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Open Space: Slow life and ecologies of
sensation
Article in Feminist Review · November 2015
DOI: 10.1057/fr.2015.40
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Anna Hickey-Moody
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open space
!!
111! slow life and ecologies of
! sensation
Anna Hickey-Moody
This piece is a mobilisation of, and response to, Puar’s timely rejuvenation of the idea of debility.
I explore some limits of Puar’s (2009, 2012) take on debility, arguing for an ecology of sensation
as a methodology for thinking and feeling through what I call a political economy of ‘slow life’.
Thinking through slow lives, those lived in crip time (Kuppers, 2014, pp. 51–52), is a way of
valuing how ‘disabled’ bodies and subjectivities experience and reproduce the world. Implicit in
this suggestion is the belief that disabled bodies and embodied subjectivities experience and
reproduce the world in ways that show up limits in popular sensory and spatial geographies
and economies. The idea of a political economy of slow life is my response to Puar’s (2012) and
Berlant’s (2007, 2011) respective suggestions that the biopolitical control of disabled,
debilitated, obese and queer populations is effected through a governmental assumption (and
production) of a slow death. I also write in response to the important question posed by Goodley
et al. (2014, p. 982), who ask, ‘what alternatives does disability offer to the slow death of
neoliberalism and false politics of austerity?’. In short, I propose a slow temporal ecology
of sensory aesthetics that is posited by cultures of intellectual disability as a materialist critique
of slow death.
Berlant’s slow death is the living conditions imposed by late capitalism. The term
refers to the physical wearing out of a population and the deterioration of people in that population that is very
nearly a defining condition of their experience and historical existence. The general emphasis of the phrase is
on the phenomenon of mass physical attenuation under global / national regimes of capitalist structural
subordination and governmentality. (Berlant, 2007, p. 745)
Through slow death, select bodies are governed out of life, but even if not for long, they live lives
that I think we must think through. Strategies of governance operate partly through silencing,
through killing. These premises are taken on by Puar in ‘The cost of getting better’, where she
suggests that:
discourses surrounding gay youth suicide partake in a spurious binarization of what I foreground as an
interdependent relationship between bodily capacity and bodily debility. These discourses reproduce
neoliberalism’s heightened demands for bodily capacity, even as this same neoliberalism marks out
populations for what Lauren Berlant has described as ‘slow death’—the debilitating ongoing-ness of
structural inequality and suffering. In the United States, where personal debt incurred through medical
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expenses is the number one reason for filing for bankruptcy, the centrality of what is termed the medical-industrial
complex to the profitability of slow death cannot be overstated. (Puar, 2012, p. 149)
The above statements outline the politics of the economic and social production and removal of bodies:
debility, disability, and some queer lives, bodies and acts are consistently eroded by sovereign strategies
of state governance. However, while the disabled, obese people and LGBTI people are certainly subject to
state-sanctioned ‘slow deaths’, they also inhabit political and material conditions that are at least as
different as they are similar. These differences matter. They entail different forms of labour and are
interpolated socially and politically in diverse ways. We need to think through and acknowledge such
differences and the forms of activism and everyday labour they entail.
I want to talk about the political and material conditions of bodies who are medically stratified as
having intellectual disability. I want to think about these bodies as having slow lives, rather than
slow deaths. The distinction between slow life and slow death I want to make is strategic, and I move
on to explain this strategy in relation to Berlant’s work on slow death and Puar’s writings on debility
below. However, here I want to very briefly characterise some problems with, and uses for, the noun
phrase. The term intellectual disability covers a wide range of bodies, and is often used interchangeably with developmental delay and learning difficulty. The heterogeneity of the category can also
encompass those with cognitive and sensory impairments, Down’s syndrome, and in some cases autism
and cerebral palsy, which can be accompanied by intellectual disability. Not all intellectually disabled
bodies are visible, and there is a particular practice and politics of visual coding associated with facial
and physical signifiers of Down’s syndrome, which cannot be transferred onto other intellectually disabled
bodies.
As a term developed within medical discourses, intellectual disability is a value judgement that does not
express the strengths of those who are coded as being intellectually disabled. Medical discourses have
been developed to shape and class the physical world rather than conceptualise it. Medical terms form
parts of complex systems of codings that occur upon a very limited plane of reference. Any medical plane
of reference is constructed through discursive systems, which Deleuze and Guattari (1994[1991], p. 118)
delightfully characterise as being composed of ‘functives’, or elements of physical functions that are
actualised within the discursive system in question. From this perspective, the term intellectual disability
cannot be seen as a way of characterising or describing a person; rather, it is a limited system of coding
that has incidentally become known as a way of describing people. Intellectual disability is the only noun
phrase available to characterise a broad spectrum of ontological conditions. Despite its limits,
inadequacies and the indisputable fact that the term intellectual disability is a medical coding that has
perhaps unwisely been transferred into social and cultural contexts, the noun phrase retains some use
value because it makes an ontological point: it articulates a state of being that is empirically very
particular. This particularity requires attention.
In her theory of slow death, Berlant powerfully accounts for the governing out of existence that is imposed
on people through certain forms of labour and on those who are not able to work (Harvey, 2000, in Berlant,
2007, p. 754). Those not able to work are defined as ill and thus left open to governmental sovereign rule,
which Berlant defines through Foucault. In Society Must Be Defended Foucault defines sovereignty as ‘the
right to take life or let live’ (quoted in Berlant, 2007, p. 756), and Berlant considers the everyday
economies and affective labours of those whose lives are taken, those who in some instances contribute to
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the taking of their own lives. For example, becoming obese can be seen as a way of resisting a neo-liberal
present and future. Berlant (2007, p. 756) states, ‘Slow death occupies the temporalities of the endemic’;
slow death is a way of stopping the progression of the unfolding of a neo-liberal future. Not living, or
shortening one’s own life, living in a way that defies normative ideologies about health, can be seen as a
form of agency:
Through the space opened up by slow death, then, I mean to rethink some taxonomies of causality, subjectivity, and life
making embedded in normative notions of agency. More particularly, I want to suggest that to continue to counter the
moral science of biopolitics, which links the political administration of life to a melodrama about the care of the monadic
self, we need to think about agency and personhood not only in normative terms but also as activity exercised within
spaces of ordinariness. (Berlant, 2007, p. 758)
There is a relationship here between time and life, time and death, in which agency can be inaction,
stopping life or shortening life. This relationship to agency embedded in the idea that slow death occupies
the temporalities of the endemic resonates with Puar’s (2009) concept of prognosis time. Building on Jain’s
(2007, p. 79) suggestion that ‘all of us in American risk culture live to some degree in prognosis’, Puar
considers prognosis as a measure of hope:
Jain offers, but does not develop, the proposition that ‘living in prognosis’ might be usefully deployed to re-tool disability
studies beyond its current imbrication in Euro-American identity-based rights politics, moving us—as she suggests—
from the disabled subject to the prognostic subject, from the subject of disability to the subject of prognosis, thus
changing the category of disability itself, while temporally decomposing the common disability activist mantra: ‘you’re
only able-bodied until you’re disabled’. (Puar, 2009, p. 163)
‘American risk culture’ as characterised by Jain can be held alongside British austerity politics and
Australian conservative Liberal rule. Of course, each located politic and system of governance is context
specific, yet all three governance regimes are characterised by neo-liberal discourses and practices that
are affectively administered and employed to effect a form of class rule that privileges economic elites.
Goodley et al. (2014, p. 981) describe the relationship between the American and British astutely by
stating that ‘neoliberalism provides an ecosystem for the nourishment of ableism, which we can define as
neoliberal-abelism. We are all expected to overcome economic downturn and respond to austerity through
adhering to abelism’s ideals, its narrow conceptions of personhood, its arrogance and its propensity to
buddy up with other fascistic ideologies’.
Prognosis time, as a neo-liberal-abelist form of governance, ‘severs the idea of a time line, puts pressure
on the assumption of an expected life span—a barometer of one’s modernity—and the privilege one has
or does not have to presume what one’s life span will be, hence troubling any common view of life phases,
generational time, and longevity’ (Puar, 2009, pp. 165–166).
Bodies with intellectual disabilities are a specific register of ‘prognosis time’. They constitute an outside to
the bodies who Waldby and Mitchell (2006, p. 187) suggest have an economic value as commodities in bioeconomies within which ‘the wealthy can purchase the fantasy of a regenerative body at the expense of the
health of other, less valuable bodies’, through buying organs and infants. Having two sets of chromosome
21 makes a body unfit for surrogacy or organ trade for ‘the wealthy’ (ibid.). All forms of intellectual
disability necessitate a slow life and this slow life constitutes an outside to most capitalist economies and
dominant modes of experiencing and producing, or ‘machining’, subjectivity.
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slow life and ecologies of sensation
I agree that thinking through ‘switchpoints of bodily capacity’ (Puar, 2012, p. 151) and mapping ‘ecologies
of sensation’ (ibid., p. 150) are useful methodological tools through which we can see how disabled bodies
and debility express with or articulate alongside geographies of other bodies, communities and
accumulations of affect. I take these two methodological strategies as futures emerging from Puar’s
work to explore the possibilities afforded by the idea of slow life, and to examine the utility of ecologies of
sensation for mapping, feeling, recording intellectually disabled lives.
A slow life is an expression of a non-linear, non-singular, slow temporality that is located in particular
ontological states and is expressed through relations with others:
I need you.
I need help.
I’m not sure what you mean,
I need more time.
I don’t speak.
I can’t see, I can’t hear, I feel.
Ontologies of difference. Profound, multiple, disabilities. Medical discourses construct social faces of
people with intellectual disability through attributing particular significances to their physical features
and arguing that these are signs of a specific kind of subjectivity. No space is provided here for the
proliferation of alternative, relational, sense-based knowledges, durations of existence that differ from
those of people without intellectual disability and for the political importance of ‘being with’. Bodies
with intellectual disability cannot be thought completely outside the limits of medical knowledge,
as ‘intellectual disability’ itself is a medical construction beyond which contemporary culture still
struggles to think. Along with atypical machinings of the sensorium and slow duration, people with
intellectual disability have a difficult relationship to capitalism. The economics of debility and
disability are complex.
Because of this, I remain invested in distinctions between disabled, queer and debilitated bodies and
subjects. Intellectual disability has an especially limited economic value. I agree with Puar that the
‘profitability’ of disability is a useful way of contextualising the financial exploitation of those with
serious medical needs, but the economics of intellectual disability are more complicated than
the ‘profit’ generated through charging for the medical costs of people with intellectual disability.
Unlike homonational subjects, or those with the possibility of becoming homonational subjects,
people with intellectual disability, and indeed many forms of debility, are largely excluded from being
significantly valued within capitalist economies as workers. Disability and debility are hard
to commodify. They do not add value to products or places and they directly affect a body’s capacity
to earn.
As Puar’s book Terrorist Assemblages (2007) shows us, homonational identities can add value to places
and products in certain contexts. Homonational subjects and bodies are able to work and earn in ways
that intellectually disabled people are not afforded. So there are very important distinctions in my mind
between the debilities experienced in Tyler Clementi’s case, which Puar (2012) outlines in her article ‘Coda:
the cost of getting better: sensation, suicide, switchpoints’ and the disabilities experienced by, for
example, a middle-aged woman with Down’s syndrome. In ‘The cost of getting better’ Puar examines the
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suicide of Rutger’s student Tyler Clementi in 2010. Clementi was persecuted by fellow students in Rutgers
after footage of him having gay sex was circulated.
I understand the utility of showing the relationship between Clementi and his homophobic peers as based
on a shared ‘geekness’: they all experience certain debilities in spite of the fact that some are homophobic
and some are not. Taken outside the context of Rutgers, the concept of debility can also link privileged
people persecuted for liking the ‘wrong kind of pleasure’ to, for example, the lives of people who hold no
social privilege. For example, women with intellectual disabilities are still seen as candidates for forced
sterilisation (Open Society Foundation, 2011), and a staggering 50–90 per cent of these women are likely
to experience sexual abuse when living in care in Australia (Australian Bureau of Statistics [ABS], 2009).
The forced sterilisation of women with intellectual disabilities makes them responsible for their own
abuse.1 The concept of debility is less useful when it serves to erase, rather than highlight, the differences
in ecologies of sensations experienced by bodies. The life of the white gay man at an Ivy League university
is sensorially and affectively very different to the life of a woman with intellectual disability living in a
group home and being sexually abused by a carer. So I am suggesting that a concept that brings together
the ecologies of sensation experienced by such bodies, rather than examining the different kinds of
emotional, physical and political labour these bodies undertake in maintaining life, seems to overlook the
specificity of sensation. We need to understand and value the different ecologies of sensation through
which diverse modes of debility are articulated.
Building on her re-reading of Rai’s (2009) ‘ecologies of sensation’, Puar (2012, p. 151) argues that affective
activism presents an engaged, critical future through which we can map ‘switch points of bodily capacity’.
This, to my mind, is a more useful concept than debility, as affective activism can be employed to think
about how intellectually disabled bodies ‘turn on’ or activate switchpoints or affects in other bodies, through
which they create ‘ecologies of sensation’ (ibid., p. 150). Embodied relations, sensory experiences and, as I
argue elsewhere (Hickey-Moody, 2006, 2009; Hickey-Moody and Crowley, 2011), art made by and with people
with intellectual disability can fracture and redesign despotic, medical and capitalist codings of intellectual
disability. As I argue in Unimaginable Bodies (Hickey-Moody, 2009), the process of devising and performing
integrated dance theatre kinaesthetically reconfigures dancers’ embodied subjectivities. Through creating
and performing affects that engender audience responses of curiosity, desire, awe, surprise and laughter,
dance theatre can build relationships between intellectually disabled and non-disabled people in which
intellectually disabled people are interpolated as desirable, useful, humorous, powerful: a spectrum of
affective responses not commonly attached to bodies with intellectual disability in the public pedagogies of
intellectual disability disseminated by popular film texts (e.g., Memory Keeper’s Daughter, Down Side Up) or
advertisements (Care.Com, Target, Benetton), which tend to attach affects of pathos to the intellectually
disabled body, typically represented as a young person.
The difference between being looked down on, being spoken down to and being respected, admired,
wanted is a visceral sensation that is mapped through experience. These different kinds of relation map
different ecologies of sensation, which are diverse accounts of (or lack accounting for) the work that
people with intellectual disability have to do to live, the humour and resourcefulness they bring, their
1
In suggesting that women are made responsible for their own abuse I mean the women are physically made to bear
responsibility for their own abuse, as being sterilised means they can be abused without pregnancy, which would be evidence of the abuse.
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strengths and skills. Being seen as a strong and skilled member of society clearly makes one feel
differently about oneself than being seen as one looked down on. Such differences in relational ecologies
of sensation effect different processes of subjectivation.
These processes of subjectivation are corporeal changes that alter the ways people with intellectual
disability know themselves and become who they are. Recognising the everyday labour of people with
intellectual disability, understanding, appreciating and respecting them, being with them, remains a
critical, political strategy. It is how ecologies of sensation that appreciate, respect and acknowledge
people with intellectual disability can be made and through which they can activate switch points of
bodies without intellectual disability. Through a focus on practical, embodied relations, we can map the
activation of difference in non-disabled bodies and this may lead to an everyday, yet hopefully
substantive, possibility for the critique of limiting discourses of the social and medical construction of
intellectual disability.
Here, ecologies of sensation becomes a methodology that is inclusive of ontological truths, yet does not
feature the word ‘intellectual disability’ and thus does not reproduce a distinction between mind and
body. The productive, affective embodied labour undertaken by people with intellectual disability is
critical within ecologies of sensation, and the methodology is the practice of valuing their work as
productive. As a materialist methodology, living and thinking through the ecologies of sensation created
by artists with intellectual disability offers a means of both addressing the problem of how intellectually
disabled people are perceived and changing it through creating new forms of understanding and modes of
experiential perception. Here, methods are a form of activism that allows us to bring out and appreciate
modes of being and practices of relationality that are not yet perceptible or, if they are perceptible
and visible, are often undervalued.
Contemporary arts practices call on us to think anew through remaking the world as we know it. Building on
this ethos of practice as thought in the act, I want to suggest that arts practices with people with
intellectual disability need to be recognised as crucial to building ecologies of sensation that highlight and
respect the experiences of people with intellectual disabilities. This call responds to increased attention
being paid to matter and creativity in social sciences and humanities research, often referred to as ‘new
materialism’ (van der Tuin, 2011) or Deleuzian-informed methodologies. Such research practices
posit affective, performative, machinic, enfleshed, vital approaches to research in ways that embody
and perform ideas developed in Continental philosophy (Whitehead, 1926; Heidegger, 1962; Ahmed,
2008) and, specifically, the work of Deleuze and Guattari (1983 [1972], 1987 [1980], 1994 [1991]).
New materialism calls theorists to revisit a Marxist emphasis on materiality in research, just as it
calls for an embodied, affective, performative, relational understanding of the research process. So too do
theories of practice as research, which show us clearly that the intersection of making and thinking is
important.
Rather than thinking through the uniting qualities of debilities, let us better understand the differences
marked by disabilities. I want to develop a robust ecology of sensation, bringing feminist new materialist
theory together with Carter’s (2004) suggestion that ‘the language of creative research is related to the
goal of material thinking, and both look beyond the making process to the local reinvention of social
relations’ (p. 10). Here we see the philosophical and social significance of creative practice as political
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activism laid plain. Echoing Barrett’s (2007, p. 1) proposal that ‘artistic practice [can] be viewed as the
production of knowledge or philosophy in action’, I advocate for affective activism developed through
making art with intellectually disabled people. We need to build ecologies of sensation that acknowledge,
appreciate and respect. The body, and embodied interactions, are pivotal to new materialism, as new
materialism calls us to think through complex intra-actions (Barad, 2007) of the social and affective.
Embodiment is a complex process of encounters, intra-actions with other bodies and thus a core site for
new materialist analysis.
This begins to show why thinking about matter and performative practices matters—if bodies and things
are produced together, through performance, then ‘things’ and how they might act on bodies are coconstitutive of our embodied subjectivity. The concept of intra-action is central to Barad’s (2007) new
materialism, and refers to the movement generated in an encounter of two or more bodies in a process of
becoming different from themselves and each other. In other words, focus shifts from the subject and/or
the object to their performative entanglement; the event, the action between (not in-between), is what
matters.
As a way of exploring this entanglement and co-constitution of matter and subjectivity, new materialism
has emerged as a methodology, a theoretical framework and a political positioning that emphasises the
complex materiality of bodies immersed in social relations of power (Dolphijn and van der Tuin, 2012).
Matter teaches us through resisting dominant discourses and showing new ways of being. Bodies resist
dominant modes of positioning, political acts defy government rule, sexuality exceeds legal
frameworks—resistant matter shows us the limits of the world as we know it, and prompts us to shift
these limits. This opinion piece is not intended to build a particular argument pertaining to the
pedagogical nature of matter, or to simply open debate on what the concept of debility might take away
from understandings of disability. Rather, I am looking to develop the concept of ecologies of
sensation and affective activism as a way of seeing and feeling the political economy of intellectually
disabled lives. The matter, performance and senses of intellectual disability are both pedagogical and
resistant.
author biography
Anna Hickey-Moody is the Co-Director of the Disability Research Centre and Head of the Centre for The
Arts and Learning at Goldsmiths. Her work focuses on the politics of disability, youth arts practices, gender
and cultural geography. She is interested in generating new stories about disadvantaged and disabled
youth in ways that do not re-inscribe marginalisation. She is Head of the PhD in Arts and Learning at the
Centre for The Arts and Learning, where she leads the research collaborations of an interdisciplinary team
of practitioners and researchers. She has developed a philosophically informed cultural studies approach
to youth arts as a subcultural form of humanities education. Through developing a concept of small public
spheres, her recent book Youth, Arts and Education theorises young people’s creative practices as a form
of civic participation. Her 2009 book Unimaginable Bodies creates a Spinozist concept of an open body, an
assemblage of affects made through collaborative arts practice that breaks apart dominant medical and
social codings of young people with disabilities. She also researches and publishes on masculinity. She is
interested in the politics and aesthetics of masculinity read as embodied critique of institutionalised
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slow life and ecologies of sensation
patterns of hegemony. Her 2006 book Masculinity Beyond the Metropolis is a global ethnographic study of
the lives of young men in ‘out of the way’ or hard to reach places. The book considers ways in which the
everyday lives of these boys are mediated by global scapes of media production and consumption,
economic globalisation, generational change, and spatial and temporal configurations of subjectivity. She
has edited a number of collected works including an anthology on pedagogy, media and affect called
‘Disability Matters’, which explores how ideas and experiences of disability come to matter across
assemblages of media, through vectors of affect and experiences of pedagogy. Recently she completed an
anthology on new materialism, arts practice and cultural resistance, out with Rowman and Littlefield later
this year. She is currently completing a book on the politics of educational imaginaries, place and affect
with Valerie Harwood and Samantha McMahon.
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