Stone-cleaving in the Dublin uplands

Ivor Kenny ARCH30100 – Supervised research project STONE-CLEAVING IN THE DUBLIN MOUNTAINS April 2016. 1 Dedicated to my father. 15th April 1930 – 12th April 2016. Plate 1. View over Ballybrack towards Glendoo mountain on an early spring evening. ‘I saw the mountain, impassable, cavernous, secret where from morning to night I’d hear nothing but the wind, the curlews, the clink of the stone-cutter’s hammers.’ (Samuel Beckett, 1946) 2 SUMMARY This project is an examination of an academically neglected but important past human activity in the upper hinterland of south county Dublin. The activity was the first stage of transforming exposed granite from a natural material into a construction material with hand tools. When exactly this activity began is not known, but it is believed that it continued up to the middle of the 20th century. This was an extensive and probably long-term local industry that contributed significantly to the overall character of Dublin city. This activity, it is argued, may be seen as the end of a fundamental and personal human interaction with stone. It will be further argued that there is a duty to carry out more in-depth studies of the subject and place it in a wider temporal and physical context. The approach adopted throughout is dictated by surviving physical evidence and is archaeological rather than historical. 3 Figure 2. Study area. LOCATION The study area is situated in the Dublin mountains in the townland of Ballybrack, Glencullen, county Dublin, overlooking the valley of the Glencullen river and is defined by a perimeter of rough mountain paths. Ballybrack is an upland as defined by the entire area being above the 240m contour (O’Brien 2009, 1, Tubridy et al 2013, 11). The summit of Two Rock mountain is marked with a cairn known as ‘the Fairy Castle’ at 537m O.D. The cairn marks the junction of three townlands; Ballybrack, Ticknock, and Ballyedmonduff. The lowest point is defined by the Glencullen to Tibradden road which runs approximately east-west at the 300m contour. To the east and west, the area is delimited by coniferous forestry. 4 INTRODUCTION Two Rock1 mountain in south county Dublin is strewn with granite boulders and exposed bedrock. This rock was perceived as a resource and developed into a localscale industry. The industry has long since ceased and yet almost every worthwhile stone on the mountainside bears evidence of the work that transformed rough field stones into the granite building elements which give Dublin city so much of its character. In many instances, the sheer mass and gravity of the worked stones remind the observer of the megaliths. This was an industry carried out with basic tools in late winter and early spring on an exposed mountainside when there was time to spare (W.T.H. 1912). Some remains survive as waste, some survive as seemingly viable rough outs, abandoned for no immediately obvious reason. The focus of this paper is limited to the work of the men2 in one townland on Two Rock mountain: Ballybrack (figure 2.). The central theme is the work of the stonecutter and how he was the first to select suitable stone on the mountain, recognise its potential, and reduce it to manageable dimensions. This project is about the primary conversion of stone and not about the stonemason, who gives the stone its final shape (Conry 2006, 94). Over the course of this study it became apparent that the remains left by the stonecutters bear witness to the final moments of a profound relationship between man and stone. The work of the Glencullen stonecutters, and the remains on the mountainside have become both memorial and monument. This is the last time that the stone resource in its natural state was commonly transformed into a material culture, and the last time that local people exploited a local, natural resource on an industrial scale (appendix 2). This intimate connection of skilled people with place and resource is now largely gone and we are reminded that these skills were once commonplace. Natural native stone, and many of the skills associated with its use have been replaced with concrete or imported stone. The laws of economics sounded the death knell for the Glencullen stonecutters and the skills only survive now in folk memory. Rural Irish people have had an enduring, intimate relationship with stone. It is perhaps more highly developed in Ireland than many other countries. Widespread and sustained woodland clearance up to and including the 19th century followed by 1 O’Curry gives the name of the mountain as Sliabh Gearr - possibly a translation from Irish as ‘Sharp Mountain’ (Herity 2001, 26). 2 Detailed analysis of both the 1901 and 1911 census indicates that no women worked as stonecutters. 5 timber shortages forced the use of a raw material that was abundant, widespread and available without expense. There are few places that can demonstrate that relationship more clearly than Ballybrack. Two methods were used for cleaving stone, and these are outlined below. DOCUMENTARY CONTEXT Studies devoted to stone exploitation are comparatively rare (Cooney 2011, 145). Studies devoted specifically to the subject of stone-cleaving are exceedingly rare. The closest contemporary sources of literature on the subject are studies from the Cornwall/Dorset region, and the United States, where modern quarrying and mining appears to stimulate greater interest than Ireland (Stanier 1996, Gage 2005). Stanier’s (2015) publication makes no mention of cleaving stone by hand. Informal descriptions have been published by Ryan (1992, 2005) and a thorough work on the history of Carlow granite was published by Conry (2006). Ó Maitiú and O’Reilly’s (1997) work on the ‘Granite Village’ of Ballyknockan, Co. Wicklow describes the secondary stone production phases and the community that depended on the work. This project is focused solely on the primary phase of stone production. As such, the Irish texts offer relatively little information concerning primary stone production on the Dublin mountainsides. There is something of a hiatus between the earliest known text on mining and quarrying (Agricola 1556), the nineteenth century texts (Kane 1844, Burgoyne 1849) - and contemporary writings. Detailed work has been undertaken by Colfer (2015) on the manufacture of granite millstones in the Mourne mountains, and this study has provided many useful insights into the context and technology of the Mournes stonecutters. The primary focus of Colfer’s work is on stone cleaving with plug and feathers and differs from the focus of this study where there is no evidence for stone-cleaving with plug and feathers. The most useful contemporary text on the subject examines stone splitting in New England (Gage & Gage 2005). The New England technologies have very close parallels with the technologies evident on Two Rock mountain and many of the inferences drawn in the Gages’ work can be applied to the study area here. Texts that are somewhat peripheral to this subject, but of considerable importance, reflect on the peculiar neglect that has surrounded ‘mundane stone’ (O’Connor et al 2009, 6 O’Sullivan 2016). Cooney (2011, 145-146) for example, argues that in pre-industrial societies, ordinary stone was thought of as having life. However, many materials including stone, are spoken about as being alive by the people who work with them on a daily basis. The terminology used by the stonecutters reflects a perception of the material as having life, it has character and individuality – traits present only where there is life. The basic resource for the Ballybrack stonecutters was the wild stone; as if it had escaped and their task was to tame it, and become its master. Equally, the stone could offer forgiveness and allow the stonecutter to cut the stone easily along ‘the going way’, or it could resist and compel the stonecutter to work ‘the hard way’ (Appendix 1). METHOD This study is based on field observations and to a lesser extent, on documentary research. Informal site visits were undertaken from 2011, and between 2015 – 2016, a number of formal visits were made to identify and plot the principal working areas, collect dimensions, and identify patterns. Descendants of the families that recorded their occupation as stonecutter in the 1901 and 1911 census still live locally and yet interviews proved to be surprisingly unfruitful. Two resident landowners believed that their fathers and grandfathers had cut stone on the mountain, but neither was able to provide details; nor was there any knowledge of the whereabouts of the tools used (Walsh, Roe 2016). The extent of stone-cleaving in Ballybrack imposed definite limits on the scope of this study. It would not be possible to examine every cleft stone, of which there are probably several hundred on Two Rock mountain and considerably more in the neighbouring townlands. There are however, several distinct clusters containing stone-cleaving remains. It is probable that these areas served as communal working areas and they may have been in use for extended periods. These areas served as representative samples of the character of the work on the mountain. However, in order to achieve a good understanding of the area as a whole, it seems reasonable to examine some of the more isolated areas of activity or the areas containing cleft outliers. Most of the work areas appear to be centred on a spur of Two Rock mountain which runs from the upper 440m contour in an approximately south-easterly direction to the 360m contour. The importance of this area is reinforced by the presence of an 7 embanked track-way of uncertain date but it is probably safe to say that this track-way served to transport stone, probably by slide cart (Plates 2 &3). Plate 2 & 3. Slide cart, Fermanagh (above: from Evans, 1967) and probable stonecutters’ track way. 8 PETROLOGY AND THE CHARACTER OF GLENCULLEN GRANITE. Ballybrack is situated on the northernmost extremity of the Leinster granite batholith which extends from New Ross in county Wexford to Dun Laoghaire in county Dublin. The granites are overlain with blanket bog. Between the bedrock and peat cover there is a combination of decomposed granite sand and gravel. Granite outcrops within the primary study area are of a type 4 muscovite-microcline porphyritic granite (Geological Survey of Ireland 2016). Cole (1892, 57) and Beete Jukes (1869, 11 – 12) remark on the doubtful quality of the Dublin upland granites. Field observations tend to support these remarks and there is no doubt that the stone tends toward an open, coarse grained, and crumbly texture. It is unlikely that much of this stone was used for high quality work, or in situations where high durability was called for (appendix 2). The overall appearance is attractive and it may be that the character of the Glencullen granite had a special appeal with its open, white, and big scale patterning (Plate 3). Evans for example (1951, 164), laments the passing of the market for fine grained Mournes granite in favour of ‘massive granites with large crystals which will take a high polish’. Granite is both durable and impermeable which makes it an ideal building material. The homogeneity of the stone makes it suitable for predictable cleaving. Traditionally, stonecutters spoke of cleaving along ‘the going way’ or ‘the hard way’. It was believed that direction of ‘the grain’ in local granite was consistently laid down, and in Glencullen, this is reflected in field observations that the majority of stones were cleft along a roughly NE/SW axis. Plate 4. Comparison of Glencullen (left) and Mourne granite (right). 9 LANDSCAPE: CHARACTER, FLORA AND FAUNA. The origin of the townland name is descriptive of the significant numbers of glacially deposited granite boulders. Ballybrack is an Anglicisation of Baile Breac or ‘Speckled Town’ (Joyce 1910, 537). The ‘speckling’ probably derives from the perception of a landscape scattered with bright boulders in contrast with a background made up of the typical hues and tones of Irish upland vegetation. Vegetation is typified by heathers (Erica spp., Calluna vulgaris etc.), grasses (Molinia), mosses (Rhacomitrium), gorse (Ulex spp.) and bracken (Pteridium). Ballybrack is covered with blanket bog of variable depth. In the upper reaches (above 350m O.D.), where the ground is steep and exposed, vegetation and peat cover is characterised by typical dry heath. At lower altitudes, the vegetation and peat cover is characterised by typical wet heath vegetation with a notable presence of Bilberry (Fraughan)3, mosses, and sedges. The fauna of Ballybrack is also typical of Irish upland areas with naturalised Sika deer (Cervus nippon), Ravens (Corvus corax), the Irish Hare (Lepus timidus), a variety of smaller birds including snipe, stonechats and larks, and an important population of Irish Red Grouse (Lagopus lagopus) that were once managed as game birds. The management of grouse moors included annual burning to produce new heather shoots which form the staple diet of adult Red Grouse. Grouse shooting is no longer carried out and consequently burning is not carried out to manage stocks. However, a certain amount of controlled burning is carried out from time to time – probably to control gorse and create areas suitable for grazing. Sheep are grazed on the hillside and cattle are put out in small numbers from mid-spring. Topographically, the overall structure of Ballybrack can be likened to a basin or amphitheatre defined by a ridge at the eastern flank, another ridge to the west, and a backdrop to the north formed by the peak of Two Rock mountain. This arrangement has the effect of creating a comparatively sheltered area which faces the optimal arc of the sun. Shelter and warmth would be at a premium on the exposed mountainside, where cover provided by vegetation is non-existent and the only other source of shelter would be provided by either natural stone clusters, or constructed stone shelters. In winter, the lower portion of the study area succumbs to shade much earlier in the day due to shadows cast by mountains across the valley to the south (Plate 1) and this 3 There is a long standing tradition of gathering Fraughans in Glencullen and until recently, a festival was celebrated annually to mark the arrival of the ripe fruit. 10 may have had an influence on the choice of work areas. One other faunal inhabitant of this area is the midge. These can be a considerable nuisance in calm conditions, so much so that working on the breezy hillside may have been a welcome escape. Stone-cleaving on Two Rock mountain has had a significant impact on the landscape. Clusters of loose worked stones have effectively created islands. These areas stand out in sharp contrast to the typical upland vegetation, and provide self-sustaining micro ecosystems which allow grasses to flourish on the well drained surface. Deer (winter) and sheep and cattle (spring/summer) find both shelter and grazing in these micro ecosystems. It is not possible - without excavation - to say if these areas were chosen as work areas by the stonecutters because they were dry to begin with, or if the topographical structure evident now is entirely a product of stone-cleaving. However, there can be no doubt that the present formations resist peat development as a direct consequence of the stonecutters’ activities. All of the study area is within commonage. CULTURAL LANDSCAPE There are several distinct phases of cultural activity in and around the primary study area. These phases are mostly related to stone and to a lesser extent, turf. There is evidence for extensive early agriculture represented by a network of as yet undated field fences. This network was first identified during fieldwork and may form the basis for important future studies. Current thinking is that the network is early, possibly prehistoric (Corlett 2016), but confirmation requires further detailed research. The field systems are mentioned as one of the many layers of this landscape. Throughout the study area, there are a number of anomalous structures that may be described as hut sites according to the National Monuments Service scope note (National Monuments Service 2016). The function or period of these hut sites is not known. A total of eight hut sites are officially recorded for county Dublin and six of these are within the broader study area. As a by-product of this study, a significant number of other hut sites were identified and recorded. Given that the study area is exposed and subject to often inclement weather, it would be expected that some form of shelter would have been necessary for the stonecutters. However, it is difficult to state with confidence that the hut sites extant on the mountain today are the response of stonecutters to exposed conditions. Plates 4 and 5 illustrate remarkably similar solutions to the shelter problem 11 in counties Wicklow and Down respectively. It is unlikely that the wooden structures and depositional patterns shown in the two images would leave remains analogous to the hut structures nor is there any evidence for spalls or waste material in direct association with the hut sites. It may thus be reasonable to assume that the extant hut sites are not associated with stone-cleaving. Stone circles shown on the 1838 mapping suggest that this area may have had some significance in prehistory. These are not visible on the ground today, and have either been destroyed or buried. Plates 5 & 6. Stonecutters’ huts in Arklow, Co. Wicklow (above) and the Mourne Mountains. Dates unknown, probably early th 20 century. Peat depth around the stone-cleaving work areas is on average, approximately 20cm. This contrasts with the next valley to the south, Glencree, where peat depth extends to over two metres. The Glencree landscape is typical of traditional upland hand turfcutting. No such landscape is evident in Ballybrack townland and there is no evidence to suggest that turf was ever exploited here. Local opinion maintains that turf was cut 12 in the area during the Second World War. However, the comparatively thin cover of peat on Two Rock mountain must precede both the first and second world wars: the 1902 British Geological Survey depicts a ‘thin peaty sod on rock debris’ across both Two and Three Rock mountains. Track-ways are evident in the western half of Ballybrack and these are known locally as ‘turfcutters’ roads’. It is also possible that the track-ways in the western half of Ballybrack were constructed to transport stone, probably by slide-cart or slipes, although signs of stone-cleaving in this area are not obvious. This may be a consequence of greater vegetation cover – burning has not occurred here in recent years. The greater Glencullen area was well known for its granite quarries until relatively recently. In the early 1980s, there was in the region of eleven working quarries in the district. Only one quarry remains open today and the stock is almost entirely imported stone. 13 Figure 1. Plug and feathers (left). Pick and wedge (right) - Ivor Kenny. STONE-CLEAVING The techniques for cleaving stone have an uncertain history. It is not known when the first stone was cleft with bore, wedge pit, chisel or jumper. We can probably assume that the techniques developed along with the arrival of metal4 and that this material allowed cleaving to be carried out with less dependence on bedding planes, or existing lines of weakness. The earliest documentary evidence describing the technique, is in the Later Medieval text De Re Metallica (Agricola, 1556). However, stonecutters’ marks can be seen on many prehistoric monuments. Whether these marks are contemporary with the construction of the monuments or later additions is not known and would provide the basis for a valuable study (O’Sullivan 2016). We know for example, that several prehistoric cultures had achieved a level of proficiency in stonecutting. It may therefore be assumed that controlled cutting of stone is a skillset with an ancient provenance. Evans however (1951, 157), states that cut stone work developed in tandem with the 4 A Wicklow sculptor recently had a bronze chisel made and reports how he found it surprisingly efficient in granite (Ó Draoi, S. 2015, pers. comm.) 14 establishment of Christianity in Ireland. This should be qualified with an understanding that the evolution of an Early Christian stone cutting tradition is exemplified by the production of orthogonal, dressed stones. There can be no doubt that stones were cleft in prehistory, although how this was achieved in the Atlantic megalithic tradition is a peculiar omission in prehistoric studies. Mention needs to be made here about the often quoted assumption that wooden wedges were employed to cleave stone. The assumed mechanism is that dry timber wedges should expand when wetted to produce a force with the capacity to cleave the stone apart. Experimental work (Lamm, link 2) demonstrated that the method is not effective. This is perhaps unsurprising given that the maximum expansion of a dry (20% moisture content) 10cm block of wood would be no more than 8mm (Anon. link 3). Taken together with the fact that wet timber is considerably softer than granite, and will invariably yield to the harder material, it follows that the actual rate of expansion would be less than 8mm. We can conclude that this is probably insufficient to produce enough energy to effect cleaving in hard stone. There is considerable scope for further forensic and experimental examination of the techniques used before the advent of metal chisels or wedges. Broadly speaking, there are two mainl methods of stone-cleaving by hand. The first is cleaving with the pick and wedge method, and the second is with plug and feathers. The focus of this study is the pick and wedge method but an understanding of the plug and feathers technique is important to set the Glencullen stone-cleaving in context. Evans (1951, 158) notes that the plug and feathers technique was introduced to the Mournes district in the mid-nineteenth century – possibly from Scotland, and that the method was adopted universally when its increased efficiency was accepted. At the latter end of this period (circa 1870), there was an influx of workers from other districts to the Mournes including Welsh tradesmen. Their arrival saw increased productivity in the manufacture of Kribben (Evans 1951, 158). Following this phase, the use of the pick and wedge method appears to have died out. By contrast, the Glencullen stonecutters continued with the pick and wedge method as recently as the 1940s. One Glencullen stonecutter saw the plug and feather method for the first time while on a visit to Armagh in 1947 (Conry 2006, 97). We may be able to conclude that the Glencullen stonecutters were somewhat insular insofar as stone-cleaving was concerned. Family names in various historical sources (Griffiths Valuation, 1901 and 1911 census for example) imply that there was limited 15 inward migration and as a consequence, new technologies arrived later in Glencullen than elsewhere. This is supported by the observations and research of this writer in the Avoca mining district of south Wicklow. Here, the plug and feathers method was in use from at least the mid to late 18th century. The district also saw significant inward migrations associated with the attractiveness of mineral wealth. Many of these migrants came from Cumbria, south Wales and Cornwall – areas with long traditions of mining and quarrying, and they brought with them techniques for extracting minerals and manipulating stone that were probably more developed than those in use in Ireland at the time. 16 Plug and Feathers. The plug and feathers method consists of boring a sequence of holes along the intended line of fracture. The depth of the bores appears to vary according to locale and petrology. In the Mournes granite for example, bore depth averages no more than around 5 – 7cm (2 – 2.5”). In Ballybrack, the most frequent depth is 10cm (4”), and in the Avoca mining district, bores can be observed to depths well in excess of 60cm (2’). The method for boring holes prior to the introduction of powered drills was though the use of jumpers (Plates 7 & 8). This was a two man operation where one man (known as the holder) held the jumper while the other (known as the hitter) struck it. Between each blow, the holder would withdraw the jumper and turn it one quarter revolution. The effect was a drilling action akin to the modern powered rotary hammers but at a considerably slower pace. This form of drilling was carried out for a prolonged period in Avoca where it was later used to bore charge holes for black powder explosives. Later boring carried out with powered percussive/rotational drills leaves an impression which can be distinguished from jumper bore holes. The powered drill bit leaves a distinctive, regular and plumb bore with obvious striations, while the jumper bore is often irregular, sometimes not straight and bore striations are less obvious. One other important distinction is that jumper bores tend to leave a slightly pointed bottom while powered drills leave a more or less flat bottom. These differences are easily observed in the field (Plates 9 -11). When the sequence was completed, the feathers were inserted into each bore. The feathers are in essence a longitudinally split metal tube. Then the plug was inserted into the feathers and tapped home with a hammer. The order in which each plug was struck, appears to vary with the consistency of the stone. Weaknesses in the stone cause a rapid split and other areas may be resistant. The skill of the stonecutter rests in knowing which plug to hit, and when, in order to effect an even split. This was often done by listening to the pitch of the struck plug and for sounds resonating from within the stone. The plug and feathers system offers some advantages over the pick and wedge method. The main advantage is that the amount of time lost to sharpening and re-tempering is considerably reduced. It may also be the case that boring with a jumper is somewhat faster, but this remains to be seen and could form the basis for a small but useful experimental project in the future. 17 th Plate 7. An abandoned 19 century drill. Glendasan lead mines Co. Wicklow. Plate 8. Abandoned jumpers in a rock face (arrowed). Avoca, Co. Wicklow 18 Plate 9. Plug and feather cut dimension stones in the Mourne mountains. These are roughed-out grave stones. th Plate 10. 19 century jumper bores. Avoca, Co. Wicklow. Plate 11. Abandoned plug and feathers in a field boulder. Avoca, Co. Wicklow 19 Pick and wedge. The pick and wedge method also involves a sequence of bores along the intended line of fracture. However, bores in this method are created by the application of direct force to the stone surface. The tool used was the stone pick – a heavy (circa 4 kg), double pointed hammer. Bore marks or wedge pits created with this method differ considerably from those produced by the jumper or drill bit. They are roughly oval and elongated (Plate 12). Plate 12. Wedge pit sequence on a boulder close to the summit of Two Rock mountain. Once the wedge pit was created, iron wedges or chisels were inserted, and struck with a heavy hammer. However, there appear to be regional differences in the overall morphology of the wedge pit. Conry (2006, 96) records how the Carlow stonecutters emphasised the importance of a second operation – bottoming the hole - with a bottoming punch or sweetener. The purpose of this operation was to ensure that when the wedge or chisel was struck, the transmitted energy was directed towards the side of the wedge pit rather than downwards. If the wedge or chisel made contact with the floor of the pit, it would be at risk of effectively ricocheting back towards the stonecutter. To avoid this, the bottom of the pit was widened so that the chisel or wedge did not make contact with the floor of the pit and all energy was thus transmitted laterally. This writer has seen evidence for wide bottoming out on just one stone in either Wicklow or Dublin (Plate 13). The morphology of the Glencullen wedge pits presents something of a puzzle in regard to bottoming out. It is difficult to visualise how the chisel could have avoided contact with the floor of the pit, but perhaps pit depth compensated for this. This highlights the regrettable fact that no stonecutters tools were available for examination and comparison with the morphology of the pits. 20 Plate 13. Bottoming out pits on a rounded Wicklow boulder. All of the wedge pits in the study area show a uniformly conical or triangular morphology (Plate 14) with a common depth of 100 mm. This is in contrast to wedge pits in the Mourne mountains, where pits were cut to approximately 50 – 60 mm (Russell 2016). Wedge pit sequences in the study area follow a reasonably consistent set of dimensions that appear to be based on 100mm or four inches. This may approximate to the span of an adult male hand and it is very likely that the spacing for the wedge pits was marked out on this basis. This dimension applies to both the length of the wedge pit and the interstices. While bore depth is reasonably consistent across nearly all examples, there are also considerable differences in patterns of bore sequences. In the primary working areas, most of the examples exhibit aligned, consistently spaced, and square pit sequences. Many of the cleft outliers, especially amongst the higher contours of the mountain, exhibit non-aligned, inconsistently spaced and out of square pit sequences. Many of these stones also appear to be more highly eroded along the scalloped edges and in some cases, erosion is so developed that it would be easy to dismiss the stone cleaving as natural (Plate 15). These examples may represent an earlier phase of stone-cleaving. 21 Plate 14. High contrast image showing the typical morphology of Glencullen wedge pits (dashed lines above scale). Plate 15. Probable earlier example on Two Rock mountain. In both types of stone-cleaving, striking the granite must have taken its toll on tools. Frequent re-juvenation of the tools would have been essential. This aspect is well documented in the Mournes (Evans 1951, 162) where hollowed stone basins or fizz troughs were part filled with water to control tool temper. No evidence has been observed for such metal work in the study area but may explain the observation of ‘Some disused roads and heaps of rubbish high up the valley tell of metal works long since abandoned’ (W.P.H. 1912, 165). 22 One of the more curious aspects of stone-cleaving evident in both the Dublin and Mourne mountains, is the frequency with which abandoned stones occur. Many of these appear to be sound and usable. This may reflect a sudden absence of demand or increased competitiveness that made the hand-cut Glencullen granite a less economically viable proposition. If so, then in all probability it was a function of increased productivity and lower costs from quarried granite. Ballyknockan quarry for example, opened in 1824 (Ó Maitiú & O’Reilly, 3) and quarries were opened in the greater Glencullen district in the 1740s (Ryan 1992, 36). 23 FUTURE STUDIES There is a pressing need to carry out palaeoenvironmental research in this district. An understanding of the peat formation processes and information regarding its exploitation would assist greatly in our overall understanding of this landscape and the impact of man. One of the questions raised by this study concerns the amount of effort required to cleave a substantial stone with the pick and wedge method. At present, there is no information available to answer this question. Burgoyne (1849, 3) refers to studies of the time taken by three men to bore charge holes in the Dalkey quarries using jumpers. The results ranged from 1800mm (6’) for three men per day with a 75mm (3”) jumper to 3600mm (12’) per day with a 45mm (1.75”) jumper. It is doubtful that we can extrapolate from these results to make an estimate on how long it might take to cut a sequence of wedge pits, so there may be scope for experimental work to evaluate the time and effort involved in cutting wedge pits in the future. See also link 4. There is also scope for multi-disciplinary archaeological investigations in the study area, including excavation. A constant theme running throughout is the possibility that stone-cleaving began here at an early date. There are signs of work modes that appear to be earlier than the majority of documented workings. That appearance is based on the extent of weathering where some stones, particularly cleft outliers, exhibit higher degrees of erosion and more rounded arrises, and irregularities in the pit patterns. It is possible that some of the hut sites within the study area served as shelters during the re-tempering process. If so, then evidence for a hearth or related remains should be present. Colfer (2014) was able to correlate an 8th century millstone with existing stonecutting evidence on Millstone mountain in the Mournes. This allowed for the recognition and placement of the field stonecutting within its temporal context. The only documentary evidence for an end product utilising Glencullen stone is mentioned in Ryan (1992, 37) where walling in of the river Liffey and finishing of the South Wall was undertaken in the late 18th century using stone which ‘came from the Dublin mountains’. It may be worthwhile to identify the geomorphology of various granite sources and compare these with samples from granites used in the architecture and street furniture of Dublin to provide a more reliable assessment of how and where the Glencullen granite was finally used. 24 Given the weathered appearance combined with irregularities in the pit sequence, it is probably safe to assume that cleft outliers are earlier examples of stone-cleaving. There may be some merit in a future study to identify, classify, and compare relative styles of stone-cleaving evidence with a view to associating styles with periods. For example, an acquired familiarity with stone-cleaving evidence as a result of this study, allowed this writer to state with confidence that a lintel in a Medieval church in county Dublin was not contemporary with the original fabric of the building as had previously been thought (Plate 16). Plate 16. A pick and wedge cleft stone used as a lintel in the restoration of a Medieval church. Kill-o-the-Grange, Co. Dublin. Ideally, a classification of differing styles of stone-cleaving remains, together with their distribution in the broader landscape needs to be undertaken, and may form the basis for a body of work that could allow reliable recognition of cleft stone in many situations. Brief mention should be made here of the potential for important future work on the primary transformation of natural stone and how this may have been undertaken in antiquity. On a nearby mountain, Kilmashogue, there is evidence for a another style of stone-cleaving that has not been previously recognised. This style differs from the typical stone-cleaving style primarily by the fact that the a continuous groove was cut rather than a sequence of pits (plates 17 & 18) . The mechanism for introducing lateral force is not known and any statement about this would be purely speculative. The important aspect of this style is that the cleft stone does not leave readily identifiable scalloped edges. This may have significant implications for our ability to recognise cleft stones in other places, particularly in monuments. It also raises questions about the purpose of grooves evident in many monumental settings. Stonecutters altered this landscape and there is a very real need to examine the extent to which they impacted on earlier remains, and if the stonecutting has an origin contemporary with the visible archaeology. See plate 19. 25 Plate 17 & 18. Stone-cleaving, Kilmashogue. 26 Plate 19. An early stone wall runs up the hill towards a standing stone on the horizon. Large stones in the fabric of the wall have been exploited by stonecutters (foreground). 27 CONCLUSIONS Three broad conclusions become apparent in this short study. First is a recognition of the limited attention that primary stone extraction has received throughout all periods, particularly in Ireland. Second is a recognition of the idea that this activity represents the end of an era. An era where local people knew their local resources, and had a highly developed set of skills to exploit them. In a sense, we witness the true end of the Stone Age. Third and finally, is an appreciation of the fact that there is a need to establish a baseline chronology to recognise stone-cleaving styles, associate them with dated structures and relate this chronology backwards in time as far as possible. Regrettably, the remnants of this once valued skillset in Dublin are fast disappearing. Characterful paving slabs cut by hand and carved with careful and thoughtful details in the 18th century line the Georgian squares of the city, but they are being replaced with characterless materials at an alarming rate. The importance of these humble slabs to the city does not receive the attention it richly deserves. Granite roots the city not only in the bedrock of the mountains, but also in the generations of stonecutters and stonemasons who gave the city so much of its character. Perhaps ironically, the 20th and 21st centuries see an end to Irish self-sufficiency in stone and the arrival of a new phase dependent on imported stone. Ireland in the 18th century was very much reliant on imported timber for construction while the bulk of construction projects were carried out with native stone. Most of the capital’s granite came from the Dublin and Wicklow mountains (Biehlenberg 2009. 167). The city centre is built on limestone but it is granite that sharpens the profile of the city’s architecture and street furniture. The granite drawn down from the mountains anchors Dublin to a mountain hinterland embroidered with a rich prehistoric tapestry sewn in granite. The remains we witness on Two Rock mountain represent the end of a granite building tradition that begins with the megaliths on the Dublin mountains, and ends on the paths of Dublin. The very real physical connection between the hills and the city has been broken, and we can perhaps interpret the spectacular increase in footfall in the Dublin mountains as a vestigial need to re-establish that connection. 28 Acknowledgements. Dr. Rob Sands, Professors Muiris O’Sullivan and Gabriel Cooney, Christiaan Corlett, and Red Tobin. Ivor Kenny. Knocknamohill, Avoca, Arklow, County Wicklow. 29 APPENDIX 1. Idiom and terminology. Arris. The edge formed by the intersection of two planes. Big scale. Large flecks or flakes of mica contained within the granite or a generally open and coarse texture. Bottoming out. Enlarging the base of the wedge pit to prevent the chisel from rebounding toward the stonecutter. Cleft outliers. The term is introduced here to describe isolated stones that have been cleaved, and are some distance away from worked clusters or more concentrated work areas. Dimension stone: stone cut to approximate dimensions suitable for further or secondary working. Free stone. Stone with a consistent grain and texture suitable for secondary stonecutting or carving. Going way. A description of the ‘grain’ in the rock, or the direction in which the rock was thought to be most easily cleaved. Hard way (or the tough way). A transverse cut, or a cut against the grain. Jumper. In essence, an extremely long chisel used for boring. Usually in the region of 1m in length. Kribben. A term used in the Mournes granite district (Evans 1951, 158) primary shaping of everyday bulk materials such as sills, setts, street kerbing etc. Possibly of Dutch origin (Mournes, Russell 2016). There is no evidence to suggest that this term was used by the Dublin stonecutters. Mountain. Paradoxically, the term mountain in Ireland very often refers to areas of bog rather than elevated land masses. ‘Footing turf on the mountain’ for example, does not necessarily refer to peat harvesting on hillsides only. Mountain is used here in the conventional sense at all times. Plug and feathers. A simple but effective iron device used to apply lateral force into the bore. A plug and feathers consists of a split metal tube (the feathers) which is inserted into a bored hole, and a chisel of an appropriate shape and diameter to fit the feathers (the plug). See Plate 9. The plug and feathers is designed to transmit lateral force which produces a clean, controlled split. 30 Scalloping. A term more often encountered than stitching to refer to the dashed lines left behind by wedge pits. Slide cart or slipe. A horse-drawn cart with two dragged beams or skids rather than wheels. Spall/s. Waste stone fragments produced as a by-product of stone cleaving. A parallel can be drawn between spalls from stone-cleaving and the debitage produced from ancient lithic production. See Plate 7 Stitching (Colfer 2015). A description of visible remains left by the lines of wedge pits or bore holes made along the rock into which wedges or plug and feathers are inserted in order to cleave the rock. See plates 2 – 4. Stone. This is the preferred term of nearly all stone workers to describe the resource. Familiar terms such as rock, bedrock, boulder, outcrop, lithology or petrology are seldom if ever used by stone workers. The convention adopted here is to use stone as the descriptive term in place of the more correct terms; rock, lithology, or petrology. Stone-cleaving. (Conry 2006, 98) This term was never used by stonecutters themselves, but it serves as a useful term to distinguish between the act of primary transformation, and secondary or production of finished work. It is also a more precise term than stonecutting because it conveys the massive effect of the stonecutter on the stone. Stonecutter. This term refers to a person who undertook the first phase in the transformation of a natural stone into a manageable piece. Properly, a stonecutter is someone who specialises the primary exploitation of the stone resource and is distinguished from a stonemason who carries out secondary, or final finishing of the stone project. The term is often used erroneously to describe the profession of stonemasons who carved headstones, or other graveyard furniture for example. Wedge pits. Negative impressions seen on the edges or arrises of cleft stone made by chipping out with chisel, pick, hammer, or a combination of tools. Sometimes known as quarry marks. White horse. Imperfections caused by inclusions of quartz streaks, or aplite. Stone with such inclusions were generally considered to be inferior or second rate. Wild stone. A large piece of granite, exposed and accessible on the mountainside. 31 APPENDIX 2. Some 19th century observations on the Dublin granites. ‘The ridge from the head of Glencullen to Two Rock Mountain gives admirable lessons in the mode of weathering of the rock, the decomposition of the feldspar setting free the quartz and mica, and a sort of sand thus spreading around each boulder into the black vegetable soil’ (Cole 1892, 57). ‘The granite is much more durable in some places than in others, perhaps in consequence of its more siliceous composition. In general however, it does not make a durable building stone, soon becoming stained with ferruginous blotches, and gradually getting weathered and tender over the whole surface. In some places, as on the flanks of Glencullen, it is decomposed in situ to a depth of many feet from the surface, so that the undisturbed crystals can be dug out with pickaxe and spade.’ (Beete Jukes 1869, 11 – 12) ‘The granite of the vicinity of Dublin is distinguished for the whiteness of its felspar and the complete absence of hornblende. The granite of the Mourne mountains, on the other hand, contains abundance of hornblende, and the feldspar is of a flesh red colour. In many places the texture of the rock is so close that it admits of being worked for artificial purposes, and when polished presents a beautiful appearance, from the varied colours and disposition of its constituent minerals. Other varieties are unfit for this use, from the rapidity with which they are decomposed on exposure to the air; thereby producing the minerals of other rocks, as well as clays of purest quality, and best adapted for the manufacture of earthenware.’ (Kane1844, 161) ‘…the land is rocky and mountainous, abounding with heath, and there is a considerable quantity of waste, but the system of agriculture is 32 improving, there is some good bog. It abounds with remarkably fine granite, which is quarried for building, flagging, and other uses; great numbers are employed in cutting the stone on the spot, which is afterwards sent to Dublin.’ (Lewis 1838) ‘At Glancullen (sic), Glenismaule & c., the granite is more coarse grained and the mica is of a light colour, forming large hexagonal plates, sometimes half an inch in breadth. This variety is less compact than the granite of Killiney, and contains more feldspar and mica: hence perhaps, its more decomposable nature.’ (D’Alton 1838) 33 TABLE 1. Ballybrack townland (N = 54) 40 30 20 10 0 stone related 1901 other 1901 stone related 1911 other 1911 Glencullen townland (N = 65) 50 40 30 20 10 0 stone related 1901 other 1901 stone related 1911 other 1911 Ballyedmonduff townland (N = 87) 40 30 20 10 0 stone related 1901 other 1901 stone related 1911 other 1911 Numbers of men of working age (14 – 70) who recorded their primary occupation as stonecutter in the 1901/1911 census. 34 APPENDIX 4. MISCELLANEOUS PLATES. (all images in this paper taken by the author between 2011 and 2016 unless otherwise stated) Plate 20. Orthographic view from a photogrammetric model produced by Dr. Rob Sands showing a partially cleft rock. This is the only known example of a cleft rock in the Dublin mountains, (possibly in the country) where stone wedges survive in situ. Plate 21. Near the summit: the wedge pit sequence on this boulder is more eroded than at lower elevations. 35 Plate 22. A clear example of probably modern cleaving. Plate 23. 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(2004) Water’s effect on the mechanical behavior of wood. University of Cambridge. Available at: http://www.doitpoms.ac.uk/tlplib/wood/water_effect.php Accessed 30/3/16. 4. Video showing modern stone-cleaving with chisel only. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RIYWTEiabpc 5. Cummings, V. et al (2016) Excavation of a prehistoric cleft stone at Cavan Burren. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=PEbbigTszhM