The Casino of Montreal: a symbolic gambling place

Marie Jouan & Robin Psaila Field Research ANTH315 – Melanie Dean 20/04/2017 Melanie Dean ANTH 315/B Marie Jouan 27876254 Robin Psaila 27246269 Research Paper The Casino of Montreal: a symbolic gambling place Word count: 5854 1 Marie Jouan & Robin Psaila Field Research ANTH315 – Melanie Dean 20/04/2017 Our research focused on the symbolism of gambling in the Casino of Montreal. This institutional area of the gambling industry in which people get together to play with their money and sometimes risk it by being limitless. Brevers et al. writes that “gambling is characterized by intermittent rewards and losses delivered on a variable ratio, which entails imperfect prediction of reward.” (Brevers et al. 2014). Our goal is to discover and highlight the way in which gambling often influence social and cultural values. The Casino of Montreal is assembled by people with different cultural background. Indeed, people vary tremendously among age, ethnicity, gender and social class which is representative of Montreal’s population. Even though the casino is a place in which gamblers and non-gamblers interact, we will base mainly our research on that first group, thus broadening our study with the presence of non-gamblers. This research is worthy conducting as anthropologists because casinos, where gambling games occur, are places that can highlight a society’s history, culture and structure. We centered our attention around the symbolic aspect of the Casino of Montreal asking ourselves why is the casino the main symbolic area of gambling in Montreal? We structured our study around similar questions such as: Why do people choose to go at the casino to gamble? What makes them think that they could win? What makes the casino attractive for individuals (gamblers and non-gamblers)? Some may say that the desire to gamble comes from the rush of adrenaline it produces or the money-making potentiality of games, so we were wondering if we could find the reasons that explained gambling behaviors. Therefore, what aspects of the casino are attractive to individuals? We used hypotheses to make sense of all those interrogations. Many anthropologists and sociologists have studied casinos and gambling behaviors but, to distinguish our research from the previous ones, we used different methods to put into light the symbolism faced by casino enthusiasts. We decided to examine how people and the casino 2 Marie Jouan & Robin Psaila Field Research ANTH315 – Melanie Dean 20/04/2017 interacted, concentrating ourselves on the functions of the casino, as a symbolic gambling culture institution. Background literature Casinos and gambling are not new themes for the discipline of anthropology. Indeed, many anthropologists were interested in gambling behaviors but also casinos as unique environments. Researchers focused on numerous and diverse questions, using various methods leading to different findings. In this paper, we use seven anthropological studies that have been realized in the past 20 years to support our own study of the casino space and gambling behaviors. The first journal article which inspired us was about how casinos managed to influence people’s gambling behavior and attractiveness through diverse artifacts. Indeed, casinos’ architectures and elements are usually designed and positioned to influence clients to consume more and more but also to disorient them so they could want to stay longer (Brevers et al., 2014). Sounds, like fast tempo music and reward noises, influences gamblers potentially increasing the betting speed (Brevers et al., 2014). The presence of others also impacts gamblers’ behavior as the competition with others enhances their betting (Brevers et al., 2014). Disorientation is mainly visible in the lack of daylight and clocks, daylight being replaced by red/neon lights, which excites people and helps them stay awake (Brevers et al., 2014). All those factors combined affect gamblers. Moreover, the method Brevers et al. used in their study was based on an experimentation (Iowa gambling task) with young adults’ answers to a questionnaire. Based on the results, they adopted a quantitative method to analyze the data. The second journal article highlighted that gambling problems, are specific gambling behaviors, that have a negative impact on the gambler’s life, can be related to the gambling frequency of an individual (Afifi, LaPlante, Taillieu, Dowd, & Shaffer, 2013). They were also 3 Marie Jouan & Robin Psaila Field Research ANTH315 – Melanie Dean 20/04/2017 interested in finding if gambling involvement varied in function of age and gender. In order to find results, they conducted a survey of a Canadian sample regarding different gambling games. The results shared that gambling problems were related to the frequency of gambling meaning playing games at a low frequency reduced gambling problems (Afifi, LaPlante, Taillieu, Dowd, & Shaffer, 2013). Regarding age and gender, they didn’t find a significant interaction between those two factors and gambling problems. Moreover, in the third article, the author go through a comparative ethnography of gambling interaction rituals in two cultures: the Balinese cockfight and casino card games in postapartheid South-Africa. Sallaz focused on how in those two cultures’ gambling games are institutionalized, organized, structured and experienced using previous research and ethnographic observation (Sallaz, 2008). The results showed that those gambling contests diverge in basic organizational structure (Sallaz, 2008). Cockfights in the Balinese culture, are symbols of resistance against the state’s authority, also creating status of honor whereas in South Africa, the legalization of gambling made gamblers economic consumers (Sallaz, 2008). Cotte’s article concentrates on the reasons in which gambling is a fun leisure activity, but also on the meaningful aspect of gambling for recreational gamblers. Like us, Cotte gathered data in the casino and in the bus shuttle, using a “big net approach” where the researcher tries to gather as many informants as possible (Cotte, 1998). Regarding his results, gambling is seen in many ways by recreational gamblers: a way of learning, a feeling of rush, a way of defining oneself, a moment shared with others or just a competition (Cotte, 1998). Through the activity of gambling, gamblers can also classify themselves in a group or take risks (Cotte, 1998). This next article can be related to the previous one and the first article as it also demonstrates how casinos attract people and make its environment seen as pleasurable for 4 Marie Jouan & Robin Psaila Field Research ANTH315 – Melanie Dean 20/04/2017 gamblers. However, it differs in the method as it presents the Montreal’s casino advertising in various medias and therefore reflects values of Canada’s society. Casinos usually target the youth and attract gamblers by making them think that winning is always possible (McMullan & Miller, 2009). Casinos are appealing places as they are portrayed, in the media, as entertaining, convivial and exciting (McMullan & Miller, 2009). Key characteristics like pleasure, leisure, success and happiness can be found in casinos’ ads, wiping out the potential losses (McMullan & Miller, 2009). Furthermore, Lister et. al’s article is about how gambling goals can anticipate chasing: gamblers’ desire to continue playing, spending more money to make up for their losses (Lister, Nower & Wohl, 2016). The study focuses on gamblers playing on slot machines because they are considered as more addictive since gamblers continue playing, hoping to finally win (Lister, Nower & Wohl, 2016). When a gambler has a winning-oriented goal, his chasing will enhance but chasing can be influenced by other factors like gambling problems or money motivation (Lister, Nower & Wohl, 2016). The authors used a quantitative method and statistics and found that the higher the gambling goal is, the more there is a predictive of chasing in reaction to losses or wins (Lister, Nower & Wohl, 2016). For the authors, chasing behavior during slot machines is due to the lack of education in how gambling games works (Lister, Nower & Wohl, 2016). Additionally, Boustin et. al’s study can be linked to the preceding article. Indeed, the study focuses on the awareness effect of visiting an on-site information center regarding randomness of machines and gambling behaviors. Those centers’ goals are to inform visitors about risks and gambling strategies while supporting visitors in need (Boutin, Tremblay & Ladouceur, 2009). The authors focused on Montreal’s information center called “Au centre du Hasard” and did two studies, one identifying socio-demographics of the data, their gambling behavior and their perceptions on it. The other study measured the impact of a visit on gamblers’ perception on 5 Marie Jouan & Robin Psaila Field Research ANTH315 – Melanie Dean 20/04/2017 gambling (Boutin, Tremblay & Ladouceur, 2009). Using a statistical analysis, their results displayed that the information provided at center didn’t affect gambler’s activity nor controlled their habits with responsible gambling strategies (Boutin, Tremblay & Ladouceur, 2009). However, gamblers learn more about the randomness of slots (Boutin, Tremblay & Ladouceur, 2009). Therefore, visiting information centers influences gambling perceptions but not gambling behaviors (Boutin, Tremblay & Ladouceur, 2009). Finally, this journal article identifies the influence of atmospherics on gamblers from a customer’s perspective. Atmospherics are how the environment is designed in order to increase customer’s purchasing behavior (Johnson, Mayer & Champaner, 2004). The authors look at three aspects of atmospherics: the ambient condition, the functionality and design of the place but also its signs, symbols and artifacts (Johnson, Mayer & Champaner, 2004). Conducting a survey on a specific population of Blackhawk’s casino, their quantitative approach revealed that most players were aware of atmospherics, which shapes the satisfaction of their gaming experience (Johnson, Mayer & Champaner, 2004). After having showed that gambling is an important subject of study in modern societies by enumerating various academic researches of the socio-cultural origins and consequences of the practice. We must now bring your attention towards the theories we will use in order to sketch our understanding of the symbolism of the Casino de Montréal, as an adult public gambling space. Among the scholars studying “play theory” including gambling, Roger Caillois and BrianSutton Smith are probably the most notable authors. Since our study is not focused on the symbolism of gambling but rather on the symbolism of the casino, we shall not pay too much attention to the definition of games but rather to the ones related to gambling. 6 Marie Jouan & Robin Psaila Field Research ANTH315 – Melanie Dean 20/04/2017 Since the subject of our study is interdisciplinary, we chose to use a synoptic approach similar to the one used in the article “Toward a Synoptic Model of Gambling Behavior” written in 1985 by Vicki Abt, Martin C. McGurrin and James F. Smith from the University of Pennsylvania. The authors describe the gambling spectrum as a division between non-gamblers and gamblers which we will used in our analysis of the Casino de Montréal. In November 1951, Herbert A. Bloch published an article entitled “The Sociology of Gambling” in The American Journal of Sociology. In addition to explaining the key terms and origins attached to gambling, Bloch portrays an interesting comparison between gambling and stock market speculation. Alongside this example, he also explains how gambling is universally tied to “the chance factor of success” as well as “skill, as in certain card games and athletic competitions.” (Bloch, 216) He argues that “gambling is an escape from the routine” or perhaps an unpredictable experiment which at the same time breaks the boredom of industrial modern life by giving a probability of winning which provides “suspense, insecurity, new experience, and hope serving important emotional needs in individuals whose lives are increasingly regularized.” (Bloch, 218) We will inspire ourselves from both theoretical frameworks as well as one proposed by Brian Sutton-Smith in his book The Ambiguity of Play published in 2001 following The Masks of Play published in 1984. In his chapter, “The Player of Fate and Fortune”, Sutton-Smith is interested by the rhetoric of fate related to games of chance where he uses Caillois’ definition in Man, Play and Games. “all games that are based on a decision independent of the player, an outcome over which he has no control, and in which winning is the result of fate rather than triumphing over an adversary.” (Caillois, 1961) 7 Marie Jouan & Robin Psaila Field Research ANTH315 – Melanie Dean 20/04/2017 Furthermore, he explores how both play and religion provide “experiences of otherness” and both “in effect are rivals for the promotion of such altered states of consciousness” (SuttonSmith, 66/67). We will address whether or not our casino research relates to this argument through the analysis of gambling play at our field site. However, we will not explore addictive, psychological and pathological problems related to gambling. Rather, we designed a research to explore what symbolizes sociologically and culturally the playing of the casino experience for gamblers and non-gamblers. Of course, we are challenged by the context of gambling as an economically significant practice. Therefore, we will describe the social and cultural significance of money transactions between casino enthusiasts and the gambling activities as they represent the main source of interactions. Moreover, we will compare Caillois’ definitions of play with the data we gathered on gambling play from observations and interviews to form a social and cultural understanding of the symbolic attributes of casino interactions. Later, we will detail our approach through a thick comparative description of two distinct gambling behaviors we identified during our main informant’s interview, Michel. Research design and methods For this section, each of us will focus on the research plan and methods we used to have a wide panel of data in order to answer our research question. We hoped to be able to categorize casino enthusiasts among gamblers and non-gamblers through detailed categories like age, number of visits, money spent per visit and which game they play. We thought that the casino also could have an influence on individuals, their gambling behaviours, but also their daily life through its structure and its interactions. 8 Marie Jouan & Robin Psaila Field Research ANTH315 – Melanie Dean 20/04/2017 We will begin by talking about the research plan and methods adopted in a chronological manner. At first, the casino field site was not a well-known environment for both researchers. Therefore, the method of participant observation was required in order to have a global understanding of this interactive socio-cultural environment. This method of ethnographic fieldwork research began by immersing passively the researchers in order to be able to properly interact with active elements of the gambling site. Indeed, the passive aspect of participant observation permitted to examine the various artifices of the casino of Montreal, such as the lights, the architecture and the different sounds. The method of jot notes was actively practiced as it is the best way to remember what is observed (DeWalt & DeWalt, 2010; p.74) The participant observation method was used to better understand the field site and the socio-cultural background of the casino environment where participants stand. Many have adopted participant observation to widen knowledge with the cultural milieu and display factors unthought-of as well as engaging in the same activities as participants to learn more about them (DeWalt & DeWalt, 2010). We were concerned by the artifices because the Brevers’ journal article inspired us to study their influence on gamblers and to acknowledge the efficiency of the building’s design. Therefore, using all our senses was crucial in our method (DeWalt & DeWalt, 2010). It gives rise to more data (Robben and Sluka, 2012). Indeed, we utilized our senses to observe and we felt the excitement and the loss of senses through sounds, lights, colors and oxygenated air. Furthermore, this passive attitude offered room to observe the games’ designs present at tables and slot machines. We could also identify distinct gambler behaviors through the analysis of the different ways of playing with chance that the casino provides. It offered qualitative and quantitative data about gaming, betting, strategies, esthetics and monetary elements which enables interaction between gamblers and the casino. Moreover, being two researchers is an asset as one can actively participate in gambling to 9 Marie Jouan & Robin Psaila Field Research ANTH315 – Melanie Dean 20/04/2017 understand its attributes whereas the other researcher observes him and the surroundings of the play activity. Concerning the active part of our participant observation, we had to immerse ourselves by shaping our own casino experience and establish an anthropological understanding of the consequences underlying gambling consumerism. In addition, we also engaged discussion with staff employees and clients. We pulled the lever of slot machines a few times, which made us discover the various feelings gambling triggers. Undoubtedly, being able to play with and alongside your own subjects of study helped immersing ourselves and gave us an insight to what gambler’s feelings are like as well as understanding the stakes at hand. Nevertheless, participant observation was not the only method used. Indeed, we had to conduct formal and informal interviews in order to gather more “in-depth” data which could provide elements on how to distinguish a gambler from a non-gambler. According to Dewalt & Dewalt, researchers should learn the languages of the people studied (DeWalt & DeWalt, 2010). Thankfully, we both speak French and English although we had a lot to learn about the gambling vocabulary. However, our discussions with the staff taught us that we could not interview nor disturb any clients within the casino’s building. Therefore, most of our interviews were lead in the bus 777, a 7 to 10 minutes drive from the metro station Jean Drapeau to the field site. This practice can be compared to Cotte’s method who also extended his field site to the casino bus. We felt it was easier to conduct interviews in the bus since people were more willing to exchange with us as they were generally less preoccupied or distracted. Also, we noticed that introducing ourselves as researchers, and therefore make formal interviews, was easier for stimulating conversation and consequently gathering data. In order to conduct well-designed and short interviews, we had to make a sample of questions with casino-related concepts that we would ask to individuals (see Appendix 2). Depending on whether or not they were willing to answer the questions, we wanted 10 Marie Jouan & Robin Psaila Field Research ANTH315 – Melanie Dean 20/04/2017 to establish a classification (See Appendix 1) to understand whether or not the person identified as a gambler by identifying his habits related to the casino. Moreover, we also analyzed the casino’s exterior which is composed of a lower entrance, an employee entrance (located in the lower) and the main entrance which separates bus users from taxi/car users. Small interviews gave quantitative data, however we also required ethnographic qualitative data. It is the reason why we had to find a main informant. The casino being an enormous place, encountering an informant with enough experience and knowledge on the subject was not an easy task. Thankfully, we encountered Michel who helped us gain knowledge on serious and professional gambling, as he earns his life at the casino. With this informant, we conducted our interview using formal questions in an “open-ended way”, by performing “structured interviewing” (DeWalt & DeWalt, 2010; p.139). The idea of intimate reciprocity, as a way of exploring thoughts and perceptions, was experienced during this interview as the interviewee seemed pleased to share with us (Skinner J. ed, 228). Finally, we organized a casino excursion where we invited two groups of friends to experiment the casino’s games and environment. We brought with us a group of our fellow young millennials that had never been to the casino before to observe how they would react to gambling by introducing them to new social behaviors tied with this money-making/loosing environment. This experience helps us better understand nongamblers’ reactions as well as how ‘first timers’ are being attracted to the casino and more specifically gambling games mechanism. Eventually, our conclusions will testify that the casino is the main symbolic area of gambling in Montreal since it provides gamblers a comfortable secularized, regularized and even isolated space. It permits to prosper the never-ending process of chasing a destiny tied to random luck by playing games of chance. 11 Marie Jouan & Robin Psaila Field Research ANTH315 – Melanie Dean 20/04/2017 Analysis and discussion Montreal's Casino, as a symbolic space full of artefacts Casinos are usually putting into place artifices to attract gamblers and influence their gambling behaviors (Brevers et al., 2014). Through our participant observation method, we discovered that various designs made the casino a symbolic area of gambling. Therefore, the space is an important factor creating gambling appurtenance. Indeed, the space and its objects create the habitus for forms of interaction between the way humans collectively choose to manipulate an environment that shapes community. We will uncover the multiple symbolic meanings that the casino can represent. Indeed, the casino of Montréal can be seen as a sacred, profane or liminal place through the design of its symbols and their influences on gamblers and non-gamblers. First, the participant observation method allowed an in-depth exploration of the site. Indeed, Brevers article made us want to seek for patterns regarding the casino’s layout. We discovered how lights, sounds, oxygenated air, tinted windows and no clocks were eliminating natural notions of time and daylight to keep you consuming. Colored lights created a comforting and active ambiance, especially in the poker area with neon lights and red tapestry. The sounds heard were usually dancing music and noises of reward. All of that together creates a singular ambiance and makes the casino a unique experience for the casino’s clients. However, the most striking finding was the repetitive symbols found in every part of the casino. Enormous mannequins, representing each card symbols, were present on every floor’s entrance: the queen of heart, the king of spades and more. The 777 jackpot symbol was also seen in various places like in the number of the bus and especially on slot machines. This entertaining place can therefore be highly symbolic for gamblers and non-gamblers. Moreover, 12 Marie Jouan & Robin Psaila Field Research ANTH315 – Melanie Dean 20/04/2017 ‘first-timers’ friends at the casino put forward the meaningful importance of pulling the lever and betting money since it ritualized their choice to remove themselves from non-gamblers. The first social experiment seemed to be overwhelming and exciting as it breaks with the non-gamblers expectations but also economically dangerous enough, so they were cautious. Youmie, Marie’s roommate, even said that she thought she was in a museum. She also said that she was too scared to play poker, as the game was too impressive and intimidating. We will analyze this data through Emile Durkheim’s notion of the sacred in order to highlight the sacredness of the casino environment. For Durkheim, sacred places or objects, as the opposite of profane, have a unique meaning (Durkheim & Swain, 1915). The sacred can be defined as the collective representations that are separated from society and that surpass the routine of everyday life (Durkheim & Swain, 1915). Even though Durkheim was focusing on the religious aspect of the sacred through rites, beliefs and practices. We can link this notion to the casino as a ritual place by his assembling of many symbols and signs related to gambling as an uncommon practice for individuals. Indeed, rituals are often depicted and experienced through symbols and signs like the various games and their symbols present all around the casino. Therefore, we deemed important that the casino allows for a ritualized gambling that non-gamblers feel meaningful through the consequences of their actions. Thus, every time they pulled the lever it seemed like time stopped, showing the importance of interactivity. Caillois’ game of chance definition quote reflects the powerlessness of the gambler over the game, leading to a result depending on nothing else but fate (Caillois, 1961). The belief in destiny and hope for luck can crossover with Durkheim’s concept of sacredness tied to the casino. 13 Marie Jouan & Robin Psaila Field Research ANTH315 – Melanie Dean 20/04/2017 Moreover, the participant observation and the interviews showed how gambling had become part of the everyday life of some gamblers. Indeed, as we can see in Table 1, the individuals considered as gamblers come often to the casino, at least once a week and intend to gamble with a significant amount of money to spend. In general, the interviewees were dedicated to one game in which they possess a lot of knowledge about. In theory, Abt et al. said that the population of gamblers is divided among four categories: “occasional, recreational, serious and professional” (Abt et al., 1982). Our analysis will demonstrate how the intensity of the “quest for monetary reward” varies in function of economical, time-based and age variables (Abt et al., 1982). Our table (Appendix 1) sketches a part of our field notes about the casino enthusiasts with whom we gathered data and discussed about their casino habits within the 777 bus. It leads us to identify how economic gaming investment of gamblers compared to non-gamblers proved that gambling’s activity propels the symbolism of the casino. Interviews with people in the bus was another relevant aspect of gambling as game becoming part of the routine life of the gamblers. Of course, *the presence of “+” and “?” shows some assumptions and missing pieces of information that we made during our data gathering. We noticed, for many elders, that gambling was their ‘activity of the day’. Gambling activity was a way of getting out of their homes and be surrounded by people and games. At first, it was getting them out of their everyday life but for most enthusiasts, gambling has become part of their daily or weekly routine. Indeed, out of 9 interviewees over 50 years old, only one didn’t visit the casino on a weekly basis (Appendix 1). We can link this idea to the theory of the profane of Durkheim. For him, the profane is embedded in places and objects which involve more mundane ordinary concerns, which are tied 14 Marie Jouan & Robin Psaila Field Research ANTH315 – Melanie Dean 20/04/2017 to the familiarity of an everyday practice (Durkheim & Swain, 1915). The profane corrupt the sacred through negativity and taboos (Durkheim & Swain, 1915). Therefore, gambling is criticized as a profane practice for many individuals as it takes an overly important place in some of their lives. This practice can sometimes be seen as taboo since it is seen as a waste of money. For example, we noticed a few times people’s discomfort when they were asked if they considered themselves as gamblers or if asked how much they were spending. The casino can also be considered as profane as it is the space in which commonly, people gamble: an important and symbolic area of gambling. Consequently, we can say that the casino, evolves from a sacred place for non-gamblers or ‘first timers’ to a profane site for addicted gamblers. However, we do not consider our research capable of underlining the reasons behind the addiction of gambling but rather to highlight the symbolism at work in the casino’s interactions through gambling. The casino experience is dependent on which limits gamblers or non-gamblers force themselves to approve and apply. We will propose a third approach that will look at the casino as a liminal, in-between, space. Since it is neither completely sacred nor profane, the casino offers a possibility to temporary remove the concerns of everyday morals and collective norms by encouraging a deviant behavior through gambling. This liminal space can be seen as profane over his unlimited consequences and possibilities. Ultimately, we will determine that the symbolism of the casino is mainly experienced through the symbolism of gambling which is practiced by both non-gamblers and gamblers at the casino. 15 Marie Jouan & Robin Psaila Field Research ANTH315 – Melanie Dean 20/04/2017 Montreal’s Casino: as a symbolic gaming and gambling environment Between February 2016 and March 2017, we observed play activities at slot machines, ‘La Zone’ and tables focusing on 3 main games (poker, blackjack, roulette) during more than 7 visits. We roughly interacted with 1/10th of an estimated 300 observed individuals which represents a relatively small sample. However, the diversity of the data permit a unique analysis of the symbolic attributes which attract humans, whether gamblers or non-gamblers, to enjoy or disapprove the casino experience. However, a few gamblers have enough experience and skill to challenge the workings of the gambling activities present at the Casino of Montreal. Our main informant, Michel is, one of those ‘serious/professional gambler’, aged 55, he has been a poker player for the past 25 years. A dedication which he admitted being not certainly proud of as he shared with us during a 45 minutes interview at the casino bar. Surrounded by the clinking sounds of the machines, the ambient music and a drink, we sat down to learn about how the casino affected his life and discover what it symbolizes for him. Figure 1: Michel’s behavioral poker gambling scheme Figure 2: Michel’s blackjack gambling scheme After about 5 minutes, we realized that Michel identified himself as a specific type of gambler, at first, he was only answering by “yes” or “no”. Then, when we learned that gambling was his full-time job and we were impressed by his capacity to relay detailed information on his gambling behaviors. In this case study, we tried to analyze how Michel is on one side, proud and satisfied by his gambling ability to make money while being limited to further other opportunities. 16 Marie Jouan & Robin Psaila Field Research ANTH315 – Melanie Dean 20/04/2017 Michel, as we have argued, is a serious/professional gambler that has been enjoying his profitable high-risk job for 2 years. Not so long ago, he used to be docker at the Montreal harbor, even though he has been gambling for over 20 years. He started being profitable when the Casino of Montreal introduced poker tables which was around the end of november 2007 according to the Montreal newspaper Le Devoir (Bourgault-Côté, 2008). Before, he was already an experienced gambler in blackjack although he always preferred poker and never was lucky with blackjack. Today, he says that he wins his gambling salary through 95% of poker winnings and 5% blackjack. He keeps a precise track of every one of his losses, winnings and bets. He has his own debit card for gambling activities which do not interfere with his regular expenses. As he further explains, he deems poker a more legitimate game of chance as he considers having better odds because the player is not playing against the casino but rather against other gamblers. Here, we can understand how Michel identifies two different ways of experiencing the ‘quest for reward’. On the one hand, he can be an instinctive blackjack player while on the other hand he can be a thoughtful poker player. Both are luck seekers but one is a very risky and adventurous and the other, a competitive skilled gamer. Additionally, he explains how you can choose to not bet after receiving your cards in poker whereas in blackjack you are forced to bet upfront. This slight approach to gambling games mechanics offers a thin comprehension of their workings. However, Caillois, in Man, Play and Games, defined play as free, separate, uncertain, unproductive, governed by rules and imagined realities (Caillois, 1961). Here, play, as in gambling play, takes on a new definition by fulfilling a productive form. Indeed, Michel feels alienated to the casino because he represents the few number of profitable gamblers. The imagined reality becomes reality once he cashes out the average of 400$ he makes per week. Moreover, Caillois identifies four categories of games, we are interested in two. Alea or chance, the opposite of Agon 17 Marie Jouan & Robin Psaila Field Research ANTH315 – Melanie Dean 20/04/2017 or competition, is defined as a complete “resignation of will, an abandonment to destiny” where Agon dictates that victory is based on skill, Alea leaves it to luck through an agent (Caillois, 1961). In our case, agents are slot machines, unfolded cards, rolled dices, roulettes, dealers and more. Caillois defended against Huizinga that gambling was not a corrupted or maybe ‘profane’ form of play but rather one falling in-between those two categories. This hybrid model shows how players entrust the game with chance and have some competitive skill such as bluff at their disposition. Both of Michel’s gambler identities are well expressed through the dualistic polarity which Caillois identifies by Paidia and Ludus. One being an uncontrolled fantasy of spontaneous improvised play while the other requires skillful handling of game mechanics through an effort of the mind. Few would defend the importance of this symbolic aspect of gambling, although they form the reality of another ritual practitioner, the gambler. We have proved how the casino offers a ritual, gambling, which transcends the general unproductiveness of games by giving another meaning of a chance-based productive environment. Even if this argument has also been largely debated, we have also to call out the downsides which Michel has felt by being a serious gambler. As a matter of fact, Michel said to be spending about 40 hours on an average of 5 to 6 visits per week at the casino. Don’t be fooled, his time is mostly not spend playing as he also enjoys watching others play especially high betters. He remembered seeing a Chinese woman earlier this day that was betting five thousand dollars every round. He also relates how in tournaments; most gamblers know each other as the community is still relatively small. However, this dedication, which could be even seen as obsession, has dramatically influenced the way he can conduct his life. 18 Marie Jouan & Robin Psaila Field Research ANTH315 – Melanie Dean 20/04/2017 At the end of the interview, Michel says “J’aimerais ça, être pas gambler, même si je gagne de l’argent, j’aimerais ça, pas venir ici [casino].” translating into “I would like to be a non-gambler, even if I win money, I would like to not come here [casino].” Clearly, Michel states that he hates the casino. However, he contradicts himself by having to come there to earn his monthly revenue. In the past, Michel had overestimated his ability to enjoy lucky draws. Now, he is still alienated to a space which permit him to win money though he doesn’t fall to its tricks anymore. Michel could have enjoyed life differently and manage to escape from the own skill that he has created for himself. However, we can deduce that Michel has still a long way to go before he fully manages to stop going to casinos like he does with his girlfriend during their travels. For Michel, the symbolism of the casino is entitled by the ingenious concepts behind money-making game mechanisms. Therefore, casinos would have no business models or no symbols if games of chance didn’t provide them with built ones that have been brought from Europe and regularized in North America especially the United States with Las Vegas. Conclusion Through this research, our aim was to put into light the symbolic aspect of the casino as the main area of gambling. The results of this study highlighted that the casino environment attracts many individuals, who see a casino space embedding various levels of meanings. Indeed, on one hand the casino can be a place where non-gambler or ‘first-timers’ put high values, beliefs and meanings on the activity of gambling. Gambling is here seen as a ritualized practice in the sense that it necessitates stepping outside of ordinary life, which symbolizes the value of its activities. The casino, composed by artifices and 19 Marie Jouan & Robin Psaila Field Research ANTH315 – Melanie Dean 20/04/2017 symbols, is the sanctuary which introduces non-gamblers to gambling and enhances gamblers gaming options. This is the main reason why people go to casinos to gamble, because it is an essential part starting the ritual of gambling play. On the other hand, the casino gathers gamblers toward a specific space, the casino. What was once a ritual can become part of their everyday life. For some of them, the casino has evolved from a sacred into a profane place, which reflects the importance of the casino as an addictive space as well as the undesired consequences of gambling on daily life. Gamblers should be careful since this activity can easily become mundane and an everyday habit alienating them up to the casino. This has developed the common stereotype or assumption that gambling waste your money. Symbolically, the casino is the place where individuals gamble because it gives the activity a space. As a case study, Michel’s example has shown how serious gamblers can challenge the undesired effects of the casino by bypassing them and directly get down to ‘winning the quest for reward’. Eventually, if they are watched over and careful enough, addicted gamblers such as Michel’s girlfriend will not stop letting their peculiar feelings take over their human lives, which could forbid them to estimate the importance of reaching for other valuable opportunities and experiences that life can offer. 20 Field Research ANTH315 – Melanie Dean Marie Jouan & Robin Psaila 20/04/2017 Appendix 1 Table 1: Gamblers and Non-Gamblers data in relation to Age, Money spent each visit and their average number of visits. Individual Age (approximations*) Money spent each visit Average Visits Gambler NonGambler 1 80+ 200-300$ everyday X 2 50+ 500$ ? 3 40 60-100$ 1/month X 4 20 0$ first time? X 5 60+ 500$ 2/week 6 70+ 80$ 1/month 7 27 1000$ 1/week X 8 22 40$ 3/month X 9 20+ 20-40$ 1/week X 10 20 20$ 2/year X 11 80+ 50$ 2/week X 12 55 200-400$ 5-6/week X 13 20+ 0-20$ 1/month X 14 25 0-? 2/month X 15 50+ 400-600$ 1/week X 16 23 40 1/year X 17 52 500$-? 2-3/week X 18 23 20$ 1/2 year 19 70+ 150$ 1/week 20 30+ 20$ 1/month X 21 20 20$ first time “first-timer” ? X X X X 21 Marie Jouan & Robin Psaila Field Research ANTH315 – Melanie Dean 20/04/2017 Appendix 2 Interview Questions Sheet L’existence du casino - The casino’s presence  Depuis quand allez-vous au casino ? Since when?  Avez-vous remarqué des changements dans le fonctionnement du casino ? changes?  Qu’est-ce qui vous pousse à aller au casino ? What makes you want to go to the casino? Le temps c’est de l’argent ? Time is money?  How often? (times per week/month)  Est-ce que vous jouez plutôt la journée ou après 8h du soir ? (day/night)  Est-ce que le temps qu’il fait dehors change vos habitudes ? (meteo)  Quel est votre plus grosse somme gagnée ou perdue en une journée ? Biggest win/loose L’arrivée au casino – Brace Yourselves  Venez-vous seul ou entre amis ? Si vous êtes entre amis, est ce que vous jouez autant ?Friends?  Quel moyen de transports utilisez-vous pour venir au Casino ? How to get there  Combien d’argent dépensez-vous en moyenne en une visite au casino ? Average spent in 1 visit Gambler or Non-Gambler? – To be or not to be  Quels sont vos jeux favoris ? favorite games ? (simplicity?, jackpot?,money-making?)  Est-ce que vous mangez souvent au casino ? Eating at the casino  Avez-vous déjà participé à d’autres activités que celles de jeux d’argents ? Casino experience  Est-ce que vous vous considérez comme un joueur ? – Qu’est-ce qui vous plaît dans ce risque ? 22 Marie Jouan & Robin Psaila Field Research ANTH315 – Melanie Dean 20/04/2017 Les limites, le départ du casino - The limits, departure from the casino  Combien est ce que vous pensez avoir perdu d’argent? Combien gagner? Ratio?  Avez-vous déjà regretté d’être allé au casino? Any regrets?  Même si vous êtes joueurs, est ce que vous vous posez des limites? Lesquelles? Any Limits?  Que pensez-vous de l’addiction au jeu? Avez-vous déjà été confronter à celle-ci? Addiction?  Avez-vous déjà mis de l’argent de cote pour s’en servir pour le casino? Comment décrivez-vous votre expérience au casino? Overall, what is your casino experience?  What makes you think you could win?  Do you have tactics?  How can you sustain the money-taking risk? The Casino, an attractive place? Ambiance? Atmosphere? Nostalgia? Why the casino?  Pourquoi est-ce que vous choisissez le casino pour jouer aux jeux d’argents?  Est-ce que le casino vous influence dans votre manière de jouer? Changing playstyle  Êtes-vous satisfait ou vous sentez vous manipuler par l’ambiance du casino? convinced/manipulated  Est-ce que vous aimez regarder les gens jouer? Watching others play  Est-ce que vous faites des rencontres au casino? Any Casino Encounters?  Est-ce que les thèmes, activités et autres services du casino vous importent? Not gambling Conclusions - Money?, Fun?, Chance? - Est-ce que vous détenez le contrôle sur vos limites et tentations de joueurs ? control over limits 23 Marie Jouan & Robin Psaila Field Research ANTH315 – Melanie Dean 20/04/2017 Sources           Abt, V., McGurrin, M. C., & Smith, J. F. (1985). Toward a synoptic model of gambling behavior, from https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/BF01019860 Afifi, T., LaPlante, D., Taillieu, T., Dowd, D., & Shaffer, H. (2013). 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