Research proposal: Unemployment in Chatham

Adjustment from Unemployment to Volunteering in the Chatham Dockyard Candidate number: 26700 Seminar Group 4 Final word count: 4,521 words  In 1975, Margaret Thatcher was elected as leader of the Conservative Party, and in 1979, became Prime Minister of the United Kingdom. Her government agenda, later known as Thatcherism, involved a mixture of free markets, monetarism, privatization and cuts, and traditional ideologies of self-help, nationalism, and family (Hall, 1979). This controversial philosophy dominated British politics, leading to a turbulent period from 1980-1984, dubbed “a veritable industrial holocaust” by Eric Hobsbawm (1994 p304). Indeed, the state of the British economy worsened considerably following the 1983 General Election (Seldon & Collings, 2000 p26). Inflation and unemployment were rising, leading to cuts and privatisation soon after the election (Seldon & Collings, 2000). Throughout Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher’s second term, industrial relations and labour union activism proved a major source of conflict (Seldon & Collings, 2000). The share of public corporations in the economy was cut by more than half through privatisation and closings, reducing employment in the public sector from 8 million to just 3 million (Clarke, 1996). According to Marx, humans are physiologically made for working, and this production is necessary for self-fulfilment (Marx & Engels, 1964 p128). In this construction, work is imperative for the worker, as he can only measure, evaluate, and know himself through the things he creates. However, industrialization and capitalism have reduced the bond between the worker and his work by a lack of ownership, an increase in the division of labour, and the commodification of work (Erikson and Vallas, 1990). In addition, the conception of work has changed since industrialisation to equate only to “paid employment” (Vallas 2011). Unskilled, low-paid workers such as the miners are the most at-risk of losing work, bearing the largest share of net increase in unemployment (Erikson and Vallas, 1990). Unemployment among this group also tends to be longer than those of skilled workers, so the retrenchment of the Thatcher era considerably weakened the power of public sector unions and political mobilization (Clayton and Pontussen, 1998). Productivity improvements and globalization have further contributed to the relative decline of employment in hard labour and manufacturing sectors, leaving the group vulnerable and immobilized (Volti, 1995). However, Cottle (2001) found that long-term unemployed workers seemed to construct unemployment as an issue of government and policy, not the labour market. The experience of unemployment, especially when the individual has been an employee with the same corporation for years can be devastating for both the worker and his or her family (Weiss, 1992). Within two weeks of a main breadwinner’s unemployment, physical and psychological effects emerge among other family members, reflecting in hospital admissions and prison population statistics (Coyle, 1984). Men report feeling inadequate as husbands and fathers after involuntary unemployment, and tend to use discourse such as “trauma” and “powerlessness” to describe not only the loss of work itself, but the entire period of unemployment and joblessness (Coyle 1984 p22). Many economists and sociologists suggest that unemployment is an unavoidable and sometimes beneficial aspect of economics and morality, but the personal and social implications seem overwhelmingly negative in a majority of cases (Erikson, 1990; Bellin and Miller 1990). To fully understand the relationship between labour, the individual, the family, and feelings of self-worth one must also consider the wider social factors. The life course perspective as defined by Giele and Elder (1998) identify four central features that determine an individual’s life course: cultural background, social integration, human agency, and, most crucially, strategic adaptation. Cultural location, networks, and agency are integral to the course of an individual’s life, but, ultimately, actors make decisions and form priorities based on their past, present, and future. Within macro-level structures is the individual’s personality and biology; some argue these personal factors have become a more prominent aspect of the life course over time with the loosening of traditional gender and age roles (Beck 1992; Giddens 1991). For instance, an individual who’s identity is more closely tied to their work may find retirement less satisfying than an individual who is retiring from unpleasant work (Wheaton, 1990; Quick and Moen, 1998). According to the life course theory, one cannot understand “work” as a static entity, but rather requires extended and detailed qualitative data. Contemporary research demonstrates that ageing populations now hold considerable influence across economic, social, and political arenas (Phillipson, 2013). When this area of study was became popular, Parsons (1951) and other functionalists focused on how older individuals can remain a part of society, ultimately suggesting there should be new social roles designed for those in old age. Later, the life course approach was introduced, in which emphasis was placed on how the individual continues from early life into older age (Atchley, 2000). In the UK, industrialisation, social welfare, and public health services have resulted in a longer ageing process (Phillipson, 2013). Martin Kohli (1986) and Anne-Marie Guillemard (1989) regarded the increase in the length of retirement as a “breaking up” of the life course, while others have regarded this as a possibility of a ‘third age’ (Laslett, 1989; Gilleard and Higgs, 2000). Increasingly, attempts are being made to emphasize the potential successes and possible benefits older populations (Cole, 1992). Adaptating institutions, increasing lifespans, and increased security have resulted in highly varied options for older people (Phillipson, 2013). Older populations have the capacity for civic engagement, support family and community, and continue in education or work (Phillipson, 2013). Throughout the life course, motivation to engage in identity forming activities such as volunteering changes as the individual moves through different social and economic contexts. Many older adults spend their post-retirement years working for voluntary organizations (Kahn, Morgan, Jackson, & Antonucci, 1989; Herzog & Morgan, 1993). For many, volunteering is an opportunity to fill the lost role when they exit work (Chambre, 1987; Hunter & Linn, 1980; Ward, 1979). Fischer and Scheaffer (1993, p9) define this process as “inoculation,” as voluntary work can inoculate and protect older adults from the decline associated with ageing and inactivity. Volunteering seems to have positive psychological and health effects for this group; greater life satisfaction, increased well-being, and even a reduction in mortality rates have been linked to volunteering at an older age (Moen, Dempster-McClain, & Williams, 1992; Musick, Herzog, & House, 1999). The positive impact of volunteering is often described as an example of role theory, where an individual’s role reflects social position and expectation (Biddle, 1986). For instance, Moen et al (1992) find that women occupying multiple roles including volunteer role, benefit from an increase in social networks, power, resources, and emotional gratification. However, Van Willigan (2000) found that these positive effects from volunteering largely discontinue if the older adult volunteers for more than 100 hours a year. The organizations and type of voluntary work older people engage in are highly varied, but generally, literature supports volunteering as an important part of successful ageing (Morrow-Howell et al 2002). The Royal Dockyard at Chatham was closed 1984 during Thatcher’s second term in office; cost, the lack of shipbuilding, the inadequate location, and the belief that the Medway towns would recover have all been cited as reasons for the sudden closure (BBC, 2009). After the closure, about 7,000 dockyard workers became unemployed, affecting local businesses (BBC 2011). Unemployment in Medway towns reached 27%, and some argue that the area has never recovered (BBC, 2011). The site of the dockyard was placed in the care of the Chatham Historic Dockyard Trust, who have since opened the premises to the public as a museum. The most recent impact report estimates that the museum generates £16 million for the local area (DC Research, 2012). The Chatham Dockyard Historical Society (CDHS) was created in 1984 by Brian Jenkins, a dockyard employee, in order to preserve artefacts from the Dockyard and the Royal Navy. The Society has never had as much control over daily operations compared to the Trust, and this seems to create conflict between the two groups. The Historical Society keeps a small museum in one of the retired dockyard buildings, produces research, holds lectures, and provides a platform for former employees and their families to meet regularly (CDHS, no date). Chatham Dockyard has been the focus of much historical research, but the narratives of those who experienced the closure has not been recorded since media coverage of the closure itself, and has not been researched. Many volunteers currently in the historical society witnessed the operation, closure, and decline of the docks has not been recorded since the media coverage of the closures in 1984. This unique perspective serves as the main research interest in this study: How have members of CDHS transitioned from and adjusted to working in the Dockyard to volunteering for the museum? For instance, has volunteering at the Dockyard eased their transition out of working in the Dockyard? Why else have they chosen to stay? Does their life course differ from others who began volunteer after retirement? Lastly, how do they reflect on the policy decision to close the dockyard and Thatcherism as a whole? Do they view the community as permanently damaged? Participants will be able to offer a unique perspective on the effects of severe and sudden unemployment and the socio-economic changes that have taken place within the Medway towns. Working at, being unemployed from, and then volunteering at the Dockyard in the space of thirty years has given members of CDHS to reflect on their individual life course and that of their family’s. Their experience and memory are valuable in providing a description of the Medway towns during this transition period, and can potentially develop understanding of how the individual experiences the effects of state retrenchment throughout the life course. I propose undertaking life history interviews of those in CDHS who were employed in the dockyard to explore how they adjusted to unemployment, the closure of the docks, and volunteering with the Historical Society. According to Vallas 2012). and Watson-Franke (1985, p2), a life history interview is defined as, “…any retrospective account by the individual of his life in whole or in part, in written oral form, that has been elicited or prompted by another.” Definitions can vary (See Watson, 1976 p97 and Dollard, 1935 p3) but the emphasis is most often placed on the production of an extended personal narrative for the purposes of research. As a result, the researcher is made aware of key influences, experiences, roles, standards, and general understanding of the individual and his or her environment (Atkinson, 1998). At the time of writing, there are about 280 members of CDHS and most have a personal connection with the dockyard. However, it is unknown how many members worked in the dockyard and in what position. Given the timeframe available and the volume of detail and work involved with any life-history interview, transcription, and analysis, I believe about ten interviews will suffice for this initial study. If these multiple cases can be strategically selected, the study will allow for interesting cross-case comparisons and provide a more powerful account. Having a personal connection with the members of CDHS and having over a year’s worth of voluntary experience allows me to shorten the preparatory research process. Since the project has broad, explanatory aims, and is not aiming to be generalizable, this research will benefit from involving as many demographics and perspectives as possible. By focusing specifically on males who worked in the dry docks, for instance, would exclude the varied and perhaps more insightful accounts of, say, the female clerks. If the proposed sample would benefit from being extended, or ten participants are not available, it would be worth including wives/relations of those employed and/or previous members of CDHS. In this case, the main research topics would not have to be altered, but analysis strategies may have to be adjusted. Although many life transitions can be studied using demographic records, the meaning to the individual and family members experiencing these transitions is lost. The examination of qualitative, subjective sources is necessary for understanding the life course, especially for members of CDHS who have undergone many interacting transitions within the same community (Neugarten and Hagestad, 1976; LeVine, 1978; Hareven and Masaoka 1988; Chudacoff 1980). Undertaking life history research further allows the participant to make sense of him or her self and their changing circumstances through the narration of their life course (Atkinson, 1998). The life stories of members of CDHS are not intended to present a purely factual timeline of events, but rather a unique interpretation of how the self evolved through a series of self-identified important events. Indeed, a life story is made up of “personal truth that, out of necessity, consists of both ‘fact’ and ‘fiction’ (Atkinson, 1998 p20). ” Although this can be seen as a weakness of the life-history method, or any interview, the reflection and interpretation of events by the individual reveals rich meaning that may challenge theory (Lewis, 2008). Such research reveals the ties between behaviour and perception, and brings an applied, humanist element to theory. However, the approach faces criticism especially in the presentation of the ‘truth’ which is, of course, a concern in any research project. In life history research, modes of inquiry and chosen methodology is especially important to communicate. In this case, findings may be supported by ensuring that each interview demonstrates internal validity, by referencing archival material if necessary, and by explaining any discontinuity in the narrative. Life history interviews are more personal and subjective than a traditional exploratory interview—interviews will be semi-structured, with broad questions being intended to illicit rich, extended, narrative answers. Some questions may be informed by knowledge of the dockyard and the members of CDHS but will remain flexible to allow for the participant’s unique experiences in the dockyard to be explored. Generally, interviewees will be asked to start with a description of their childhood, living in the Medway towns, and their memories of the dockyard. More time will be dedicated to their work in the dockyard and their life course during their work. Special attention will be paid to the closure of the docks in 1984 and their transition from work in the dockyard, to unemployment, further work, or retirement, to volunteering with CDHS. Urging participants to elaborate on these ‘adjustment periods’ will produce a bulk of the data to be analysed in the most detail. Broad questions like “what was your first job?” will encourage the interview to go in the right direction while remaining conversational, and will encourage detailed responses. Asking for explanations, examples, and context will also be helpful in providing rich data in a generally chronological order. In the past I have found the other members of CDHS to be very willing to share their past, so they may only require a few guiding questions to keep their story on track. If a participant got too far off track, more questions may be needed to develop an effective interview. These rich and extended interviews can be taxing on both the interviewer and participant, but they can equally be rewarding for the individual and researcher. A short break will be offered every hour, or if the interview has become too emotional. The participant will be informed before the interview that they can take a break, stop, or withdraw their information at any time—due consideration and ethics will be a priority throughout data collection and analysis. Interviews will be subject to the same biases and researcher effects of any other interview, in addition the effects of the personal knowledge and experience of the interviewer. Since the life history interview is more personal and subjective than other interview formats, the position of the researcher must be open and clear from the start. In addition, normal interview conflicts and biases will apply: age, interview location, level of rapport between interviewee and interviewer, power dynamics, stigma, academic discipline, and just the set up of an ‘interview’ will form a background to findings (Gubrium et al 2012). Due to the personal nature and sheer length of a life story, the comfort of the interviewee is even more important than it is with other methods of interviewing. Likewise, as a young, female researcher, I will have to be mindful of the interview dynamic and be as clear as possible about the interactions during these conversational interviews. With each participant, the aim will be to establish a rapport and make interviews conversational. Given my relationship with the society and the topic in question, it is expected that the interviewees will be open and sufficiently descriptive. In some cases the interviewee will assume I have knowledge, in which case I can remind the participants to include as much detail as possible for the purposes of transcription and analysis. While bias and poor interview technique should be avoided, the personal nature and subjectivity of these interviews cannot be, and should not aim to be mitigated fully, but rather discussed openly in the findings. Data will be transcribed in full with minimal interference of editing. Although it is worth preserving the details of the interview as much as possible, the analysis will focus most on the content of the narrative rather than the discourse or performance. Given that life history interviews are highly personal, details such as pauses and chuckles maintain the mood of the interview and can be used in analysis. Pronunciation, terminology, and dialect may be an important aspect of reflecting the participant’s memory and experience, but readability will take precedence where necessary. It may be interesting to note the patterns of language, the differences in length of narration for different events, or re-visiting of certain themes, but the focus will remain on ‘what’ is said, rather than ‘how’. Atkinson (1998) suggests that transcripts should be sent back to the participant as a courtesy and a chance to achieve a more thorough document. Participants will be informed that I intend to use the transcripts for research before the interviews, so normal ethical procedure including the right to withdraw will be recognized. However, considering the time-frame available for the analysis and the emphasis on a thorough analysis detailed below, offering each individual the choice of reviewing their transcripts will probably not be possible. The process of analysis reveals “individual and collective action and meanings, as well as the processes by which social life and human relationships are made and changed,” according to Laslett (1989 p392). The narrative itself is a subjective interpretation, so it is the job of the researcher to understand, communicate, and sometimes interpret the meanings given by the interviewee. Meaning can then be linked to theory that the participant may not have considered or been able to verbalize in the life history interview. As Polkinghorne (1988) suggests, “narratives, exhibit an explanation instead of demonstrating it.” Since this research is interested in the long-term retrospective adjustments and processes that have taken place, it is imperative to first analyze each individual interview in full. Binding themes and events across interviews as a first step would lose the chronological and structural order, and would rely heavily on personal theoretical interests (Reissman, 2008 p699). For this research, life history will be defined as a narrative constructed over the course of the entire interview. Where some researchers (e.g. Ewick & Silbey, 2003) rely on excerpts to communicate the participant’s turning points or significant events over the life course, a more holistic approach is more appropriate for this research. Since the transitions and intermediary periods are of particular interest here, focusing on significant events or trying to apply boundaries to themes such as “work” would be difficult and ineffective. After careful transcription and review of each interview individually, a grounded, thematic analysis can begin. The thematic analysis process for life history interviews is highly subjective, but recurrent themes should be fairly easy to detect and are somewhat predictable; as life course literature suggests, themes like social surroundings, environment, and productivity are integral to the direction and definition of the individual’s life course. These initial themes for each interview will be fully inclusive, taking account of all instances of a few very general themes such as “environment,” “productivity,” and “family”. These can be arranged to create a chronological account of that individual’s history narrative and will more clearly illustrate the processes and changes within the data. After this process is completed for each interview, the underlying longitudinal processes and patterns can be drawn out, again for each account. The meanings and conceptions communicated by the participant can be more clearly defined at this point. For instance, if an individual often describes “work” as providing a service for the government, and “volunteering” as a service for the community, then a theme of political critique could be developed. This stage will provide a theoretical background in which to understand key events and describe life course transitions. Again, by remaining at the level of the individual, the narrative of the individual is not lost as it could be when focusing only on the key events that are of interest for this research. With several themes now developed for each individual, they can now be combined or compared across cases. Themes and events can now be selected to illustrate general findings, show the range of experiences, and effectively communicate themes, knowing that a chronological account and theoretical patterns of each individual were considered. For instance, male participants may describe “work” and “volunteering” as providing a service, while female participants describe these events and transitions as providing meaning and self-worth. In this case it would be important to understand what was experienced between these two life events: if many of the men became severely depressed after becoming unemployed, then it may not be sufficient to focus only on how men and women communicated how they felt about work. The themes of self-worth and providing a service are not invalid, but their wider effect on the life course is different when one considers the path from work to volunteering. This method of analysis will maintain the continuity of each narrative and allow an effective use of excerpts where they are particularly illuminating. This process can be repeated as necessary to ensure that each individual’s life course is being appropriately represented in the final write-up. The biggest challenge for this research will be generalization—as with all life history interviews, the sample is small and interviews are highly subjective. The data will, of course, relate to theory in some way, but the extent to which the interview and analysis is ‘contaminated’ by the researcher is often unclear (Reissman, 2008). This research will generate categories that demonstrate how and why members of CDHS have changed over their life course and how personal accounts have been shaped by broader contexts. Categories based on common life transitions such as unemployment and beginning voluntary work can contribute to wider theory. However, since the analysis and discussion rely heavily on the entire extended narrative rather than short excerpts, the generalizable features of the interviews will be difficult to isolate. With such a focus on what was said rather than how, intricacies of language may be lost. Although specific metaphors and language choice will be drawn out in the final write-up, a discourse or structural analysis of the data may be a beneficial follow-up to this study. By focusing on what was said in the full narrative of each individual, the history of the working dockyard is expanded upon, and, in some respects, finished. It is expected that interviewees will convey a close connection to Chatham and the Dockyard, and are perhaps anxious about handing the dockyard’s legacy to a new generation who have never experienced the working dockyard. Docks and dockyard employees seem to be studied more often than the repurposed dockyard and former employee, so this study may provide the background for a new area of potential research. By retrospectively assessing the individual’s life course, the effects of the closure can be definitively assessed. In the same way, these narratives will provide a personal element to the effects of state retrenchment, unemployment and volunteering. This research will likely align closely with theory on each of these themes. The effects of each are widely studied, so this life history study will most likely provide detailed personal cases in these areas. Interviews may also give more detail on how these issues interact. Findings on volunteerism will particularly illuminate the relationship between volunteerism and work, since, for this sample, the environment has remained the same throughout work, retirement, and volunteering. It is unknown how they will describe the closure of the working dockyard; before and after the announcement of the closure, the dockyard was criticized as being an unstable source of employment and an unnecessary use of government funding. By spending time in the dockyard, I became aware of some tension between the Trust and the Historical Society, since the Historical Society was created first, and consists almost entirely of former employees, but formal ownership of the docks was handed to the more bureaucratic Trust. Some aspects of this tension may be discussed by the participants, but will not be the main focus of this research. This relationship certainly has the potential for continued research. Indeed, since this study is so exploratory in nature, any theme or topic could be extended to other environments, methods, samples, and analytic strategies.  References Atchley, R.C. (2009) Spirituality and aging. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press. Atkinson, R. (1998) The life story interview. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications. BBC (2009) Memories of Chatham dockyard. Available at: http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/uk_news/england/7973222.stm (Accessed: 24 April 2016). BBC (2011) Can sandwich learn from the Chatham Dockyard closure? Available at: http://news.bbc.co.uk/local/kent/hi/people_and_places/newsid_9386000/9386381.stm (Accessed: 24 April 2016). Beck, U. (1992) Risk society: Towards a new modernity. London: Sage Publications. Bellin, S. and Miller, S.M. 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