional
forms of expertise both contestable and contested (Newton,
2005). As Dean (1999, p. 33) notes: “government is a fundamentally utopian activity. It presupposes a better world,
society, way of doing things or way of living”. In more
networked form of social practice, government becomes a
focus “not for the concentration of power… but for power
sharing and negotiated decision making” (Lockie, 2006, p. 28).
And what is a better world or way of living is contingent
upon whom or what is embroiled in governing processes.
4.3.
Ecological citizenship
The concept here is “one of many new forms of adjectival
citizenship, which have emerged since the resurgence of
interest in citizenship theory” (Bell, 2005, p. 179) which
include, inter alia, active, sustainable, corporate, consumer
and green citizenship, to name but a few. It is emerging as a
way of bridging gaps between science, politics and practice,
and empowering people to be responsive and responsible visà-vis sustainability (Dobson, 2003, 2005, 2006; Dobson and Bell,
2005; Latta, 2007; Newton, 2005). In so doing it brings citizenship into the realm of post-normal science. The concept
enables people to be credited with multiple capacities and
expertise that can support the co-production of knowledge
about sustainability in dialogic fora alongside other “professional” public and private experts. It is premised on lay publics
being able to assume some expertise in relation to the exercise
of sustainability in their own daily life and socio-political
contexts:
Those whose lives and livelihood depend on the solution
of the problems will have a keen awareness of how the
general principles are realized in their ‘back yards’. They
will also have ‘extended facts’, including anecdotes,
informal surveys, and official information published by
unofficial means. It may be argued that they lack
theoretical knowledge and are biased by self-interest; but
it can equally well be argued that the experts lack practical
knowledge and have their own unselfconscious forms of
bias (Funtowicz and Ravetz, 1993, p. 753).
Environmental citizenship “or, more accurately, ‘citizens
of an environment’” (Bell, 2005, p. 180) is about adopting
values and actions that are consistent with sustainability.
It can be framed to bridge “the boundaries that the concept of citizenship once helped to guard, such as those
between nations and between the public and private
spheres” and “to include future generations and ecosystems”
(www.environmentalcitizenship.net). There is also an inherent contradiction of a “wicked” kind, namely “that liberal
citizens are ‘citizens of an environment’, which is both ‘provider
of basic needs’ and ‘subject about which there is reasonable
disagreement’” (Bell, 2005, p. 186, emphasis in original).
Sustainability, itself, is thus recognized as a contestable and
inherently political topic that resists easy translation into a
“common good”. As such, it requires “democratic sensibility”
(Latta, 2007).
There is an extensive literature on these various citizenships; too much to cover here, but three examples give a sense
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of the overall range of the concept and the ways in which they
are intertwined with agonistic processes and extended peer
communities. Like Latta (2007), we take a deliberately heterodox approach. We are interested in exploring ways in which
the concept of citizenship might revitalise democratic engagement rather than prescribing a singular understanding of how
it should be applied to particular sustainability issues. We
seek to foster political spaces where a broad range of
individuals and collectivities can engage in robust debate.
We recognize – and welcome the fact – that this is likely to
involve proposals for a plurality of understandings of what
“ecological citizenship” entails.
Firstly, active citizenship. Neo-liberal societies have tended
to treat people's consumer rights as paramount, resulting in
consumption as a separate and privileged activity to citizenship (Couldry, 2004; Newton, 2005; Soper, 2004). Indeed,
people's rights and responsibilities were seen to emanate
from market laws of supply and demand, including the right to
demand quality (Doubleday, 2004, p. 118; Burgess, 2001); rather
than from their civic responsibilities or accountabilities. This
is changing with new ideas about active citizenship (Newton,
2005). These require different (post-normal) capacities and
roles for individuals and communities in relation to science
and technology (especially PNSTs), alongside consumption
choices as a way for individuals and social groups to express
their beliefs, norms, political commitments and differences in
a pluralist society (Cosgel and Minkler, 2004; Paavola, 2001;
Seyfang, 2004, 2005; and also Carter and Huby, 2005, on ethical
investment consumerism).
Or, as Barry (2005, p. 33) puts it in his concept of
sustainability citizenship: “if one accepts the argument for
sustainability, one does not just have the right to demand
changes to create a more sustainable society but one also
has the obligation to do so”. In this construct, Barry
counters the more strident positions that all consumption
is bad with a plea to find ways to “cultivate and support
mindful …consumption, and to seek a balance between the
extremes of excessive consumption and no consumption/
poverty” (ibid., p. 38). In so doing he encourages practices
that enable positive forms of citizenship as consumers,
parents, workers, investors; subject positions that can, in
themselves, be constructed as sites of political resistance
and advocacy.
Söderbaum's (1999, 2000a,b, 2001, 2007) model of the
“political economic person” (PEP) was developed in direct
response to perspectives that assume “each individual maximizes her or his own utility, whatever that means in ethical
terms” (2000a, p. 37). He claims that economic analyses should
seek a much more pluralist approach and model of stakeholder relations “that allows for differences, as well as
similarities, among individuals” (Söderbaum, 2000b, p. 438).
Söderbaum's model of PEP advocates the internalisation of
broader, non-market related values into economic accounting
and a better understanding of the social and cultural aspects
of human behaviour in environment–technical–natural systems. It accommodates a more contextual and embedded
understanding of social exchange; rather than the instrumental contracts between “self-interested utility-maximisers”
that characterise neoclassical economic models (Söderbaum,
2000b, 2007).
Of the various forms of citizenship, one that is particularly
relevant to PNSTs is most fully developed in Dobson's notion
of post-cosmopolitanism (2003) also referred to as dialogic
cosmopolitanism (2005) or thick cosmopolitanism (2006). This
seeks to address “asymmetrical globalisation” by giving
greater significance to subaltern voices through increased
emphasis on justice though stopping short, on pragmatic
grounds, from endorsing “unconstrained dialogue…as an end
in itself” (2005, p. 268) and to operate in both the public and
private spheres. Szerszynski (2006) also takes positions
counter to the traditional “citizen” where citizenship tends
to be involved in the affairs of the public space but absent from
the routine business of the reproduction of daily life. He sees
this exerted through three metaphors, blindness, distance and
movement. From these he posits an enlarged citizenship that
is achieved through agonistic processes between blindness
and vision; distance and proximity; and mobility and staying
still. Finally, thick cosmopolitanism roots, political rights and
obligations in the material relationships of ecological footprints; individuals with unsustainable footprints have noncontractual asymmetrical obligations to correct the injustices
inherent in those relationships.
With Latta (2007), we suggest that thick cosmopolitan
conceptualizations could be usefully expanded to identify
subaltern voices as active agents for transformation, rather
than primarily as the “recipients of justice”. As well as
broadening conceptions of political agency, this would assist
in identifying unequal material relations in human–human
relations beyond those captured in the ecological footprint.
As Schlosberg (2004) convincingly argues, environmental
justice requires attention to equity in distribution, recognition of diversity and participation in political processes. A
focus on the distributive obligations of already powerful
actors (and individualistic at that) may unintentionally
further marginalise less powerful groups.
In summary then, ecological citizenship is a mechanism
by which consumer, investor, employee and various other
social roles are politicized and critiqued. It requires evaluation (and continual re-evaluation) of what it means to be a
citizen in contemporary society. In its “thicker” forms,
citizens are required to engage in agonistic processes and
inhabit extended peer communities to take issues beyond
token understandings of democratic participation, dialogue
and engagement. As such, these processes offer PNSTs
mechanisms by which to turn wicked problems into clumsy
solutions.
5.
Critical issues
Sustainability science then needs to be both critical and
issues-driven, participant-oriented, subjective, exploratory
and uncertain. Unlike much of normal science, it is not driven
as much by “technical puzzle-solving” or by demand-driven
performance but by a need to address global environmental
change and other pressing issues. Sustainability science
requires PNSTs that perform as “heuristic instruments”, that
is, ones which aid “in the acquisition of better insight into
complex problems of sustainability” (Martens, 2006, p. 38). To
achieve such insight requires research of many kinds
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EC O L O G IC A L E C O N O M IC S 6 5 ( 2 0 08 ) 22 5 –2 41
responsive to diverse value framings, and including attention
to both fundamental and applied research categories (Sarewitz, 2004). For successful implementation, it requires a shift
from positivist conceptions of objective, value-free knowledge
to social constructionist theories of knowledge. Examples of
insightful case study accounts of the difficulties in progressing
dialogic approaches in contexts still dominated by positivist,
technocratic tools and perspectives are given by Boxelaar et al.
(2006) and Callaghan and Wistow (2006).
Sneddon et al. (2006) observe that moving the sustainability
debate beyond “its post-Bruntland quagmire” depends on the
willingness of researchers and practitioners to work with a
multiplicity of perspectives:
… Our Common Future marked, anchored, and guided the
rise of a remarkable political debate, indeed a whole new
political discourse across contesting interests, from
grounded practitioners to philosophical academics, from
indigenous peoples to multinational corporations. Sustainability may yet be possible if sufficient numbers of scholars,
practitioners and political actors embrace a plurality of
approaches to and perspectives on sustainability, accept
multiple interpretations and practices associated with an
evolving concept of “development”, and support a further
opening up of local-to-global public spaces to debate and
enact a politics of sustainability (p. 254).
Major institutional reorientation is needed at the policy
level to ensure responsiveness to local demand and context.
At the programme level, such reform would mean that
detailed outlines for action can no longer be drawn up at the
outset since problem-solving is based on partnerships, cooperation and conflict through techniques such as those
described by Susskind et al. (2002, 2003) and Bäckstrand (2006)
for multistakeholder dialogue at the global scale, or through
non-violent communication as advocated by Rosenberg (2003)
and Dhir (2006) building on the Gandhian term, satyagraha
(struggling for one's own truth) (Ravetz, 2006, p. 281), and
many other well-documented techniques. These programmes
are designed to be responsive to changing stakeholder needs,
so one challenge noted by reviewers is to develop participatory
and systems-based monitoring and evaluative processes to
allow for feedback loops, ongoing and less programmed
approaches to learning (Allen, 1997). In the absence of this,
notions of “democratic participation” are likely to remain little
more than token gestures (Callaghan and Wistow, 2006;
Quaghebeur et al., 2004).
Critical issues for the way ahead arise from the multiple
interventions or technologies for achieving sustainability.
These issues implicate democratic leadership as a key driver,
especially in the long-term; new manifestations of governance, and adaptive learning and post-normal science as
integral mechanisms for institutional reform. They require
dialogic fora that are inclusive, participatory, and mobile.
There is also growing recognition that these require, to use
Sayer's (2001) term, post-disciplinary approaches with other
versions of this concept to be found in, for example, Carolan
(2006), Miller (2005) and Rayner (2006). There are, at present,
insufficient boundary organisations to provide the sorts of
facilitators or negotiators needed to broker relations between
237
diverse stakeholders and promote open dialogue. All this
requires:
• More rigorous and explicit frameworks that incorporate
different forms of knowledge and expertise possessed by
diverse stakeholders in policy and management processes.
• Innovative procedures for building on current best practice
for dialogic engagement, which involve skills and attributes
that may well challenge government actors and are
currently largely non-existent.
• Cutting edge research that continues to provide dialogic
tools and processes for doing sustainability science, and
producing practical, real world solutions to shifting problems, which are also a product of those tools and processes.
• New fora for public engagement with science and technology that achieve public or civic expertise on sustainability
through institutional reform.
• “Conversations” amongst diverse stakeholders to foster
different networks (and real partnerships) and produce
new institutions.
• A balance between too few (less than three) and too many
voices (perhaps no more than five) as suggested in Rayner's
(2006) “law of minimum requisite variety”. Care needs to be
taken here that this is not used as a way of “managing
participation” so as to cut off “inconvenient” viewpoints; or to
curtail the possibilities for emergent voices and preferences.
• Different technical terminologies based on different aids to
seeing, and different ways of doing, in the fields of
accounting, economics and law which are increasingly
made trans- or post-disciplinary.
• Quality assurance of PNSTs based on an “enlightened
ethical commitment” (Ravetz, 2006, p. 278). For this to be
effective, researchers working at the boundary between
knowledge creation and knowledge usage, will not present
hard facts but develop trust as part of an assemblage of
complexities and value commitments from which decisions
will be “negotiated in good faith” (ibid.; for examples of how
the “good faith” concept has evolved in the labour context
and its relation to information disclosure, see Davenport
and Brown, 2002).
These developments depart from normal science approaches, conventional notions of growth and progress predicated on linear understandings, and entrenched power
relations. They produce different accountabilities and emphases on individual, group and organisational responsibilities and different ways of knowing. And they require different
notions of performance, quality, conflict and expertise (not to
mention the angular terminology). In so doing, research
agendas open up to provide the renewal and enrichment for
post-normal science that will prevent it veering towards
obsolescence as feared by Ravetz (2006); and to offer some
hope for a science worthy of the sustainability challenge.
Acknowledgements
We thank the New Zealand Foundation for Research, Science
and Technology for funding under the “Building capacity for
sustainable development: The enabling research” project
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EC O LO GIC A L E CO N O M ICS 6 5 ( 2 00 8 ) 2 2 5 –2 41
(C09X0310). The detailed and generous contributions by the
referees have added significantly to the paper and are gratefully acknowledged. We would also like to thank Bronwyn
Newton for contributions and insights to earlier drafts.
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