Charter of the Emperor Guido
Larisa Urnyshevavisibility
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12 pages
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1 file
In current paper the digital reproduction of two imperial diplomatic documents writing in the Italien chanceries of Holy Roman Empire are presented: the Charter of the Emperor Guido issued in the year 891 February 2 — Diploma di Guido G6, and the Charter of the Emperor Otto I issued in the year 969 April 18-Privilegium Ottonis I DO 371. The both documents were conserved in episcopal archive of Parma in Italy, the history of their movement from Parmenisse archive is not known, they have been purchased by Russian academician N. P. Lihachev in the end of XIX century or in the beginning of XX century, and the documents are in the funds of Institute of History, Russian Academy of Sciences, now. The digital copies of the charters are received on photocopies of the year 1937 edition by S. A. Anninskii.
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Two military diplomas from the reign of Antoninus Pius, ZPE 156, 2006, 255-264
1 S. Dusanic, Fragment o f a Severan auxiliary diploma: notes on a variety o f the "two-province" diplomata, ZPE 122, 1998,219-228. AE 1998,1116. Dimensions: height 2.5 cm; width 2.4 cm; thickness 0.05 cm; weight 4 .13g.
‘The Registers of Pope Honorius III: A Quantitative Approach’, in Innocenz., Honorius III. und ihre Briefe: Die Edition der päpstlichen Kanzleiregister im Kontext der Geschichtsforschung, ed. Andrea Sommerlechner and Herwig Weigl (Vienna: Böhlau, 2023), pp. 211–23
The registers of Pope Honorius III (1216-1227), like all thirteenth-century papal registers, do not conform to modern expectations of effective record-keeping 1. The volumes in the Registra Vaticana series are neither a complete record of papal letters issued by the chancery, nor organised systematically in chronological order; instead, a fraction of the total documentary output was enregistered "individually or in very small groups" in a rough, and frequently interrupted, chronological order 2. The mismatch between modern expectation and the vagaries of medieval practice is thrown into relief by the fact that only about a quarter of Honorius III's letters were enregistered, and many important political letters were not among them-something which, to us, seems counterintuitive 3. A number of publications, Jane E. Sayers' study of papal government and England chief among them, have furthered greatly our understanding of papal registration practice in the chancery of Honorius III 4. There are three interlocked elements of registration practice under Honorius that would repay further investigation utilising a quantitative methodology, and which have the potential to harness broader scholarly interests. First, what types of documents were issued and when. Second, the identities and geographical location of the impetrants and curial correspondents. Third, what the grouping of documents in the registers and the rhythms of their issue can tell 1 Jane E. Sayers, Papal Government and England during the Pontificate of Honorius III (1216-1227) (Cambridge Studies in Medieval Life & Thought ser 3 21, Cambridge 1984) 71-73.-I am grateful to the editors for the invitation to participate in the conference "Innocenz III., Honorius III., und ihre Briefe: Die Edition der päpstlichen Kanzleiregister im Kontext der Geschichtsforschung" in Vienna in October 2021. My thanks to Gareth Parker-Jones and Tim Guard of Rugby School for temporarily releasing me from my regular duties in order to attend, and to the editors and the audience of the conference for their insightful suggestions on this research. I am obliged to my father, Jonathan, for his help with filters and formulas used in the dataset in Microsoft Excel.
“Negozio del S.r Card. Pasman”. Péter Pázmány’s Imperial Embassage to Rome in 1632 (With Unpublished Vatican Documents)
Vilmos Fraknói Vatican Historical Research Group of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences and the Péter Pázmány Catholic University, Tusor Péter
“Negozio del S.r Card. Pasman”. Péter Pázmány’s Imperial Embassage to Rome in 1632 (With Unpublished Vatican Documents) (CVH II/7), written and edited by Rotraud Becker, Péter Tusor, Budapest–Rome 2019. pp. 482. + 3 suppl. (2x2 pictures, 4 facsimilia)
The volume that was prepared in international cooperation redeems an old debt of international and Hungarian historiography. The tumultuous embassage of Péter Pázmány in 1632 was not only an important phase of Hungarian history, especially that of the history of church and diplomacy, but it was also a highlighted event of the history of the papacy and the Thirty Years’ War, whose outbreak was 400 years ago. Georg Lutz, who is an expert of this period, urged the thorough and modern elaboration of the embassage decades ago. The research has relied upon the documents of Pázmány’s embassage published in the 19th and 20th century (especially the documents written by Pázmány and partly the ones addressed to him); on the correspondence of the papal Secretariat of State and the nunciature of Vienna published by Rotraud Becker in 2013 (NBDIV/5; Nuntiatur des Ciriaco Rocci. Ausserordentliche Nuntiatur des Girolamo Grimaldi, 1631–1633); on the verbals of the Secretariat of State published in this volume (about the papal audiences, the negotiations of Pázmány with Secretary of State Azzolini); on the discorsos and on the supplemental documents exploited in the Primatial Archives of Esztergom. The volume is in English, Chapter I–II can also be read in Hungarian; the sources were written in Italian as well as in Latin, of which usage is helped by their abstracts written in English and Hungarian. The English parts were translated by Ágnes Gátas-Palotai; while Rotraud Becker’s chapter (Chapter I) written in German was translated by András Forgó into Hungarian. THE MAIN RESULTS IN POINTS: I. Based on the correspondence of the papal Secretariat of State and the nunciature of Vienna. 1) Not only did Urban VIII and his surroundings find the Roman embassage of the archbishop of Esztergom “undesirable”, but explicitly as a threat. They regarded it as part of the Spanish conduct led by Cardinal Gaspare Borgia, Spanish envoy, against the seemingly neutral but Francophile papal policy. 2) As the Roman relations to the Habsburg courts had to remain correct, they did not pay much attention to the fact that there was a royal order behind Borgia and Pázmány’s conduct; they regarded them as personal enemies. 3) The Hungarian cardinal was secretly watched, his commission was made impossible by the Curia right from the beginning. They did not focus on the imperial requests and their dismissal, but on ceremonial problems, especially on the acknowledgement of the Hungarian cardinal’s title as an imperial legate. 4) The cornered Pázmány was accused of practicing pretence in the papal court and they created such negative atmosphere concerning Pázmány’s defensive letter, Intermittere non possum – whose contemporary copies can be found in every significant European manuscript collection – that he was compared to the hated Borgia and the Curia was considered the attacked party. 5) The conflict of the cardinalate and the legatine commission was mainly stressed in relation to Borgia, the Spanish envoy. Although the cardinals could continue doing the duty of an envoy in the papal court, the number of the appointment of the non-Italian cardinals (cardinali nazionali) significantly reduced after the “riot” of Borgia and Pázmány. 6) Based on the reports of the nuncios about the scandalous Pázmány-affair one can state that there the already weak confidence in the pope’s kindness and the Curia’s explanations has further fallen. As a consequence, the authority and influence of the nuncios of Vienna was also violated in the court of Vienna. 7) Vienna could not be convinced even by the zeal of the Curia; namely, it tried to spread the Roman version of the events by giving particular orders to the nunciature, according to which Pázmány’s improper behaviour was to be blamed for the Curia’s rightful accusations. It is contradicted not only by the cardinal’s reports but also by others’ accounts. 8) The archbishop of Esztergom could not be discredited and destabilised in the imperial court; moreover, it was being seriously considered to send him back to the Eternal City; though, the ardent opposition of the papal diplomacy hindered it in the end. 9) The diplomatic conflict between the Hungarian head of church and the pope created tension also in the relations of the Hungarian church and the Holy See of Rome for decades. II. Based on the verbals of the Secretariat of State that are being published and on the analyses While reading the sources published in this volume, the historical atmosphere comes to life. The papal audiences given during the Hungarian cardinal’s embassage and the negotiations with Azzolini could be experienced in real time even at the distance of 400 years. Thanks to the sources of the Vatican, special prospects of the historical recognition have opened up to the readers. 1) Pázmány’s “change of loyalty” can be detected. In his summarising report of late May, Péter Pázmány finally shared the details of the papal audience of 6 April, 1632 with the imperial Secret Council, despite Urban VIII’s canonical ban and his former vow. The primate of Hungary had to choose between his loyalty as a cardinal and as a member of the Secret Council. The choice was made after a long inner and external struggle only at the very end of his embassage in Rome, in the second half of May 1632. From this time on the archbishop of Esztergom became the rigorous enemy of the Barberini-House, one of the “buzzards” of the court of Vienna in the Italian and papal policy. Not only did the Barberinis regard him as an enemy, but the feeling was mutual. 2) From the verbals of the negotiations with Secretary of State Azzolini it is clear that Pázmány himself suggested and requested many times that they should grant financial aid sooner, in one lamp sum, from the instalments of the Italian tithes. The finally granted 130,000 imperial talers was the biggest lamp sum ever that an imperial envoy could obtain from Urban VIII – despite Roman political interests – during the Thirty Years’ War for the purposes of the Catholic League. 3) An important result of our verbal-analysis is that we could learn that, although being in a more disadvantageous tactical situation, the Hungarian prelate – who was actually choleric – also masterly employed the tools of diplomatic pretence like that of the curial prelates. However, it should be noted that the tone and content of his reports written to Vienna and of his negotiations only differed a couple of weeks later, while it can be detected in the correspondence of the Secretariat of State right from the beginning. 4) For the Hungarian as well as international historiography, the purpura is a crucial element of Pázmány’s historical identity. He himself did not attribute much significance to his title of cardinal (in his opinion “his red hat served nothing else but to hang it above his grave”), which offers an insight into his personality and his monastic soul. 5) It is important for the result of the research that the Congregazione dello Stato occurs in the files; moreover, one can study the daily routine of the papal decision making and the preparatory work of the Secretariat of State. Lorenzo Azzolini was the actual head of the papal foreign policy; he was still an official, though, his activity and influence was an important step towards the establishment of the cardinal secretary of state’s position. 6) The Hungarian primate’s conduct in Rome exceeded the relations of the emperor and the pope by far and functioned on the highest level of European diplomacy. Not only did he secretly negotiate with Borgia, but the Spanish and the Austrian-Habsburg envoy mutually acted in front of the Roman diplomacy. Instead of the “Borgia-crisis”, one can and should speak about the “Borgia-Pázmány-crisis” in relation to the most dramatic events of the Roman diplomacy during the Thirty Years’ War. 7) Pázmány’s hint given to Azzolini on 12 April, namely that he would move to Rome for several years to serve the Church, shows that the plan of his permanent Roman imperial embassage and his cardinal protectorate did not occur during his mission in 1632, as it has been believed, but on the contrary: his commission was the first (and last) episode of a long-established plan of a Roman diplomatic role. 8) During the embassage, the Hungarian primate’s attempt to involve the pope in an anti-Swedish league was a complete and clear failure. However, Urban VIII’s Francophile policy should not solely be blamed for this fiasco and should not only be analysed in the context of Rome and Vienna’s relations. The text that Pázmány brought to Rome was unacceptable not only for the papal court but also for the court of Madrid due to its phrases on the Low Countries. Therefore, the archbishop of Esztergom had to represent such a program that hadn’t been supported by the Spanish monarchy in its written form. The league between the Austrian and Spanish Habsburgs was finally realized in 1634. 9) The last and most sensational result of our research: Pázmány intended to publish the most important documents of his embassage in Rome. Pázmány crossed out the addresses and cadences and added titles, sometimes even comments. A fair copy was also made of the labelled text-versions. Pázmány edited the most important documents of his embassage; he compiled the documents that depicted the empire’s situation the best, and then he contrasted them with the documents of the abortive and diversionary debate over his title as a legate. Finally, the manuscript was not edited and was placed in the primatial archives. Such an antipapal publication would not have achieved its goal that the archbishop of Esztergom understood after all. The “Pázmány-Borgia-affair” is a turning point in the history of the papacy. The termination of the papacy’s role among the great powers sealed in the Peace of Westphalia can be dated back to this time.
Giovanni De Matociis and the Codex Oratorianvs of the De Viris Illvstribvs Vrbis Romae
Exemplaria Classica, 2017
One of the most curious manuscripts of the De uiris illustribus is Biblioteca dei Girolamini, XL pil. VI, no. XIII. This manuscript has been thought either to go back to the early Veronese humanist Giovanni de Matociis, or to contain authentic ancient information. We demonstrate that the manuscript has nothing to do with Matoci, but is closely linked to Giacomo Filippo Foresti, a latefifteenth-century historian. Its chief feature of interest is that it shares some readings with another branch of the tradition of the DVI, the Corpus Aurelianum, thus providing new evidence for the circulation of that text.
"Written Acts as a Tool of Government of the Roman Curia: The Correspondences between Rome and the Apostolic Nuncio of Vienna during the Pontificate of Innocent XI Odescalchi (1676-1689)"
Presentation topic: "Written Acts as a Tool of Government of the Roman Curia: The Correspondences between Rome and the Apostolic Nuncio of Vienna during the Pontificate of Innocent XI Odescalchi (1676-1689)" (29 November 2021, Fourth pannel: NUNCIOS AND THEIR MISSIONS) Conference presentation on 29-30 November 2021, Zagreb: "From Words to Acts: Written Sources for the Reconstruction and Understanding of Diplomatic Negotiations", organised by the Croatian Institute of History.
Dokumenti vladara srednjovekovne Srbije i Bosne u venecijanskim zbirkama [Documents of Rulers of Medieval Serbia and Bosnia in Venetian Collections] - Preview
2019
The book contains critical edition of 48 documents, issued by rulers of medieval Serbia and Bosnia and addressed to Venice. The edition consists of abstract, list of former editions, text, translation in Serbian language, commentary and photographs of the extant copies. It is preceded by two extensive chapters dealing with historical context in which the documents were created and with characteristics of the documents themselves.
The Oldest Notarial Documents of Vicenza District from the Collection of N.P. Likhachev, 1380S – 1465S, with the Regestae of the Documents
SSRN Electronic Journal, 2019
The collection of the Western European manuscripts gathered by N.P. Likhachev (1862-1936) and currently stored in the Scientific and Historical archive of the St. Petersburg Institute of History of the Russian Academy of Sciences contains, among other documents, the vast majority of this array comes from Italy (about five thousand documents), of which about a third are original notarial deeds. There are over ten thousand storage units related to the history of Italy in the collection of the West-European section of the archive of St. Petersburg Institute of History of the Russian Academy of Sciences. The collection is divided into fonds, and the focus of this research will be on the sixth collection that was named «Venice and its possessions», where you can find notarial deeds analyzed by a team of scholars within the framework of our project. The manuscripts studied by our team provide information about economic and social aspects of life in the rural communes of the Val d'Astico located in the Northern Vicentino. Here we describe the geographical and historical peculiarities of the region in order to place the documents in the particular context and to proceed with its better understanding. All of these documents are instrumenta rather than imbreviaturae, and at least when it comes to the deeds drawn by Pietro di Zennaro we can treat this set as a certain unity. Within this study, one of our main objectives of the team work was preparation of these documents for critical publication. The source material studied here still has to be contextualized and researched in more profound manner; however, we can clearly see now that the investigation of the deeds stored in the Western European section of the Scientific and Historical archive of the St. Petersburg Institute of History of the Russian Academy of Sciences is more than promising.
Papal Letters and Letter Collections
Several significant papal letter collections survive from late antiquity: the largest and best known are those of popes Leo I and Gregory I, but other sizable collections have survived from three fifth-and sixth-century bishops of Rome: Innocent I, Gelasius I, and Hor-misdas. In the following essay I analyze four of these corpora from three perspectives: first, their transmission, that is, the form in which they were handed down through various stages to medieval canon law collators; second, the rationale(s) behind selection processes in the making of anthologies of papal letters in the fifth through seventh century up to the Middle Ages; and, finally, the ways in which both papal authors and collators sought to increase Roman authority in these areas. These perspectives permit some conclusions to be drawn regarding changing preservation practices in the Roman chancery (scrinium) from the fourth to sixth century. I argue that, in contrast to other collections studied in this volume , papal letter collections were intended not to fashion the image of the author but to shape the image of the office of Roman bishop. THE FIRST PAPAL LETTER CORPORA Because of the nature of medieval canon law collections and the rationale behind their compilation—namely, providing authoritative views on questions of clerical discipline and doctrinal error—the content of papal letters that survive is remarkably homogeneous. This, together with a preference for letters addressed to important figures such as members of the imperial family and other well-known bishops, has meant that such corpora are good sources on particular themes—especially religious controversy and clerical discipline—but poor on others. Almost all letters by bishops of Rome from Innocent I (401/2–417) to Pelagius II
TWO CHARTERS
Larisa Urnysheva, Rostov on Don, Russia
In current paper the digital reproduction of two imperial diplomatic documents writing in the Italien chanceries of Holy Roman Empire are presented: the Charter of the Emperor Guido issued in the year 891 February 2 — Diploma di Guido G6, and the Charter of the Emperor Otto I issued in the year 969 April 18 - Privilegium Ottonis I DO 371. The both documents were conserved in episcopal archive of Parma in Italy, the history of their movement from Parmenisse archive is not known, they have been purchased by Russian academician N. P. Lihachev in the end of XIX century or in the beginning of XX century, and the documents are in the funds of Institute of History, Russian Academy of Sciences, now. The digital copies of the charters are received on photocopies of the year 1937 edition by S. A. Anninskii.
Charter of the Emperor Guido
I. Description
The Diploma of Guido, issued from the imperial chancellery in Roma on the occasion of his crowning (891, February 2) for reconfirmation the early donation to the Empress Ageltrude on the monastery of Saint Agatha, situm Ticinensi civitate, Pavia, is Privilegium immunis. The original document, conserved probably in Archivio Episcopale di Parma, was not known to its first publisher F. Ughelli in 1647, his edition was based on the hand-written copies, and was the original for the subsequent publications, such as De Re diplomatica imperatricum et reginarum Germaniae by I. Heumann in 1749, Codex diplomaticus Langobardiae by G. Porro-Lamberteghi in 1873, and I diplomi di Guido e di Lamberto a cura di Luigi Schiaparelli in 1906. Luigi Schiaparelli has designated this Diploma of Guido as G6, the sixth of the known twelve in the corpus of Guido's acts.
The Diploma of Guido G6 is preserved in the single-sheet form on the parchment 42cm x 45.8cm, bulla sigillari has not remained, the rest of a trace of seal's lace is visible only [1]. There are the inscriptions, the additions of the later time in dorso of the act: Privilegium immunis; G; Imp. Preceptum de sancta Agatha. In Papia; f; VIII. LXXXXI; Rtum. On the face of the parchment there is the text file of the privilege in 12 lines. The writing style is typical for the Carolingian chancellery of the IX century, the chrismon in the form of labarum, the verbal invocation In nomine sanctae et individue trinitatis, the full title of Emperor Uuido divina favente clementia imperator augustus are usual for the imperial document. The request for the confirmation on the rights of possession of monastery is presented by the bishop and archicapellan of Parma Wicbodus: Uuicbodus, sanctae Parmensis ecclesie venerabilis episcopus et archicapellanus. The title of the Empress Ageltrude: dilectissimae coniugi nostrae Ageltrudi imperatrici et consortem imperii nostri. Formula confirmation: monasterium in honore sanctae Agathe, quod dicitur Nouum constructum, situm Ticinensi civitate, quam per preceptum regale illi concesseramus, pietate et auctoritate nostra ei confirmaremus. Formula corroborationis: Et ut presens hec largitio nostra in sua permaneat firmitate et ut verius credatur et diligentius ab omnibus observetur, manu propria subter firmavimus et bulla nostra sigillari iussimus. The central part of the document narratio and dispositio contains an additional clause about the Empress: dilectissime uxori nostrae Ageltrudi. The signature of the Emperor includes the monogram in the form of rhombus connected with the letters V, D, I: Signum (monogram) domni Uuidonis, excellentissimi imperatoris. Formula of subscription of the notary Goderadus instead of the archichancellor Hebunci: Goderadus notarius advicem Helbunci archicancellarii recognovi et (SR). Signum recognitionis (SR) has the bell form, on the right - the signature signum speciale. Document date includes the year from incarnation of the Christ, and the years of Guido's reigns as the King of Italy - three, and as the Emperor - the first: Data .VIIII. kalendas martii indictione .VIIII. anno incarnationis domini .DCCC. XCI. regnante domno Vuidone in Italia anno regni eius .III. imperii illius die prima. Actum Roma in dei nomine feliciter.
II. Original, Hand-Written Copies, Editions
Original: Institute of History, Russian Academy of Sciences, № ИКДП. V. 643
Hand-written copies: Privilegia ecclesiae Parmensis, Vatican archive;
Monumenta Ughelli, Barberini Biblioteca;
Gozzi Miscellanea storica, Biblioteca Reale Palatina, Parma.
Editions: F. Ughelli, Italia Sacra, t. II, Romae, 1647, col. 191; Idem, t. II, Venetiis, 1717, col. 151.
I. Heumann, De Re diplomatica imperatricum augustarum et reginarum Germaniae, Norimbergae, 1749, appendix I, pag. 443.
Historiae patraiae monumenta, t. XIII, Augustae Taurin, 1873: G. Porro-Lambertenghi, Codex diplomaticus Langobardiae, col. 579, № CCCXLVIII.
Istituto storico Italiano, Fonti per la storia d'Italia, I diplomi di Guido e di Lamberto a cura di Luigi Schiaparelli, volume unico, Roma, 1906, p. VII, 3-56, 63-68.
III. Text
In nomine sanctae et individue trinitatis. Uuido divina favente clementia imperator augustus. Omnium fidelium nostrorum praesentium scilicet et futurorum comperiat sollertia, quia Uuicbodus, sanctae Parmensis ecclesie venerabilis episcopus et archicapellanus, deprecatus est celsitudinem nostram, ut dilectissimae coniugi nostrae Ageltrudi imperatrici et consortem imperii nostri, monasterium in honore sanctae Agathe, quod dicitur Nouum constructum, situm Ticinensi civitate, quam per preceptum regale illi concesseramus, pietate et auctoritate nostra ei confirmaremus. Nos vero eius precibus optemperantes decrevimus ita fieri. Concedimus igitur et confirmamus dilectissime uxori nostrae Ageltrudi heredibus q[uoque] hac proheredibus suis monasteriu[m su]perius insertum cum omnibus ad[iacentii]s et pertinentiis iuste et legaliter ad eum pertinentibus seu aspitientibus in singulis fundoris et locis, servis et ancillis, utriusque sexus familiis, aldionis, aldionabus, terris, vineis, campis, pratis, silvis, aquis aquarumque decursibus, coltis et incoltis, mobilibus et immobilibus vel quicquit ad ipsum monasterium [per]tinere iuste et legaliter dinoscitur, omnie omnino in integrum. Et iussimus ei hoc nostrae auctoritatis preceptum inde conscribi, per quod decernimus atque iubemus, ut deinceps de supranominatis rebus ipsa suique heredes ac proheredes habeant potestatem iure hereditario habendi, tenendi, fruendi, vendendi, commutandi et nostra imperiali largietate et auctoritate plenissima, sicut lex et iustitia est unicuique homini de suis propriis facere rebus. Quicumque autem huius nostrae munificentiae violator vel invasor extiterit, aut aliq[ua]m violentiam inferre presumpserit, .C. libras auri optimi culpabilis habeatur in pers[olvendu]m, medietatem palatio nostro et medietatem prefate Ageltrudi suisque heredibus vel cuicumque easdem res ei placuerit distribuere. Et ut presens hec largitio nostra in sua permaneat firmitate et ut verius credatur et diligentius ab omnibus observetur, manu propria subter firmavimus et bulla nostra sigillari iussimus. Signum (M) domni Uuidonis, excellentissimi imperatoris. Goderadus notarius advicem Helbunci archicancellarii recognovi et SR.
Data .VIIII. kalendas martii indictione .VIIII. anno incarnationis domini .DCCC. XCI. regnante domno Vuidone in Italia anno regni eius .III. imperii illius die prima. Actum Roma in dei nomine feliciter. Amen.
IV. Image
The Charter of the Emperor Otto I
The Description
The Diploma of Otto I, issued from the imperial chancellery in Cassano, a small town in province of Cosenza of Calabria, in year 969, for reconfirmation Ingoni's and his successors' right on grounds possession in different counties of empire, is the privilege immunity. The original document, conserved in Archivio Episcopale di Parma, was not known to its first publisher F. Ughelli in 1647, the edition was based on the hand-written copy from Vatican Archive. Ireneo Affo has published Privilegium autographum Ottonis I under the original in the book Storia della citta di Parma in 1792, the digital copy of this book is on a site of Biblioteca Rossiana now. Up the time of the issue of the first volume of a Monumenta Germaniae Historica in 1879, the original diploma was been lost from the episcopal archive of Parma, and the publishers of MGH used the diploma text from the Ughelli's and the Affo's publications. In the corpus of Otto I's documents Diplomata regum et imperatorum Germaniae the sign DO 371 corresponds to the Ingoni's privilege. The digital copy of the MGH is on the site of the Bayerische Staatsbibliothek now.
The Diploma of Otto I DO 371 is preserved in the single-sheet form on the parchment 41.4 cm x 56.4 cm, the seal was not preserved, the aperture for the bull only has remained [2]. The dorse inscriptions of the late time have remained: Non pertinet ad episcopatum nisi per indirrectum; A; De iurisdictione ecclesie; 969; Rtum (registratum); In istis priuilegiis aparet, qualiter castrum Barceti cum curia est domini episcopi Parmensis; m; F. The text on the face of the parchment with verbal invocation in nomine sancte individuaeque trinitatis, and with the Emperor's intitulation Otto divina ordinante providentia imperator augustus. The bishop of Parma and the chief of imperial chancellery Hubert is the petitor: Hubertum, venerabilem sanctae Parmensis aecclesiae episcopum et archicancellarum. He asks about the privilege for some imperial reliable Ingoni, nostro dilecto fideli. In narratio and dispositio the Ingoni's landship in the Kingdom of Italy are listed: comitatibus videlicet Bulgariensi,Laumellensi, Plumbiensi, Mediolanensм, Euorмensi, Papiensi, Placentini, Parmensi, cortem scilicet de Bercleto, cortem de Ceretano, cortem de Uillanoue, cum castro super sй habente, cortem de Graualona cum castro Cassiolo et Creblado cortem de rMarinasco, cortem de Neutri cum castro Uicogiboin et villam Sazago seu infra civitatem Nouariensem cortem de Ueratelmi cum caftro super sй habente et in Parmense cortem de Tortoliano simul cum castro, cortem de Staderiano cum castro et Uicoferdulfi. The signature of the Emperor includes the monogram: Signum domni Ottonis (monogram) serenissimi augusti (SD). Formula of subscription of the notary Ambrosius instead of the bishop and the archichancellor Hubert: Ambrosius cancellarius advicem Huberti episcopi et archicancellarii recognovit et subscripsit.Document date includes the year from incarnation of the Christ, and the years of Otto I's reigns as Emperor: Data .XIII. kl. mai a[nno dominice inca]rnationis .DCCCCLXVIIII. anno vero domni Ottonis serenissimi augusti .VIII. indictione .XII. Actum in Kalabria in suburbio Cassano. In dei nomine feliciter. Аmen.
II. Original, Hand-Written Copies, Editions
The Original: Institute of History, Russian Academy of Sciences, № ИКДП. V. 642
The editions: 1.F. Ughelli, Italia Sacra, t. II, Romae, 1647, pag. 202;
Idem, t. II, Venetiis, 1717, pag. 158.
I. Affo, Storia della citta di Parma, Carmignani, Parma, 1792-1795,
tom I. Appendice, pag. 358-359.
3.Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Diplomatum regum et imperatorum
Germaniae, tomus I, Hannoverae, 1879-1884, pag. 508-510.
Digital editions: 1. Ireneo Affo', Storia della citta' di Parma, Carmignani, Parma, 1792-1795. - Biblioteca Rossiana.
http://books.google.com/books?hl=it&as_brr=1&id=yqoBAAAAQAAJ&dq=inauthor%3AIreneo+inauthor%3AAff+&jtp=358
Monumenta Germaniae Historica. - Bayerische Staatsbibliothek.
http://mdz11.bib-bvb.de/dmgh_new/app/web?action=loadBook&bookId=00000442
III. Text
In nomine sancte individuaeque trinitatis. Otto divina ordinante providentia imperator augustus. Si fidelium nostrorum peticionibus, maxime illorum, qui frequenti conamine in nostrae fidelitatis obsequio desudant, aures nostrae serenitatis accomodaverimus, promptiores et devociores eos circa nostrum famulatum effici non est ambiguum. Quocirca noverint omnium sanctae dei aecclesiae fidelium nostrorumque praesentium scilicet ac futurorum industria, cum nos in Kalabria residebamus in confine atque planiciae, que, est inter Cassanum et Petram Sanguinariam, ibique nostro imperiali iure nostris fidelibus tam Kalabris quamque omnibus Italicis Francisque atque Teutonicis leges praeceptaque ordinatim imponeremus, Hubertum, venerabilem sanctae Parmensis aecclesiae episcopum et archicancellarium, nostram adiisse clementiam, quatenus Ingoni, nostro dilecto fideli suisque fмliis, Huberto scilicet atque Ribaldo seu Obberto, eorumque heredibus res et proprмetates sibi quovis titulo scriptionis seu hereditario nomine pertinentes infra regnum Italicum coniacentes nostra preceptali auctoritate confмrmaremus et corroboraremus. Cuius precibus aclinanteset eius fidelitatem non minimam consмderantes concedimus, donamus, largimur atque confirmamus per huius nostri praecepti paginam prefatis Ingoni suisque filiis eorumque heredibus omnem eorum hereditatem a patre vel a matre sibi dimissam seu omnes res et cortes mercata et publicas functiones, quae sibi tam hereditario nomine quamque etiam scriptis quibuscumque pertinere videntur coniacentes infra regnum Italicum in comitatibus videlicet Bulgariensi, Laumellensi, Plumbiensi, Mediolanensм, Euorмensi, Papiensi, Placentini, Parmensi, cortem scilicet de Bercleto, cortem de Ceretano, cortem de Uillanoue, cum castro super sй habente, cortem de Graualona cum castro Cassiolo et Creblado cortem de rMarinasco, cortem de Neutri cum castro Uicogiboin et villam Sazago seu infra civitatem Nouariensem cortem de Ueratelmi cum caftro super sй habente et in Parmense cortem de Tortoliano simul cum castro, cortem de Staderiano cum castro et Uicoferdulfi cum castro necnon ceteras reset predia, que infra pretaxatos comitatus adiacent cum omnibus adiacentiis et pertinentiis suis, ut habeant, teneant firmiterque possмdeant tam ipsi quam sui heredes nostra nostrorumque successorum vel omnium hominum contradictione remota . Concedimus et per hoc nostrum preceptum confirmamus eidem Ingoni et suis filiis eorumque heredibus, ut ex his prenominatis cortibus seu ex cunctis ceteris rebus per cartulas vinditionis, donationis, iudicati seu nostri nostrorumque antecessorum preceptorum paginis sibi suisque datoribus adquisitis cum omnibus adiacentiis et pertinentiis nullus invadere se temptet aut eos disvestire presumat, sed nostra preceptali auctoritate corroborati et confirmati liceat eis prediclas res habere, tenere et quiete possмdere sublata omni controversia. Concedimus etiam et per hunc preceptum confirmamus, ut nullus dux, marchio, comes, vicecomes, sculdassio, gastaldio seu magna par- vaque regni nostri persona prenominatum Ingonem suosque filios eorumque heredes seu homines in eorum prediis residentes ex his prenominatis cortibus et rebus prefatis viris pertinentibus aliquam publicam functionem seu teloneum tollere presumat aut ad placitum ire cogat vel legem eos facere instget nisi prenominatos viros eorumque heredes in nostra nostrorumque successorum presentia et in eorum prediis residentes in sua. Pertimus etiam adyocatos habere et per inquisitionem res suas defendere et ablatas sibi adquirere et si monimina cartarum quovis ingenio perdiderint, hac noftri precepti pagina corroborati investiti maneant et confirmati noflra largitione abita legaliter defendant et ablata legali examinatione requirant omnium hominum eradicata controversia. Si quis autem aliquis presumptor de supradictis cortibus vel rebus eos disvestire aut inquietare sine legali iuditio temptaverit seu aliquem censum vel servitium de omnibus prefatis sine illorum dono acceperit aut quoque modo huius nostri precepti violator extiterit, sciat sй compositurum auri optimi libras centum, medietatem kamere, nostrae et medietatem pretaxatis viris eorumque heredibus. [Quod] ut verius credatur diligentiusque ab omnibus observetur, manu propria roborantes anulum nostrum inferius imprimi iussimus.
Signum domni Ottonis (monogram) serenissimi augusti (SD)
Ambrosius cancellarius advicem Huberti episcopi et archicancellarii recognovit et subscripsit.
Data .XIII. kl. mai a[nno dominice inca]rnationis .DCCCCLXVIIII. anno vero domni Ottonis serenissimi augusti .VIII. indictione .XII. Actum in Kalabria in suburbio Cassano. In dei nomine feliciter. Аmen.
IV. Image
References
1. С. А. Аннинский. Диплом Оттона I в коллекции Академии Наук СССР. - Вспомогательные исторические дисциплины. М.-Л., 1937.
2. С. А. Аннинский. диплом IX века в собрании Академии Наук СССР. - Вспомогательные исторические дисциплины. М.-Л., 1937.
http://mdz11.bib-bvb.de/dmgh_new/app/web?action=loadBook&bookId=00000442
371. Otto bestätigt seinem Getreuen Ingo und dessen Nachkommen alle Besitzungen und verleiht ihnen weitgehende processuale Vorrechte. 20 Cassano 969 April 18. Ughelli Italia sacra ed. 7, 2, 201 ex cod. tabularii Vaticani (U) = ed. II, 2, 158, – Affò Storia di Parma 1, 358 nº 70 aus damals im bischöflichen Archiv zu Parma befindlichem Originale (A). – Böhmer Reg. 356. – Stumpf Reg. 464. In Parma ist weder das Original welches Affò benutzt haben will, noch irgend eine Copie 25 aufzufinden, ebenso wenig in Rom der Codex aus welchem Ughelli schöpfte. Somit auf beide sehr oft von einander abweichende Drucke angewiesen haben wir allen Grund dem von Affò den Vorzug zu geben. Der andere strotzt von Fehlern die es sich zum Theil nicht einmal verlohnte als Varianten zu verzeichnen. Blos in wenigen Worten erwies sich U. besser als A. Sonst war U. nur noch für die Namen der Ortschaften, deren einige 30 zweifelhaft sind, anzuführen. Wie steht es aber überhaupt mit der Glaubwürdigkeit des D. und mit der Berufung von Affò auf das Original? Eingang und Schluss des Contextes sowie das durchaus correcte Protokoll lassen auf It. B. als Schreiber schliessen, während mehrere Wendungen des übrigen Contextes It. D. als Dictator erkennen lassen. Dessen Antheil aber kommt bei der Beurtheilung des zweiten Theiles wesentlich in Betracht 35 Es finden sich hier nämlich Bestimmungen über den Gerichtsstand des Empfängers für welche ich weder aus dem 10. noch aus dem 11. Jh. weitere Belege beizubringen wüsste, und welche so außerordentlich erscheinen (vgl. Ficker Ital. Forschungen 1, 288 ff.) dass der Gedanke an Interpolation in späterer Zeit allerdings nahe gelegt wird, wofür auch noch die stilistischen Fehler in A geltend gemacht werden könnten. Jedoch wie der 40 Erzkanzler Hubert für sich und seinen Anhang überhaupt viel erwirkte (s. DO. 239, 374), mag er auch Ingo zu besonderen Vorrechten verholfen haben. Zu solcher Annahme veranlasst mich der Eindruck welchen eben die Fassung der betreffenden Sätze macht. Einige Sprachformen sind nicht allein für das 10. Jh., sondern speciell für It. D. charakteristisch Des weiteren widerfährt eben diesem sehr oft aus der Construction zu fallen und 45 für das Verständniss nothwendige Satztheile zu überspringen, und insbesondere wo es gilt für ausserordentliche Verfügungen erst eine Formel aufzustellen, drückt er sich un
beholfen aus. Auf diese Erwägungen hin trete ich nicht allein für die Glaubwürdigkeit
von DO. 371 ein, sondern beanstande auch nicht die Originalität des für A benutzten
Schriftstьckes.
In nomine sancte et individue trinitatis. Otto divina ordinante providentia
5
imperator augustus. Si fidelium nostrorum petitionibus, maxime illorum qui frequenti
conamine in nostre fidelitatis obsequio desudant, aures nostre serenitatis accommodaverimus
promptiores et devotiores eos circa nostrum famulatum effici non est
ambiguum. Quocirca noverita omnium sancte dei ecclesie fidelium nostrorumque presentium
scilicet et futurorum industria, cum nos in Kalabria residebamusb in confine
10
atque planicie que est inter Cassanum et Petram Sanguinariam, ibique nostro imperiali
iure nostris fidelibus tam Kalabris quamque omnibus Italicis Francisque atque Teutonicis
leges preceptaque ordinatim imponeremus, Hubertum venerabilem sancte Parmensis
ecclesie episcopum et archicancellarium nostram adiisse clementiam; quatenus
Ingoni nostro dilecto fideli suisque filiis, Hubertoc scilicet atque Ribaldo seu Obbertod,
15
eorumque heredibus res et proprietates sibi quovis titulo scriptionis seu hereditario
nomine pertinentes infra regnum Italicum coniacentes nostra preceptali auctoritate
confirmaremus et corroboraremus. Cuius precibus acclinantes et eius fidelitatem non
minimam considerantes concedimus donamus largimur atque confirmamus per huius
nostri precepti paginam prefatis Ingoni suisque filiis eorumque heredibus omnem eorum
20
hereditatem a patre vel a matre sibi dimissam seu omnes res et cortes mercata et
publicas functiones que sibi tam hereditario nomine quamque etiam scriptis quibuscumque
pertinere videntur, coniacentes infrae regnum Italicum in comitatibus videlicet
Bulgariensi, Laumellensi, Plumbiensif, Mediolanensi, Evoriensi, Papiensi, Placentinog;
Parmensi, cortem scilicet de Bercletoh, cortem de Ceretanoi, cortem Villanove cum
25
castro super se habentem, cortem de Gravalonak cum castro Cassiolo et Crebladol,
cortem de Marinasco, cortem de Nevirim cum castro Vicoboinn et villao Sazago, seu
infra civitatem Novariensem cortem de Verictelimp cum castro super se habentem et
in Parmensi cortem de Tortoliano simul cum castro, cortem de Staderiaho cum castro
et Vicoferdulfi cum castro nec non ceteras res et predia que infra pretaxatos comitatus
30
adiacent cum omnibus adiacentiis et pertinentiis suis, ut habeant teneant firmiterque possideant
tam ipsi quam sui heredes, nostra nostrorumque successorum vel omnium hominum
contradictione remota. Concedimus et per hoc nostrum preceptum confirmamus eidem
Ingoni et suis filiis eorumque heredibus, ut ex his prenominatis cortibus seu ex cunctis
ceteris rebus per cartulas vinditionis donationis iudicati seu nostri nostrorumque antecessorum
35
preceptorum paginis sibi suisque datoribusq adquisitis cum omnibus adiacentiis
et pertinentiis suis nullus invadere temptet aut eos disvestire presumat, sed
nostra preceptali auctoritate corroborati et confirmati liceat eis predictas res habere
tenere et quiete possidere, sublata omni controversia. Concedimus etiam et per hunc
preceptum confirmamus, ut nullus dux marchio comes vicecomes sculdassio gastaldio
40
seu magnar parvaque nostri regni persona prenominatum Ingonem suosque filios eorumque
heredes seu homines in eorum prediis residentes ex his prenominatis cortibus et
rebus prefatis viris pertinentibus aliquam publicam functionem seu teloneum tollere
presumat aut ad placitum redigat vel legem eos facere instiget, nisi prenominatos
viros eorumque heredes in nostra nostrorumque successorum presentia et in eorum
prediis residentes in sua [legem facere volumus]s, verum etiam advocatos habere ett per inquisitionem res suas defendere et ablatas sibi adquirere et, si monimina chartarum quovis ingenio perdiderint, hac nostri precepti pagina corroborati investiti maneant et confirmati nostra largitione abita legaliter defendant et ablata legali examinatione 5 requirant, omnium hominum eradicata controversia. Si quis autem aliquis presumptor de supradictis cortibus vel rebus eos disvestire aut inquietare sine legali iudicio tentaverit seu aliquem censum vel servitium de omnibus prefatis sine illorum donou acceperit aut quoquo modo huius nostri precepti violator extiterit, sciat se compositurum auri optimi libras centum, medietatem kamere nostre et medietatem 10 pretaxatis viris eorumque heredibus. Et ut verius credatur diligentiusque ab omnibus observetur, manu propria roborantes anulum nostrum inferius imprimi iussimus. Signum domni (M.)v Ottonis serenissimi augusti. Ambrosius cancellarius advicem Huberti episcopi et archicancellarii recognovit et subscripsit. (SI.) 15 Data XIIII. kal. mai. anno dominice incarnationis DCCCCLXVIIII, anno vero domni Ottonis serenissimi augusti VII, indictione XII; actum in Kalabria in suburbio Cassano; in dei nomine feliciter amen.
Oblivion, Memory, and Irony in Medieval Montecassino: Narrative Strategies of the “Chronicles of St. Benedict of Cassino”, by Luigi Andrea Berto, in Journal “Viator “, vol. 38, No. 1, 2007, Brepols Publishers.
http://brepols.metapress.com/content/3v21025756738615/
abstract
The dissolution of the Lombard political unity in southern Italy and the Muslim military activities in that area rendered the ninth century a crucial yet troubled period for the history of this part of the Italian peninsula. The abbey of Montecassino was deeply affected by those events as well. Its riches, in fact, made it an easy target for the Muslims, who, after imposing heavy tributes on the monastery, sacked and destroyed it in 883. Several years had to pass before Saint Benedict’s monks could return to Montecassino. In the difficult period of exile they put a lot of effort in the reconstruction of their community’s identity as well as in reaffirming its role as repository of southern Italy’s memory. In this process of reconstruction the texts known as the “Chronicles of Saint Benedict of Cassino” had the fundamental task of describing as well as explaining the events that had provoked the crisis of southern Lombard Italy.
History in fragments: Montecassino's politics of memory
Walter Pohl
Copyright 2001 Blackwell Publishers Ltd
ABSTRACT
Most of what we know about the history of the Lombard principalities of southern Italy was preserved by the monks of Montecassino. Their perception of past and present from the ninth to the early eleventh century can be studied in three manuscripts that contain a variety of short texts with abundant corrections and marginal notes – a construction kit for the social memory of a monastic community that was never turned into a coherent narrative. Through examining these sometimes disparate fragments, we get a rare glimpse at the practices of writing in an early medieval monastery, and can begin to understand which texts mattered and why.
Early Medieval Europe
Volume 10 Issue 3, Pages 343 - 374
Monumenta Germaniae Historica digital
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