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Date: 2016.11.19 12:54:03 Z
Location: New Delhi India
A Descriptive Grammar of the Zo language
704
Evidentiality
7.4
Evidentiality
Evidentiality can be defined as expressing the ‘source of information’ for a proposition
(Aikhenvald, 2003a; De Haan, 1999, 2005a,b). Evidentiality is the indication of the nature of
evidence for a given proposition; that is, whether evidence exists for the statement or not. To
indicate the truth or non-truth conditions of a proposition is the primary function of evidentiality.
7.4.1 Types of Evidentiality system.
The two types of primary evidentialities are; direct and indirect.
Direct evidentiality gives an information about an event or action when the speaker
himself/herself has witnessed or suffered or seen or heard. Thus, the term witness, firsthand,
sensory: visual and auditory become relevant in this type of evidentiality.
Whereas, Indirect evidentiality are gives an information about an event or action when the
speaker himself/herself has not witnessed or suffered or seen or heard personally or physically,
but s/he obtained or heard the information about an event or an action through others
(secondhand). An inferential (INF.) evidential indicates information was not personally
experienced but was inferred from indirect evidence such as auditory, nonvisual, inferences of
informations obtained or heard or inferred indirectly from secondhand source. Reportative
evidentials indicate that the information was reported to the speaker by another person belongs to
secondhand source, it becomes an inferential evidential.
(1)
əmà:
nə
bò:l
a
ki-
cì: hì:
s/he INF. do.2 PROA.3S
VREF say CONF., EVID.
‘it is told that it was done by him/her’ or it is said that ‘he did it.’s
De Haan (1999, 2001, 2005) states that evidentiality asserts evidence while epistemic modality
evaluates evidence and that evidentiality is much closer to deictic category indicating the
relationship between the speaker and an event or an action. De Haan (2001) finds that the use of
modal verbs to indicate evidentiality is comparatively rare based on studies of several languages.
Aikhenvald (2003) considers that evidentiality may indicate the speaker's attitude about the
validity of a statement.
There is no universal agreement on the definitions of these two linguistic categories.
Evidentiality is often considered to be a sub-type of epistemic modality by Kiefer (1994) and
Palmer (1986). Other linguists such as Aikhenvald (2003), Givon(1982), Chafe & Nichols
A Descriptive Grammar of the Zo language
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Evidentiality
(1986), Willet (1988) consider evidentiality or truth conditions to be distinct from epistemic
modality or degree of certainty of a proposition. In this analysis for Zo, I am adopting the latter
view, because, in Zo we can differentiate the two as shown below:
(2)
(3)
a.
əmà: hí péi kə mù: hi: ‘i see him coming’ (evidential)
b.
əmà: hí péi è: ‘s/he is coming’ (evidential)
c.
əmà: nə péi hì: ‘s/he went (evidential)
d.
əmà: və péi hì: ‘s/he went (evidential)
e.
əmà: və péi hi zu-a: ‘s/he went (evidential)
a.
əmà: péi vá: 3S, ‘he maybe going’ (epistemic optative mood/modality)
b.
əmà:té: péi vé:ún 3P, ‘they would be going’ (epistemic modality)
c.
kéi péi vá:-ì : 1S, ‘i will go’ (epistemic modality)
d.
ná péi vá: te 2S, ‘you will be going’ (epistemic modality)
e.
nóuté: péi vá: u te 2P, ‘you will be going’ (epistemic modality)
The basic tense-aspect-modality (TAM) system in Zo, is expanded in order to include
evidentiality (E), which focuses on the nature and source of information/knowledge giving rise to
whether truth or non-truth/evidence exists with respect to the proposition uttered or posited by
the speaker. Aikhenvald (2004) states that about a quarter of the world's languages have some
type of grammatical evidentiality and she considers evidentiality as a pure grammatical category.
Grammatical evidentiality is language-specific, and, it may be expressed in different forms such
as through affixes, clitics, or particles or adverbial particles. Although, there is a close
connection of evidentiality with other pragmatics features and grammatical categories, Zo
seemingly appears to attest evidentiality as a separate and distinct grammatical category. The
above examples (2) and (3) are shown to substantiate my hypothesis.
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Evidentiality
7.4.2 Evidential marking and other linguistic categories in Zo
Zo language appears to have distinct grammatical categories to mark evidentiality. Evidentiality
in many languages are often marked simultaneously with other linguistic categories. The term
‘evidential’ will henceforth be used to mean Evidentiality marker (EVID.) in Zo for all practical
purposes.
According to Aikhenvald (2003) the phenomenon of evidentiality developing secondary
functions of other grammatical categories (e.g. confirmative modal auxiliary verb) is fairly
widespread. She found that evidentiality marking may co-occur with epistemic modals. A similar
condition is also found in Zo, where, evidentiality co-occurs with tense-aspectual-modal system
or marking. A given language may use the same element to mark both evidentiality and
modality. This is also partially true in the case of Zo, where, the postverbal enclitic hì: or è: both
can function as Confirmative modals, at the same time, they can be realized as Direct Evidential
markers as well. The term Confirmative Evidential (CONF., EVID.) can be in vogue here. In
addition to its close interactions with tense, modality, and aspect, the usage of evidentials in
some languages may also depend on the clause type, discourse structure, and/or linguistic type.
Some prominent Evidentiality markers or Evidentials found in Zo are; bòu, è:, hi:, hì:, hiè:,
hi:hài, hì:hì, himà:, hiná:, mà:, na/ná:, hilòu, hilòupí:, hizu-a, hithuói-a, lòubuo, sà:m, avele,
hinapí:, lél, hiòila., etc.
The following types of mixed systems are attested in Zo language.
i) evidentiality with tense-aspect
ii) evidentiality with modality
iii) evidentiality with tense-aspect-modality known as TAME system.
7.4.2.1 Simple Evidentials.
The simple evidential is portrayed by the Copula/ AUX./postverbal hi: ‘be/is’, which conveying
the meaning of an action or an event which is progressing, ongoing state while its allotone hì:
‘CONF. or DEF.’ can be either a confirmative or a definite marker, the other simple evidentials
are postverbal evidentials; è:, mà:, nà: or ná:, preverbal evidential nə. The example in the
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Evidentiality
sentence given below is in Imperfective progressive aspect of Simple continuous tense. Thus, the
evidentiality with tense-aspect form is realized here.
(4)
əmà:
in
s/he
AGEN.water PROA. drink EVID., CONT.
túi
a
do:n
VISUAL
hi:
‘s/he is drinking water’ (the action of drinking is continuing)
In the progressive aspect the evidential donot alternate the verb stem as shown above, whereas
when the action or event is in perfective notion then, the stem2 verb is realized in the first
instance.
(5)
Zogam
èt
-lò:m sà:
Zouland see.2 -nice feel
ì
è:
SPVM, S
EVID,.CONF.
‘i experienced the beauty of Zouland’ (I felt the beauty of Zouland)
(6)
Zogam
èt
VISUAL/CONFIRMATIVE
-lò:m mà:
Zouland see.2 -nice EVID,.CONF.
‘ Zouland is surely beautiful’ (the beauty of Zouland is undisputed facts)
(7)
əmà:
in
s/he
AGEN. water drink EVID,. DEF.
túi:
VISUAL
do:n mà: [or ná:]
$
‘s/he drank the water’ (the action is certain)
(8)
əmà:
in
s/he
AGEN. water PROA. INF./DEF. drink
túi:
a
nə
do:n
INFERENTIAL $
‘s/he drank water in some unknown past’ (the action was past/distal)
7.4.2.2 Compound Evidentials.
The Compound Evidentialities are obtained in Zo by syntactically positioning the Compound
evidentials finally after the Simple evidential. It is observed that when the evidentiality surfaced
as a Compound form with various evidentials, in such cases, the verb stem1 is realized as an
alternated stem2. This Stem2 verb conveys the notion of past and definite evidentialilty in the
proposition or utterance. The Negative markers are syntactically positioned in between the
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Evidentiality
compound forms. The Compound evidentials are realized by various combinations of the simple
Evidentials and formatives or adverbializers. Let us see them one by one:
i) It is possible to either combine syntactically or conflate the first evidential (hi:) and the
second evidential (è:) into one form it conveys very definiteness state of an action or an event;
hiè: the gloss is ‘very definitely’. This evidential can occur in past, present and future time
references.
(9)
əmà:
in
s/he
AGEN.water PROA. INF. drink.2 EVID,.CONF.
túi:
a
nə
dò:n
$
hiè:
‘s/he was drinking water’ (the action of drinking in past is very definite)
(10) əmà:
s/he
in
túi:
a
dò:n
hiè:
AGEN.water PROA. drink.2 EVID,.CONF.
‘s/he is drinking water’ (the action of ongoing drinking is very definite)
(11) əmà:
s/he
in
túi:
a
dò:n
dí:
&
hiè:
AGEN.water PROA. drink.2 IRR.FUT.
EVID,.CONF.
‘s/he will be drinking water’ (the action of drinking in future very definite)
ii) When the evidentials è: or hì: or hài or mà: or nà: anyone of them is placed after bòu, hi: or
mà: or nà etc., finally or elsewhere, it emphasize or intensifies the proposition or utterance as a
compound evidentiality. The example below shows clearly the involvement of tense, aspect,
modality and evidentiality (TAME) in Zo.
(12) ba:nza:l
arm.length.
sè:m
-kói:
ài
nə
blow.2.-bend. beloved. 2S
to
-luòn,
voice. -flow.2
the bent-finger whistling and your voice,(when I hear)
lè:n
lai:
lə
fly.2. DUR. NEG.
ài
ə
bə
a
3S
like
IMPF. beloved
it looks like the youthful time, o, beloved,
AUDITORY
ò:
VOC.
INFERENTIAL
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Evidentiality
lè:n
lai:
lòu
fly.2. DUR. NEG.
buo tul kuòn
è:
dòn
dà:
tà:
ò:
EVID. age EVM.
CONF. care. NEG. PERF. PREC.
though, it is not as such the youthful time, please do not bother, we are aged now
ài
na
bòu
hurt
EVID. CONF.beloved. VOC.
è:,
ò:
DIRECT
it really hurts me, o beloved.
(13) Zogam
èt
-lò:m mà:
VISUAL
è:
Zouland see.2 -nice EVID,.CONF.
‘ Zouland is surely beautiful’ (the beauty of Zouland is undisputed facts)
(14) u:
ò:
kho:l ta
elder VOC. stop
dì:
vè:n
mu bà a
ká’
ài VISUAL
PERF. PREC. OPT. see. like CL. PnPVM love.
‘oh, elder please stop for a while, i love you dearly’
iii) Reduplicating the Confirmative evidential/Copula hì: or mà: ‘Certainty evidential’ intensifies the propostion as shown below:(15) əmà:
s/he
in
túi:
a
dò:n
a
hì:hì
VISUAL
AGEN. water PROA. drink.2 PROA. be/is.2, REDUP.EVID,.CONF.
‘s/he is drinking water’ (the action of drinking is definitely progressing)
(16) əma: mà:mà: mò: -na:
a
hì:
INFERENTIAL
his/her EVID. sin.2. NOMZ. PROA. EVID., CONF.
‘it is her/his own fault/mistake’ ama:
(17) ə
his/her
me:l
hòi
appearance
good. EVID., INTSF.
her/his face is very beautiful’
mà:mà:
VISUAL
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iv) The Copula/Confirmative hi: combines with the formatives such as hài, mà:, zu-a etc., in
different forms to give Compound evidentials such as hi:hài, himà:, hiná:, hithuói-a, the English
gloss would be roughly ‘indeed’ or ‘surely’.
The compound evidential hihài ‘surely are’
conveys indicative modality in plural sense. The speaker has deduced or concluded or inferred
the truth of his/her proposition from his/her elders reportage or oral tradition handed down to
him/her.
(18) Pu
Zo
hlá:
progenitor Zou offspring
le
suòn
INFERENTIAL
hi:hài
CONJ. progeny ‘is’ FORM. EVID,.CONF.
‘we are surely the offsprings of ancestor Zo’ (it is certain from genealogy)
The compound evidential himà: conveys confirmative evidentiality.
(19) əmà:
s/he
in
túi
a
dò:n
himà:[or hiná:]
AGEN. water PROA. drink.2 ‘is’ EVID,.CONF.
‘s/he is surely drinking water’ (the action of drinking is definite)
The compound evidential hizu-a conveys a very confirmative evidentiality.
(20) əmà:
s/he
in
túi:
a
dò:n
zu-a [or thuói-a] $
hi
AGEN.water PROA. drink.2 EVID,.CONF. EVID., DEF.
‘s/he drank the water’ (the action of drinking very definite)
(21) əmà:
s/he
–in
tà:ŋthu khət
AGEN. tale one
ə
ŋai:
$
hizu-a
PROA listen EVID.
‘s/he definitely listens to a tale’
Sometimes, the habitual mood combines with evidentiality aspect to give direct evidentiality.
(22) əmà:
s/he
–in
tà:ŋthu khət
AGEN. tale one
ə
ŋai:
let
hizu-a
$
PROA listen HAB. EVID.
‘s/he definitely used to listen to a tale’
The compound evidential na +V + hì: conveys a past definite evidentiality.
(23) əmà:
s/he
in
túi:
a
nə
do:n
hì:
AGEN.water PROA. INF. drink EVID., DEF.
$
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‘s/he was drinking water’ (the action was going definitely)
The compound evidential na +V + ahì: conveys a short past very definite evidentiality or definite
inferential evidentiality (INF.).
(24) əmà:
s/he
in
túi:
a
na
dò:n
a
$
hì:
AGEN.water PROA. INF. drink.2 PROA.EVID., CONF.
‘s/he was drinking water a moment ago’ (the action was going on in a short past
very definitely)
v) Negative Evidentials
The compound evidential hilóu-pí: conveys a short past very definite negative evidentiality.
(25) tám
this
túi:
amà: dò:n
water s/he
hi:
lóu
pí:
drink.2 EVID., NEG. DEF.
‘this water is not drunk by him/her at all’ or ‘surely, it is not him/her that drank
the water’
The formative suffix -pí:is used with negative marker lòu to emphasize the proposition in the
above sentence, it cannot co-occur with the si negative marker. When the negative marker si is
employed after the evidential hi: , then the evidential è: is used in place pí:
(26) tám
this
túi:
amà: in
water s/he
a
dò:n
hi:
AGEN. PROA. drink.2
si
è:
EVID., NEG. DEF.
‘this water is not drunk by him/her at all’ or ‘surely, it is not him/her that drank
the water’
The negative is placed before the evidential to convey a short past very definite evidentiality.
(27) əmà:
s/he
in
túi:
dò:n
lòu
$
hì:
AGEN.water drink NEG. EVID., DEF.
‘s/he did not drink water’ (the action in a short past definite)
The compound negative evidential na + V + lòu ahì: conveys a short past very definite negative
evidentiality.
(28) əmà:
s/he
in
túi:
a
nə
dò:n
lòu
a
hì:
$
AGEN.water PROA. INF. drink.2 NEG. PROA.EVID., DEF.
‘s/he was not drinking water a moment ago’