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C RITICAL T HEORY R ESEARCH N ETWORK
dir. Jeremiah Morelock
Department of Sociology
Boston College
http://criticaltheoryresearchnetwork.com
THE QUEST FOR MODERNITY IN LATIN AMERICAN
CRITICAL THEORY
Felipe Ziotti Narita
São Paulo State University (Unesp) – SP, Brazil
November 18, 2016, 12:16 pm
The quest for modernity in Latin American thought became a
prominent issue with political independence from colonial order early in
the nineteenth century and the constitution of national societies in the
region from the 1830s and the 1840s onwards. It is worth noting that
this preoccupation was born almost at the same time as the rising of the
discourse of modernity in Western Europe and the US (Pratt 2010,
Habermas 1983, Oehler 2004). The implications of this historical and
sociological configuration are far from being solved. In broad terms, as
Carlos Fuentes (1990) puts it, the problem of modernity is part of a
historical destination of Latin America and its being in a “desperate
search for modernity”. More than a quest for identity and a place in the
West as its essential destination, however, Latin American modernity also
means the very problematic condition of social formation in a
(semi)peripheral region within the constitution of the capitalist worldsystem.
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Since the 1990s, with the irruption of civil society and new forms
of democratic demands in Latin America, Latin American social theory
has suffered important theoretical twists. In this sense, a large number
of authors have aligned themselves with a wide range of critical thought
(Anibal Quijano, Eduardo Grüner, Garcia Linera, etc.) and decolonization
theories (W. Mignolo, Grosfoguel, Restrepo, Dussel, etc.) in order to
analyze the historical constitution of a region and its historical and
sociological impasses in the course of modernity during the nineteenth
and the twentieth centuries. From these new trends in Latin American
historical-sociological theories, I would like to detach the formation of a
critical theory that deals with conceptual interfaces in the social sciences
in order to analyze the problem of modernity and its global structure in
Latin American social formation.
By proposing a theory of modernity that highlights the Latin
American position in its theoretical core, Brazilian social scientist José
Maurício Domingues presents an important account of those themes. In
this text, I present a short appraisal of the topic that is much broader
than the limits of this critical commentary. For this reason, this text is
more properly a first theoretical approach to a work in progress. It
consists in brief theoretical remarks of a research approach concerning
the problem of modernity in nineteenth-century former colonial areas
(in this case, Latin America). So, I would like to focus my brief analysis on
Domingues’ theoretical insights in order to discuss some points dealing
with a critical theory that faces the problem of modernity in the region
with special attention to the very origin of the discourses of modernity
during the nineteenth century.
With a scheme to some extent derived from the theory of Peter
Wagner, Domingues’ (2013, 54) analytical framework is based on three
crucial moments for Latin American social formation: (1) a restricted
liberal modernity, which was grounded in a rising liberal world market
during the second half of the nineteenth-century; (2) a state-centered
modernity, which was marked by corporatism, developmentalism, and
modernization projects dealing with the constitution of strong internal
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markets between the 1920s and the 1970s; (3) a third phase marked by
the crisis of the discourse of modernity and a network society that
imposes new mechanisms of cohesion and political legitimation. It is
worth noting that, since the author derives the problem of modernity in
Latin America from the nineteenth century, this effort implies the inner
relationship between Latin American social formation and a double
turning point which, in a Marxian/Weberian key, Domingues calls the
constitution of the nineteenth-century world market as a mode of
production and the rising of rational-legal domination grounded in
national states.
This theoretical démarche points to the historical situation of the
sociological dynamics of modernity in Latin America: at the very moment
when the discourses of modernity were built in Western Europe and the
US, Latin America became the first region to be liberated from direct
colonial rule in the long nineteenth century (despite the phenomenon of
imperialism) (Domingues 2013, 56). In this sense, nineteenth-century
Latin America encompasses, according to its historical/sociological
insertion in the world-system, two modern movements that, from the
end of the eighteenth century to the beginning of the nineteenth
century, constituted important parameters for the rising discourse of
modernity in the Atlantic world: the institutionalization of nation-states
and modern constitutionalism (Domingues 2013, 271). As Susan BuckMorss (2009) puts it in her seminal work, regarding political modernity
and its universalist principles at the end of the eighteenth century, this
historical experience linked eighteenth-century Western Europe to the
realization of the Enlightenment goal of human liberty in a colonial space
(in this case, Haiti). The French Revolution and its political modernity
were “not simply a European phenomenon but world-historical in its
implication” (Buck-Morss 2009, 39). If we analyze this thesis and its
theoretical implications, it is worth noting that, in this case, the former
colonial spaces are not placed on the margins of Western European
social processes, that is, their raison d’être is not a formless mirror of
Western European modernity.
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In light of these questions, the critical theory proposed by
Domingues criticizes the classical image of Latin American social
formation as an opaque element in relation to the transformations of
modernity. This topic of an incomplete social formation and a social
inaptitude in relation to Western European modernity in Latin America
is the very core of the problem of theorizing modernity in the region in
the nineteenth century. For the notion of Latin America as an absence
reifies the capitalist world-system by isolating its parts from the dynamic
movement of the whole. Latin America developed a double tie with
Western European modernity in the period: (1) as part of the social
division of labor in a world-system of commodity exchange (in the
movement of what Marx identified as the expanded reproduction of
capital) and (2) with a political, cultural, and social imaginary of the
region deeply linked to the dynamics of Western modernity. The crisscross of these two realms indicates important dimensions to the analysis
of a peripheral area in the circuits of modernity in the nineteenth century.
At a theoretical level, this movement is far removed from any kind
of irreducible national narratives (as if discussing the particularity of a
nation’s historical realities were mutually exclusive with conceptualizing
its structural location in the world-system) and Sonderweg approaches.
For Daniel Chernilo and Aldo Mascareño (2011), theorizing modernity
leads to a conceptual impasse that deals with historical particularity as
an universal moment in the structuration of the capitalist world-system:
in the Latin American case, this challenge consists in analyzing the
historical position of the region within the universality of its relationship
with the world-system, which is to say, the particularity of the social
formation as a theoretical moment of the universality of world society.
Against the image of Latin America as a limited version of Western
European and North American modernity, the authors argue that this
idea of an incomplete modernity in Latin America can be analyzed in two
ways: (1) a structural obstacle that constitutes modernity in the region
as an opaque relationship with Western ideas and institutions, which
would be reduced to exotic, imported versions coming from the
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capitalist centers in Western Europe and the US; (2) the domination of
particularisms in political order and the absence of authentic national
societies since their political institutions in the nineteenth century.
This argument can be read as a criticism against the idea of
structural inauthenticity of social processes in Latin America. As an
inauthentic formation, then, Latin America would be conceived either as
an absence (according to the conceptual poles of civilization/barbarism,
a widespread perception in the nineteenth-century social imagination in
the region) or as an incomplete social formation due to its structural
heteronomy to the capitalist centers. A lack of civilization (according to
nineteenth-century rhetoric), a weak civil society, and the absence of
bourgeois revolutions; understood as heteronomous, social formation
would be reduced to the passive effect of bourgeois reason coming from
central countries. This view emphasizes an alleged social inability of the
region to deal with modernity and to break with the traditional past.
Maria Sylvia de Carvalho Franco (1972) argues that, in this case,
nineteenth-century social formation in a peripheral area is conceptually
obliterated in terms of its inner structures of production and
reproduction
of
world-transformations
in
capitalist
modernity.
Nineteenth-century Latin America, in this key, would constitute opaque
social formation in relation to the large-scale transformations of the
capitalist world-system due to their colonial heritages.
If the argument of inauthentic or limited modernity reifies the
capitalist world-system in two poles (the true content of Western
European modernity versus its corrupted form in peripheral areas), the
theoretical challenge for Latin American critical theory, following the
steps of Domingues’ researches, consists in analyzing the very peripheral
condition as a moment of the universal dynamic of the whole.
Domingues (2009, 202) emphasizes modernity as a “heterogenous
global civilization”. In this sense, this heterogeneuos expansion of
modernity deals both with a kind of uneven and combined development
(especially in relation to the integration of peripheral areas into the
world market since its effective global expansion in the nineteenth
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century) and the development of history as universal history, which is to
say, multilinear processes of cultural configuration, social rhythms and
dispersion of subjectivities, and space-time constructions. This relational
perspective, beyond all sorts of dualisms that are present in the
modernization theories of the 1950s and the 1960s (which has been
criticized since the 1970s in the Latin American social sciences, with the
seminal works of Ernesto Laclau and Maria Sylvia de Carvalho Franco),
promotes a critical theory that analyzes a former colonial area not merely
as a passive effect of bourgeois expansion, but rather in the framework
of a theoretical critique of modernity and its universal and uneven
realization of the capitalist world-system.
At this point, the constitution of world society and its structural
configuration according to the inner dynamics of modernity imply that
this very autonomization of modernity can be understood as a worldhistorical phenomenon. I would like to situate this process in the very
origin of modernity as a discourse in the nineteenth century. Since the
former colonial areas in Latin America in the nineteenth century are not
merely condemned to reproduce an imperfect imitation of modernity,
they constitute particular relations to it as part of the universal content
of the capitalist world-system. José Maurício Domingues proposes a
Latin American critical theory that emphasizes “modernizing moves”
(giros modernizadores), that is, social attempts aiming at strengthening
cultural ties between the region and Western European processes by
concrete modernization efforts. Modernizing moves in Latin America
have constituted the core of the development of modernity in the region
since the nineteenth century; this is not a case of structural patterns and
functional regulation of their dynamics, but rather a focus on the action
of diffused collectivities and subjectivities (citizens) towards social
modernization. This thesis implies that “modernity was not simply there
and was then transplanted to the subcontinent. Instead it has developed
simultaneously in the West and in Latin America” (Domingues 2009, 16).
Since his theoretical effort consists in understanding the historicity of
this particular form of modernity in former colonial spaces, he is not
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saying that this process illustrates a reproduction dynamic (as if
modernity were a kind of replication). The particular historical situation
could only be generated by the modern world-system, which provided
the very basis for cultural interchanges in light of material reproduction
of capital (Domingues 2009, 17).
If Domingues (2009, 132) assumes that in nineteenth-century Latin
America the nation constituted a major reference for the dynamics of
modernizing moves, I think that, in addition to this collective identity and
beyond the cultural horizon of the nation (which would be elaborated
throughout the period), it is important to emphasize the political and
social content of the nation: the citizen. Although the limited conditions
of citizenhip and political participation (in this sense, slavery and the
exclusion of indigenous populations are the most striking examples of
the blocked effectuation of civil, social and political rights in Latin
America), the rhetoric of the citizen and the people as objects of
governamentality show the elaboration of a tangible civil society. From
vassals and subjects to citizens, this is not only a case of semantic
change: to some extent, the very problem of the citizen as a reference of
subjectivities in modernizing moves illustrates the integration of Latin
America into the circuits of transformation of modernity by echoing a
political vocabulary coming from the Enlightenment and the modern
bourgeois revolutions (Chiaramonte 1989; Sabato 2009; Negretto and
Aguilar Rivera 2000; Chambers 1999; König 2009; Narita 2014; Narita
2016). Besides a new moral grammar of subjectivities in a peripheral
area, modernizing moves, in this case, emphasize some conditions of
autonomization of modernization and its correlate social processes in
Latin America.
With these approaches, the very condition of Latin American
modernity is conceived as a mediation within a world-system generated
in the context of nineteenth-century capitalist expansion. Instead of an
image of social absences, which is based on dualisms (archaic/modern,
authentic/inauthentic content of modernity, etc.) and emphasizes a
disconnexion between modern ideas and social practices in Latin
Felipe Ziotti Narita | November, 2016
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America (despite, for example, the deep relationship between Latin
American social formation and liberalism as an ideology of nation
building and social organization – see, for example, José Luis Mora,
Tavares Bastos, Alberdi, Lastarria, etc.), Latin American critical theory
allows us to see the structural interface between a peripheral area and
the inner dynamics of the constitution of capitalist modernity. In this
sense, there is no place for social formation structurally blocked from the
large-scale transformations of modernity (due to the colonial heritage,
the traditional society, and slavery) (Zeuske 2016). Rather, the very
components of social formation are analyzed as historical and
sociological mediations of modern forms of sociability and the public
sphere in the autonomization of modernization processes (Terán 2000;
Pas 2012; González Bernaldo de Quirós 2000).
The theoretical trends discussed in this text in light of some of
Domingues’ theoretical contributions propose conditions of the
incorporation of Latin American social formation into the circuits of
transformation of modernity. However, they do not point to an
important dimension of modernity since, at least, the second half of the
nineteenth century: the circuits of ideas and their spheres of interaction
with social processes in urban areas. If Domingues recognizes the
autonomy of modernization processes in the region as modernizing
moves, he discusses these moves as a kind of telos, which is to say, a
dynamic based on disembedding and re-embedding processes that take
Western modernity as reference (Domingues 2013, 273). The idea of
modernizing moves is very useful in analyzing the rise of modernity in
the nineteenth century as a world dynamic carrying a universal content,
but, since this approach supposes a telos, it takes for granted an inner
dialectical movement that illustrates important social processes of a
peripheral condition in the circuits and spheres of circulation of
nineteenth-century modernity: the deep relationship between technical
and cultural transformations and the structural presence of religion, that
is, a dynamic unity between traditional components and bourgeois
dynamism.
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This is why nineteenth-century Latin American social formation is
not a form of traditional society. Tangible experiences of modernity in
the period in Latin American cities such as Valparaiso, Veracruz, Rio de
Janeiro, Barranquilla or Buenos Aires, in this sense, implied the formation
of life-styles in those urban spaces and the development of commercial
capitalism, which counted on structural ties with financial and industrial
expansions of the centers. This set of urban-based activities and lifestyles constituted the very core of the problem of the inner conditions
of production and reproduction of modernity in nineteenth-century
former colonial areas. This research insight, besides the transferts
culturels (cultural transfers) of ideas and practices, can emphasize the
structuration of circuits grounded in material and cultural processes of
production and reproduction of modernity in a peripheral area in the
formation of modernity as a discourse within the nineteenth-century
capitalist world-system.
* I would like to thank Jeremiah Morelock (Boston College) for proofreading
an earlier draft of this paper.
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