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Due to the brutal crackdown by the government, the Umbrella Movement, the largest-scale pro-democracy protest in Hong Kong, has become an international media spectacle for more than two months. However the predominantly negative reports by the local media compared with its international counterpart has startled many activists and driven many of them to turn to the international media for help. By focusing on the mainstream local media the South China Morning Post, complimented with Chinese official paper the China Daily and western newspaper the Wall Street Journal, a comparative frame analysis was carried out to look at how the Movement was represented differently. The research compares how the media stories were framed within different definitions of reality by the governments on one end and protesters on the other to unravel the underlying ideological struggle. It was found out that under a hegemonic ideological framework established by China, the adherence to principal of objectivity of the local media make it more susceptible to government propaganda. The reports by the local media, despite tightly following the notion of objectivity and achieving good balance statistically, tended to lean towards the government ideology.

This paper traces the democratic development of Hong Kong from its beginnings as a Crown Colony of the United Kingdom to its current status as a Special Administrative Region of the People's Republic of China, paying special attention to the political issues that led to widespread street protests in 2014. Those protests, dubbed 'Occupy Central', grew in part from a longstanding tension between the desires of the people to have a greater role in policy-making through democratic representation, and the desires of successive governments to focus on stability and economic growth. Both before and after the restoration of Chinese sovereignty over Hong Kong in 1997, local governments have attempted to manage this tension by advancing rhetoric regarding the 'rule of the law' as THE central principle of local governance, accompanying it with a series of minor reforms. Yet, though Hong Kong's institutions of representative government have evolved substantially over time, it remains the case that the power of the average resident to give effect to her political values through electing representatives to government remains substantially weaker than elsewhere in the developed world. This paper suggests that though Hong Kongers have often appeared to accept that adherence to the 'rule of law' in the territory negates this democratic deficit, Occupy Central indicates that this tolerance may be weakening. Moreover, analysis of the language deployed by both the government and the protestors during Occupy Central reveals a troubling shift to a virtually value-free conception of the rule of the law, in which serious questions about institutions and the relationship between the citizen and the state are shifted aside in favor of populist questions about 'law-breaking'. This change in the discourse that surrounds the rule of law in Hong Kong is an unwelcome development, and in the long run harmful.

Global Media and China, 2018

The freedom of press is one aspect that leaders from the West often criticise about China. As former British colony, Hong Kong has been able to preserve its special status with constitutional rights and liberties that also include the freedom of press. However, in recent years, sentiments of increased influence from Beijing have led to fears that it would curb the freedoms enjoyed by residents of the Special Administrative Region. However, instead of clear unambiguous interferences, Beijing has opted for an indirect approach that is predominantly characterised by the salience of economic considerations in reporting news binding the media outlets closer to the position of Beijing. This article shows that the South China Morning Post has undergone an editorial shift that moves it closer to the position of the Chinese government.

2017

In 1998, with the release of Security: A New Framework for Analysis, Barry Buzan, Ole Waever and Jaap de Wilde broached the field of securitization studies, which in turn established the status of the Copenhagen School as a unique critical school in the discipline of International Relations. Since the introduction of the securitization approach, Western observers have applied the approach to analyze non-traditional security issues such as climate change, epidemics, terrorism and piracy. Nonetheless, the Copenhagen School has long been criticized for its Eurocentric assumptions and its functional value as a postmodern or post-positivist theory. In light of such critique and the recent call by the Western academia for “Global IR,” this study is an attempt to introduce a new framework for analyzing security issues and foreign policy through the adoption of the concept of “relationality.” In addition, through the re-integration of conflict theory and the concept of power, this study proposes a policy analytical model for examining the interaction between two actors. By examining the cases of maritime disputes in the South China Sea and the East Sea, this study demonstrates how actors (states) construct security, the securitization process and how an issue is desecuritized in the aftermath of a crisis. By reconsidering and revising the concept of securitization, this study seeks to bring more attention to the study and application of IR theories outside the traditional realm.

This thesis uses critical discourse analysis in order to analyse how the South China Morning Post, Hong Kong’s oldest and largest English-speaking newspaper, is representing the pro-democratic social movement, Occupy Central with Love and Peace. This is done in order to see how political dissidents in Hong Kong are represented in the region’s English-speaking press. Drawing on the theories of van Dijk, Fairclough, Richardson, Wodak and van Leeuwen, three different cases are studied. The results clearly shows that the South China Morning Post have been misrepresenting Hong Kong’s pro-democratic opposition in favour of more moderate political ideologies and that the challengers of the dominant hegemony in Hong Kong have been systematically misrepresented in the newspaper.

This thesis examines to the concept of identity and the importance of the Other as a most crucial determination in the case of Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR) as an alienable part of China as known today. According to previous studies on Hong Kong Identity (Wong, 1996; Lau 1997), there is a pattern of polarization between 'Hong Kong identity' and 'Chinese identity'. This could be caused by dissociation from the political life in mainland but also by the internalization of different values and cultural habits in the case of Hong Kong. The aim of this thesis is to show that what is being witnessed today, in the period after the Umbrella revolution, is the rise of nationalist ideas, strengthened Hong Kong identity which is articulated in opposition to China and identity politics that influences opinions on autonomy and separatism in the Hong Kong politics. The major objective of my study is to describe Hong Kong identity after the revolution in 2014, mainly by examining different movements where the identity is being manifested. The second step is to show how the identity is becoming more influential in the area of politics and overall mood of the society in Hong Kong. The empirical part analyses different newspaper articles, official documents and politicized cases between Mainlanders and people from Hong Kong shown in the media, what can considerably form how people perceive themselves. KELEMEN: THE ROLE OF CHINA IN THE IDENTITY OF HONG KONG vi Pozícia Číny vo vzťahu k identite Hong-Kongu Autor bakalárskej práce: Barbara Kelemen Názov práce: Pozícia Číny vo vzťahu k identite Hong Kongu Názov vysokej školy: Bratislavská medzinárodná škola liberálnych štúdií Vedúci bakalárskej práce: Aliaksei Kazharski, PhD Predseda komisie pre obhajoby bakalárskych prác: Samuel Abrahám, PhD Členovia komisie pre obhajoby bakalárskych prác: Samuel Abrahám, PhD, prof. František Novosád, Mgr. Dagmar Kusá, PhD, prof. Silvia Miháliková Dátum a miesto: Bratislava, február 2016 Rozsah práce: 46 strán (13 994 slov) Stupeň kvalifikácie: Bakalár (Bc) Kľúčové slová: politika identity, Hong Kong, Čína, identita, nacionalizmus Abstrakt Táto práca sa zaoberá konceptom identity a pozíciou Číny ako najdôležitejším faktorom a determinantom v prípade Špeciálneho Administratívneho Regiónu Hong-Kongu (HKSAR) ako neoddeliteľnou súčasťou Číny. Pri analýze predchádzajúcich štúdií o Hong-Kongskej identite (Wong, 1996), stálosť polarizácie medzi Hong-Kongskou identitou a Čínskou identitou je očividná, čo nie je iba výsledok disociácie Hong-Kongu od politického života v Číne, ale taktiež internalizácia rozličných hodnôt a kultúrnych zvykov. Zámerom tejto práce je ukázať že to, čo prebieha dnes, v období po Dáždnikovej Revolúcii, je rast nacionálnych ideí, zosilnenie Hong-Kongskej identity, ktorá je artikulovaná v protiklade ku Číne a že revolúcia, je jeden z najsilnejších vplyvov ktorý má dopad na politiku v Hong-Kongu dnes, čo sa prioritne preukázalo počas legislatívnych volieb v roku 2016. Hlavným zámerom tejto práce je opísať Hong-Kongskú identitu po revolúcii v roku 2014, hlavne prostredníctvom analýzy rozličných prípadov, ktoré boli spolitizované a podané ako týkajúce sa otázky identity. Druhým krokom je ukázať, že identita sa stáva čoraz silnejším faktorom v politike a celkovej nálade Hong-Kongu. Empirická časť pozostáva z analýzy novinových článkov, oficiálnych dokumentov a prípadov medzi Číňanmi z Veľkej Číny a obyvateľmi Hong-Kongu, ktoré boli prezentované v médiách, čo do veľkej miery ovplyvňuje ako ľudia vnímajú identitu samých seba.

Studies in History and Theory of Architecture, 2017

Arising from the intensive urban development of mid-twentieth century Hong Kong, the composite building, defined as one with domestic and non-domestic functions, embodies the historical tensions between city and home, public and private, producer and consumer, colonial and Chinese, real and ideal, masculine and feminine realms. Between 1959 and 1979, over 1,500 composite buildings above fifteen stories were built throughout the city. Intended to accommodate the emerging industrialized middle class population, the largest composite buildings housed over ten thousand inhabitants within an agglomeration of shops, factories, temples, clinics, crèches, dormitories, hostels, flats, and other spaces. Their architecture and planning demonstrate how developers, planners, architects and builders projected the notions of a consumerist society. Yet a closer analysis of the multifarious programs, spatial adaptations and contestations within, reveals the human caprice that drives and defines the city. How did these tensions and everyday acts of resistance shape the spaces in the composite buildings and in turn, define and redefine the city? In examining the brief social history of a commonplace building in Hong Kong, this paper unpacks the tropes of the modern Asian metropolis to seek an alternative framework to understand the precarious limits between the urban and the domestic. *For an expanded version of this essay, please refer to Ch4 - "Composites: The City in a Building," and Chp5 - "Narratives: Composite Building Studies," In Resistant City (WSP, 2020), 95-134.

Inter-asia Cultural Studies, 2006

2011

Abstract The method of LQ-moments (LQMOM) for estimating parameters and quantiles of the Generalized Logistic (GL) distribution are introduced. We explore and extend class of LQMOM with consideration combinations of p and α values in the range 0 and 0.5. The popular quantile estimator namely the weighted kernel quantile (WKQ) estimator is proposed to estimate the quantile function. A comparison of these methods is done by simulation.