Hosea Commentary & Versions
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What is available in Hebrew can be found in the BHS edition and
what is available in Greek can be seen in Rahlfs edition of the
LXX. The Vulgate manuscripts can be found in the critical edition
of the Vulgate by Weber. The Peshitta or Syriac manuscripts are
dealt with by Gelston in his Leiden edition. The Targum manuscripts
are found in Sperber. The Coptic manuscripts needs attention though.
A complete set of the Bible in Bohairic dialect of Coptic was
commissioned by French Orientalist Jean-Jacques Marcel (1776-1854)
during the years 1798-1800. He had nearly 3000 manuscripts at his
disposal in Cairo. The copyists were those of the Patriarch in Cairo
(thus B. Layton). They copied from a model of the 7th-13th
centuries in the Patriarchal library in Cairo. However this library was
destroyed in a conflagaration between 20 March-25 April 1800. What
remained of these copies were later bought by H. Tattam from
Marcel before 1830 and they were repaired by Lee in 1829.
Transcripts were made by H. Tattam for his printed edition and he
also collated some manuscripts of Lee.
When we think of the whole range of Coptic manuscripts available
all over the world then the following libraries and museums are
important for their manuscripts:
Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale
Musée du Louvre
Vienna, Nationalbibliothek, Papyrussamlung (K = Coptic)
Napels, Bibliotheca Nazionale (G. Zoega, Catalogus 1810)
Cairo, Cairo Museum
Coptic Museum
Institut Français d' Archéologie Orientale
British Museum (Catalogues of W. Crum and B. Layton)
Vatican city, Bibliotheca Vaticana
Venice, (Mingrelli, Aegyptirum Codicum Religuiae, 1785)
Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek
Heidelberg, Universitätbibliothek
Berlin, East Staatliche Museum zu Berlin
Ägyptisches Museum-Papyrussamlung (BKU)
Berlin, West Staatsbibliothek preusische KulturBesitz
(Or.)
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Ann Arbor, University of Michigan
Bodleian Library Oxford
Griffith Institute Oxford
Cambridge University Library
John Rylands Library of Mancester
Rijksmuseum van Oudheden in Leiden
New York, Pierpont Morgan Library
Washington, Freer Gallery of Art
Prof. Orlandi of the University of Rome's work on manuscripts from
the excavations of the White Monastery of Shenut or Sohăg
(Akhmīna) (see B. Layton)
According to the catalogue of B. Layton manuscripts of the coptic
for Hosea can be found in the British Museum under the number
Or. 11551 (7) which are 48 folios. This is Marcel's Bible dating
from 1798. They do not follow the Greek in Hosea. All the minor
prophets including Hosea can be found at Or. 8791 dating from 1796
and comprise 136 pages. Hosea is found in folios 1 verso-24 verso.
The Coptic edition of H. Tattam is available under the number Or.
11557A which is the Coptic text of 116 pages and Or. 11557B
which is the Latin translation of 174 pages dating from 1835.
Another text is that of Des Reviéres dating to 1848 in two numbers
Or. 7561A which is the Coptic text and French and Or. 7561B
which is the transcription and comments.
Besides these Coptic manuscripts on the text of Hosea there are also
some commentaries that are noteworthy. There is the sermons of
Marcus the monk part of a commentary on the minor prophets
including Hosea at Add 17217 on vellum. The biblical commentaries
of Petrus Cantor in Latin dating from 1184 in hand and never been
printed is available from Royal 10 C V. Marginal annotations occur
throughout the text. More information can be found at
http://molcat.bl.uk/msscat under Manuscripts: Descriptions.
One of the most important manuscripts on Hosea is a glossary of
Hosea and Amos in Coptic known as Papyrus 2575 verso and is
currently in the British Museum. It was published by H. I. Bell and
Sir Herbert Thompson in Journal of Egyptian Archaeology volume
11/1925: 241-246 with plates. It consists of four fragments and dates
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to the end of the 3rd century CE. This means that the Coptic
translation was already a fact when this glossary was compiled. One
should not assume that this dictionary was compiled in order to
translate the Coptic and mistakenly expect that the Coptic was made
from the Greek. Our experience with the Coptic text of Hosea as
represented in Henry Tattam is that it predates this glossary and is
contemporaneous with the translations of the Greek represented in
Origen's Hexapla 240 CE.
Prospective enthusiasts are warned that there is a commercialization
element involved in obtaining these manuscripts. Nevertheless, the site
to find them is:
http://www.bl.uk and look for British Library Reproductions.
Reformation Period and Orthodoxy Period Commentaries and
Translations:
Figuerius, Petrus. [Latin Translation of Targum Jonathan to the Minor
Prophets]. In Operum P. D. Petri a Figueiro...tomi duo. Quorum unus
habet commentaries in XXV priores Psalmos...commentaries in XII
Prophetas Minores, vol. 2. Lyons, 1616. In British Museum XVII,
col. 930.
Mercer, Johannes. Ionathae Urielis filii...Chaldaea interpretatio sex
prophetarum, Hoseae, Joelis, Amos, Abdiae, Ionae & Haggaei. Paris,
1559.
Tremellius, J. Immanuel. Jonathan, filii Uzielis Chaldaea paraphrasis
in XII Minores Prophetas Latine reddita. Heidelberg, 1566.
Targum of the London/Walton Polyglot was translated into Latin by
Alphonso de Zamora and edited by Arias Montanus.
Daniel et les douze petits prophètes, manuscrits coptes de la
Bibliothèque impériale...par Étienne Quatremère (Académie des
inscriptions et belles-lettres. Notices et extraits des manuscrits. Paris.
1810. 4e, tome 8, 220-289).
Duodecim prophetarum minorum libros in lingua Ægyptiaca, vulgo
Coptica aeu Memphitica, ex manuscriptio Johannes Lee...collatos.
Latine edidit Henricus Tattam. Oxonii: e Typographeo Academico.
1836.
Duodecim prophetarum minorum versionis Achmimicae codex
Rainerianus edidit Carolus Wessely. Lipsiae: Haessel. 1915. Studien
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zur Palæographie und Papyruskunde. Heft 16.
Fragments des petits Prophètes en dialecte de Panapolis par U.
Bouriant. (Recueil de travaux relatifs à la philologie et à l'archéologie
égyptienne et assyriennes. Paris, 1897. 4e, année 19.
Herbert Thompson, The Coptic (Sahidic) version of certain books of
the Old Testament from a Papyrus in the British Museum. London.
Freude. 1908.
Eric Otto Winstedt, Sahidic Biblical Fragments in the Bodleian
Library. In PSBA 25 (1903): 317-325; 26 (1904): 213-221; 27
(1905): 57-64.
Walter Curt Till, Rodolphe Kassers Editionen Koptischer
Bibelhandschriften aus der Sammlung Martin Bodmer Cologny-Geneve
(Sweitz). BSAC 17 (1963-1964).
Eric Otto Winstedt, Some Unpublished Sahidic Fragments of the Old
Testament. JTS 10 (1909): 233-254.
Michel Malinine, Fragment d'une version Achmimique des petits
Prophets. Misc. Crum, Coptic Studies in Honor of W. E. Crum.
365-416. Boston. Byz. Inst. 1950 (Bulletin Byzantine Institute 2).
Moritz, Bernhard: Barhebraei in duodecim prophetas minores scholia,
ad trium codicum fiem rec. Lipsiae, B. G. Teubner. 1882.
Vulgate:
gopher://ftp/std.com:70/00/obi/book/Religion/Vulgate.
Hosea.txt
Aramaic Bible: http://www.aramaic.org/
The translation of Jerome is the best of all translations where the
manuscripts permit us to get close to Jerome however. This old man
from Bethlehem translated with the utmost care very literal. There
were sometimes small deviations where we differed. One such case
was his inconsistency in the translation of mɔdm
in Hosea
9:12 as "in hominibus" = "in a man" whereas the same root was
translated similar to our translation in Hosea 6:7 as "Adam". An
explanation for this mistranslation can probably be found in the fact
that the old man misread the first letter in the word as a /b/ instead
of a /m/ and since the preposition "in" did not make sense for him
as referent to Adam, he translated it therefore to "man". In Hosea
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11:4 Jerome translated the same root as "Adam". There are times
that it is clear to this reader that Jerome's text was a continuous text
with no word, sentence or chapter divisions. He had to do the
division by himself. In certain cases he would divide the chapters
wrongly.
One such a case is the division between chapter 10 and 11. Jerome
translated 10:15d as part of 11:1a but the context indicates to this
reader that 10:15 is dealing with the siege of Samaria in 723 BCE
and the king Hoshea is the one who will be cut off. However, in
11:1 the theme is the exodus-from-Egypt motif. The two Israels are
thus not related in time zone. In the attempt to reconstruct the
Vulgate, there are also textcritical problems, as we have said
elsewhere. In Hosea 11:7, two codexes containing the whole old
testament omitted "my" in "my people". The meus is omitted in C
from ca. 870 CE and Σ from ca. 930 CE. There is a strong
dependency of these two codexes that link them throughout the book
of Hosea. There are a lot of additions and omissions in these
codexes. The following omissions link these two manuscripts:
1:5; 6:1; 8:7 (the second et is omitted); Except otherwise indicated
the et "and" is omitted in the beginning of the verse.
8:13 in is omitted of "in Egypt".
9:3 instead of "Ephraim" they both read "Israel".
9:14 instead of reading "eis da eis", they both read only "eis".
10:14 instead of reading "baal in" they both read "bahalim".
12:6 instead of "Deum" they both are reading "dominum Deum"
which is "the Lord God" in order to harmonize with verse 5.
12:9 omitted the "deus" of "Dominus Deus", omitted thus the "God"
of "the Lord God".
12:13 added "deus" to read "dominus deus" instead of "dominus" to
harmonize with 13:4.
These examples are not exhaustive but they serve to illustrate the
point that the copiest of the Vulgate of the Σ codex in ca. 930 CE
consulted codex C from ca. 870 CE. The copiest of the C codex
was very involved in his scribal activity. He felt that he had the
freedom to omit, add, harmonize or improve on the text. Another
example of these scribal activities of the copiest comes from the
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Vulgate manuscript Λ dating to ca. 960 CE on Judges 6:1-13.
Known as Legionensis, this is a codex in the monastery of
Valeranicensi in Leon. It added, harmonize, omitted the text with
editorial freedom. The phenomena in this text resembles the
phenomena in 4QJudga the closest of all manuscripts despite scholars
insistence that the Greek manuscript n dating to 1125 CE (called the
Lucian manuscript) is the closest in reading to this fragment from
Qumran. Unless there were other Hosea manuscripts at Qumran, the
pesher that came from cave four resembles the consonantal text of
the Masoretic text almost 100%. So far the situation for Hosea is
different than for the book of Judges from the same cave at
Qumran. In chapter two of this commentary we are discussing this
fragment from cave four. Our conclusion is that the ninth and tenth
centuries saw editorial reworkings of the Old Testament by Greek
(for the book of Judges manuscripts v and t and also n mentioned
supra), Syriac (especially the books of Judges, Psalms, Isaiah) and
Latin manuscripts especially C, Σ (for Hosea) and Λ (for Judges).
Dates are very important since some of these are just copies of
editorial reworkings that were done earlier. So far it seems safe to
conclude that major editorial reworkings took place in the middle of
the ninth century for Syriac, Greek and Latin translations after the
discovery of some editorial reworked Hebrew manuscripts in caves at
Qumran in 807/787 CE. This is of course just an opinion expressed
on the basis of some evidence of phenomena in this century similar
to phenomena in the Qumran manuscripts. The Vulgate manuscript
that corresponds the strongest with 4QJudga is ΛL which consulted
manuscript S dating from ca. 790 CE (after the discovery of
manuscripts at caves of the Dead Sea). The Latin manuscript O also
originated during this time. One wonders what the influence was of
the University that was established in 855 CE in the palace of
Constantinopel and the role that the mission spirit of Photius played
and the translation work of Cyril who translated the bible into Slavic
in 860 CE? The manuscripts C and Φ of the Latin Vulgate
originated during this time. The time of byzantine expansionism is
considered to be between 927 CE until 1025 CE and it is during
this time that manuscripts Σ and Λ of the Vulgate originated. It is
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also during this time that the manuscript v of the Greek originated
and for the next few centuries a line of correlation originated
between manuscripts v, t, p, n, g, w, l, d that caused scholars to
suggest that it must have been the translation of Lucian. Historians
consider 1025-1095 CE as the decline of the Byzantine Empire. Does
the decline in the Empire reflect also on the quality of copying by
the copyists in this period? One thing is for sure, not only is the
most problematic manuscript of the Greek, the manuscript n dating to
1125 CE but also manuscripts 12d1 and 12d2 of the Syriac dating to
1177 CE are very careless copies of the Syriac including Hosea. It
was the time of the beginning of the crusades and the turmoil of the
times are reflected in these centuries in the copies made of the
Bible.
If one looks at the main witness line for the Vulgate it is mostly: A
C Σ Λ l S M Φ (s). The dates of these texts are very important to
understand the variants that one can find in the Vulgate: A dates
from ca. 750 CE; O from ca. 800 CE; C from ca. 870 CE; Σ from
ca. 950 CE; Λ from ca. 960 CE; l from 640/50 CE; S from ca. 790
CE; M from 772-781 CE; Φ from ca. 850 CE and (s) from ca. 480
CE. The last one is the oldest.
The concept of cross-mutation is very crucial for a proper
understanding of the variants. Many of the variants originated due to
a consultation of other manuscripts or other translations or other old
Hebrew manuscripts. Each of these manuscripts that were consulted
has a history of their own: a history of origin, a history of casting
into a specific form, a history of scribal activity during its
production, a history of transmission, a history as consultation object
during production of later manuscripts, translations, copies etc. If that
history is not clearly defined or clearly understood, a pious copyist
may venture into an effort of copying or altering of the text thinking
that the text in front of him is an authoritative text when it was in
essence the product of some functional text, paraphrase, shorter
version or the like. This situation we describe as a "putative
situation": the scribe thinks he is doing the right thing when he is in
actual fact off the mark. In the manuscripts S, A, M, Σ, O and Λ
there are a number of individual readings. The individual cases are
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scribal idiosyncrasies. Λ consulted Σ, S and M. It is interesting that
all these manuscripts that have individual readings or small group
readings due to cross-mutation are all dated around the time of the
discovery of manuscripts in the Qumran caves in 807/787 CE. In
this last instance we reiterate the possible strong connection that Λ
might have with Qumran if other Hosea texts would turn up. As for
now, this is just an opinion and we must wait for such a situation.
A Textcritical Theory for Evaluating the Latin Manuscripts on the
Vulgate
If one looks at the witness-line of the Vulgate then each of
these manuscripts can be dated to a specific time-zone.
1. Dividing the manuscripts according to time:
codex rescriptus s from ca. 480 CE.
codex rescriptus l from ca. 640/50 CE
Amiatinus A dates from ca. 750 CE.
Maurdramni M from 772-781 CE.
St. Gallen S in the monastry of St. Galli from ca. 790 CE.
Ottobonianus O from ca. 800 CE.
Consensus Codicum Φ from ca. 850 CE
There are three other copies dating from this time:
1. ΦR Rorigonis
2. ΦG Grandivallensis
3. ΦP Paulinus
Cavensis C from ca. 870 CE.
Toletanus Σ from ca. 950 CE.
Legionensis Λ from ca. 960 CE.
2. Edition relevant to Hosea
In the years 1592, 1593 and 1598 there appeared an edition that is
called (Sixto-) Clementina. The full title is Biblia Sacra Vulgatae
Editionis Sixti Quinti iussu recognita (et Clementis Octavi edita)
(Rome). Whenever this edition has a particular reading or agree it
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will be cited in the textcritical edition of the Vulgate in the lower
margin as a small c = Clementina.
3. Establishing links between the manuscripts
dependence or consultation (cross-mutation).
to
demonstrate
Λ
960
Σ
950
S
790
M
772-781
Σ
950
C
850
C
850
800
O
C
850
S
790
A
750
s
480
O
800
S
790
M
772-781
A
750
s
480
S
790
M
772-781
A
s
750
480
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M
10
772-781
A
A
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750
750
s
480
4. Analysing the oldest Manuscript available.
This last manuscript is in Italy at St. Gallen Stifts Libary and
contains Ezekiel to Malachi. It is the oldest manuscript and dates
back to the same century as Jerome. This copy will receive serious
evaluation in this commentary since this is the oldest manuscript and
it is assumed that errors will be only minor editorial oversights. It is
not assumed that additions or omissions was made by this copyist
intentionally on the basis of some other manuscript available. One is
almost inclined to consider this manuscript as a "virgin copy" almost
uncontaminated by cross-mutation of whatever kind due to its
chronological proximity to Jerome's completion of the translation of
Hosea in that century.
5. The theory of cross-mutation and mutilation of Jerome's text
The copy s or codex rescriptus is the closest we can come to an
original of Jerome's translation of Hosea. The editors who
reconstructed the text of Jerome's Vulgate, ignored sometimes the
reading of this manuscript in favor of later manuscripts. This is a
surprise to us and we should be careful not to expect in the
presentation of the text in full the original text of Jerome. One
example will suffice: In Hosea 2:12 the reading is et comedet eam
bestia agri by s, Φ, l and c (the Clementine edition of 1592, 1593
and 1598). What did the editors decide? The reading should be et
comedet illiam bestia agri on the basis of the rest of the witness
line, examples of manuscripts that added and omitted at own
decision. Manuscripts of four hundred years later were used to
correct a manuscript four hundred years earlier within the same
century as Jerome. If it is a mistake in s and the correct
grammatical reading should be illiam, is it not better to accept it as
it is and suggest that either Jerome or the copyist made an error?
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We have no other evidence to clear this issue. It is better to keep it
as it was in its original state until other evidence turns up to proof
otherwise.
In this commentary then, we will take seriously the reading of s and
will look very dimly on the other manuscripts as attempts to align,
improve, add, omit information due to their own agendas, modus
operandi, or points of view.
6. Weigh the Latin manuscripts of Hosea according to time due to
the proximity of one manuscript to the time of Jerome
Once one accepts the one manuscript as the blueprint from
which all others were deducted, the next step is to weigh the rest of
the manuscripts according to their dependency and idiosyncracies.
This will mean that one analyses the scribal activities of each
copyist, translator or composer to explain why the variants would
have turned up.
Many of the terms that we are using are somewhat
interchangeable: a composer is also a copyist since he is copying
some pericopes either from memory or hearing the text or reading it
himself. He is also a translator who attempts to make understood
what is unclear and as such an interpreter with exegetical techniques.
A copyist is in a way a composer when he comes to a difficult
word and drop in another word that would explain its meaning. He
is also a translator who interprets the unknown to his own
environment. A translator tries to copy the original in a different
language but becomes a composer who interprets with exegetical
techniques. All these attributes can be collected under the broad term
"scribe".
Aquila's Greek Translation
In 130 CE Aquila translated the Old Testament into Greek. Aquila is
available to us through the edition of Field of Origen's Hexapla. In
turn Origen's Hexapla is available to us through codex Ambrosianus
that was copied in the eighth century CE. In turn the copy was that
of the Syriac Hexapla of Paul of Tella which was a translation of
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Origen's Hexapla in 616 CE after the Persian conquest of Damascus,
Jerusalem and Alexandria.
Aquila's text is also mentioned here and there in the commentaries of
Jerome who translated Hosea in 403 CE into Latin in Bethlehem.
What we have seen so far of the text of Aquila in Hosea, convinced
us that Aquila copied the text of Hosea first in Hebrew from a
dictation situation where a reader read to him another Hebrew text
written in scripta continua. Errors crept in the following ways:
1. Aquila's reader divided the words wrongly and thus in the copy
of Aquila the words were also divided wrongly.
2. Aquila's reader sometimes misread some illegible parts so that
some letters fell out, was transposed or substituted with similar ones.
3. Aquila's reader read correctly, but especially with gutturals Aquila
heard wrongly and thus changed the text to what he heard. This is
the case in Hosea 10:14 where Aquila heard for areb, jareb.
After Aquila made the Hebrew copy he translated it into Greek. His
translation was fairly literal and he probably translated exactly what
he thought he had. Bad handwriting during the copy would be the
result of further variants later by others who used his Hebrew copy.
We have an example of dictation in copying or writing from a page
in the Moralized Bible in the Morgan Library. It is part of their
Medieval and Renaissance manuscripts and this particular image can
be found on their website under COLLECTIONS under MEDIEVAL
& RENAISSANCE MANUSCRIPTS under MORALIZED BIBLE. It
is MS M.240, fol. 8. It is dating to about 1230 CE in France and
two scribes are facing each other. The one sits slightly higher than
the other one. The one who is reading seems to be a monk while
the copyist is probably not since his head is not shaved similarly.
The reader also sits with a kind of pen in the hand? This idea of
dictation in the process of copying is definitely not new.
Symmachus
In 170 CE Symmachus translated the Old Testament into Greek. It is
clear that he took the Hebrew copy of Aquila and also his Greek
translation and control checked it during his own translation. He thus
read correctly where Aquila did not but also fell victim to similar
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errors that Aquila made. At times he took over the sentences of
Aquila without change even the vocabulary.
Theodotion
In 190 CE Theodotion translated the Old Testament into Greek. He
also used the Hebrew Vorlage of Aquila and the Greek text of
Symmachus and translated it anew using his own vocabulary at times
and that of Symmachus and Aquila at other times. The Hebrew
Vorlage of Aquila became thus an important text for translators in
these centuries.
Origen
In 230 CE Origen compiled the Hexapla or six texts in parallel
columns on the Old Testament. All the above Greek texts and a
Hebrew text as well as the Septuagint and a transcription of the
Hebrew in Greek was written in parallel columns. It is indeed very
strange that nothing of this work of Origen survived in Greek but
only a Syriac translation made by Paul of Tella in 616 CE. Even of
that work only portions of the texts of the big three are discussed.
We can only hope that it was hidden from destruction in the past
and will be discovered some day by excavation or exploration. One
wonders why he listed the LXX of his day after Symmachus and
before Theodotion? Does this mean he was using a copy that was
chronologically dated before 190 CE? He used three signs (asterisk)
at the beginning of a reading to indicate that the following words
were in the Hebrew but not in the Septuagint. He used obelos to
indicate that the following words were in the Septuagint but not in
the Hebrew and he used metobelos to indicate the end of a chain of
words started with either an asterisk or metobelos. We must
remember that when we speak of the Hebrew text in the first
column that we are not sure whether it was the consonantal text of
the Masoretic tradition or whether it was the Hebrew text of Aquila?
The two are not the same since Aquila's Hebrew copy contained
many errors in it. Aquila's Hebrew copy was available to Symmachus
in 170 CE and Theodotion in 190 CE so that it is not impossible
that it was available also to Origen in 230 CE. If there are thus
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discrepancies between the consonantal text of the Masoretic tradition
and these signs and subsequent readings by Origen then that is the
place to look for the explanation, namely the Hebrew copy of
Aquila.
The surprising aspect during our investigation was the many Origen's
that are available for one verse. Take Hosea 2:13 as an example.
Some sources used the metobelos and some don't. The sources are
placing it at different places in the same verse! The situation is very
confusing. One can ask: Who is the right Origen?
One should not be surprised that there are many differences indicated
between the Septuagint of Origen's day and the consonantal text of
the Masoretic tradition. The Septuagint text of Origen is just what it
says: the Septuagint text of Origen's day - period. It does not claim
to be the Septuagint text in the days of the New Testament or the
three centuries prior to that. It probably was the Septuagint of the
second century CE since what else could have prompted Aquila,
Symmachus and Theodotion to start their retranslation of the Greek?
It was also in the days between Symmachus and Theodotion that
Justin the Martyr said in his dialogue with the Jew Trypho that the
Jews have mutilated the Greek and Hebrew manuscripts by omitting
and adding material to it. Was this process in the second century
CE? Was the Septuagint part of this process? Is Origen's Septuagint
the result of this mutilation process mentioned by Justin the Martyr?
Why did Origen place the signs in the Septuagint of his day and not
in the Private copies of the big three mentioned above? They also
contained variants? Origen was probably setting the table for a new
translation but never got so far. It was his way of indicating the
problems with the Septuagint and the more acceptable situation with
the big three. One thing is for sure, the following century took the
text in that column of Origen very seriously and crowned it to be
the official text for the church.
Codex of the Septuagint
In the fourth century CE a team of editors or compilers worked
together in putting out a Septuagint for the church. They apparently
used the Greek copies of seemingly the second and third centuries
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CE. They also used the Hebrew Vorlage of Aquila so that some
variants of Aquila can be seen in their new edition. They took the
text of Origen as the basic text and designed all manuscripts and
readings around that reading of Origen. Two codexes were produced:
codex Vaticanus and codex Sinaiticus. After the time of Jerome
another codex was produced namely codex Alexandrinus (sixth
century CE). These codices attempted to be eclectic with the purpose
of including as much data as possible so that all variants are found
in them. In this way they tried to unify the church so that anyone
can find anything in their editions and still be happy. Nothing was
left out then.
Jerome
During the days of Jerome around 381 CE he complained about the
situation of the Septuagint. He was in a vehement struggle with
Augustine on this issue. He translated the Vulgate of Hosea in Latin
in 403 CE. What remains of his original work is a copy of it that
was done by a copyist in 480 CE in manuscript s. It is the most
important work of Hosea in Latin. Secondly, with alterations and
alignments to the Syriac text was that of manuscript l dating to ca.
630 CE. Jerome wanted to be fairly literal to the Hebrew text and
he was a very detailed man. According to the information in his
commentaries he used Aquila. It seems as if he had the Hebrew
copy that Aquila made of Hosea at his disposal during his
translation. He had definitely the Greek of Aquila and the other
members of the big three. We are not always sure whether the
information in the commentaries are really that of Jerome or a
pseudo-Jerome. Jerome mentions their interpretations but he does not
penetrate into their reason for that translation which would have
brought him to their Hebrew Vorlage as a reason for those results.
We tried to delf deeper into these issues in this commentary. Since
Jerome was a geronti-scholar the candles in the cave at Bethlehem,
his bad eyesight and bad hearing made him commit mistakes in
reading and listening of the text. We have tried to indicate these
issues also.
Hosea Commentary & Versions
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Syriac Translation
It is said that the Syriac translation was made fairly early but the
first manuscripts that we have of the Syriac translation for Hosea
dates to the seventh century CE namely 7a1, 7pj2, 7k7 and 7k10.
These copies were made during the Persian conquests of Palestine
and Egypt until 619 CE (capture of Alexandria) and the Islamic
invasions after 632 CE. The Syriac translation of this century does
not follow the suggestions or idiosyncracies of Paul of Tella who
translated Origen's Hexapla into Syriac in 616 CE. We have found
such an example in Hosea 10:14. In 630 CE Greek became the
official language of the Byzantine empire. A special interest in Greek
was thus understandable. The Syriac translation seems at times to
follow the Hebrew copy of Aquila and thus shares some variants
with Aquila in that respect. There is a definite link between the
Syriac and the Targum and at times that link is so strong that
consultation is not out of the question. One wonders if an Aramaic
translation was made of the Old Testament which was translated into
Syriac and served as consultation text with the Hebrew text of
Aquila for its translation. The Targumist paraphrased in his turn the
same Aramaic text that served the Syriac translator? We have
evidence in Hosea that the Syriac translator misread an Aramaic text
and not a Hebrew one.
Syro-Hexapla (Paul of Tella)
The Greek Hexapla of Origen was translated into Syriac by Paul of
Tella in 616 CE two years after the Persian conquest of Jerusalem
and three years before the conquest of Alexandria. Sources for his
work are the earliest codex Ambrosianus of the eighth century CE
located in the British Museum as Add. 12133. According to the
evidence, Paul of Tella at times adapted the Hexapla of Origen to
what he perceived as information from Eusebius. Such a case is the
spelling of the name of Salman in Hosea 10:14. The Syriac official
text did not follow this suggestion of Paul of Tella. We used the
edition of Field in 1875 for this investigation of Hosea.
Coptic Translation
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A coptic translation was made also fairly early but to find a text
earlier than the fourth century CE is almost impossible.
Factors influencing the results of our investigations
Not only are we struggling with issues of human error of reading,
and listening in the process of copying or translating but there are
other problems.
The Middle East was as usual a melting pot of political and
economical interests. Wars and invasions brought about many
destructions of valuable libraries that was either emptied out or burnt.
Many valuable manuscripts including Coptic translations of the Old
Testament was burnt during a conflagaration of Cairo between 20
March-25 April 1800).
Censorship of manuscripts, books, translations, copies, and important
literature resulted in their confiscation and destruction. We had
several periods and dates when this happened.
Texts were sometimes manipulated by copyists in order to represent
a thought that their superior wanted to express. Justin the Martyr
complaint about these issues.
There was an element of delusion present in sofar as copyists or
translators were not able to discern whether the copy they were
using was a good copy or a bad copy. They were not even able to
discern what was plagiarism and what was original or what was
manipulation. As such they transmitted errors truthfully and faithfully.
We stand under the same delusion in the present as scholars when
we cross the "ugly ditch" in the past uncritically accepting the works
as perfect representations for what they profess to be.
All the versions of the Bible should be contested and challenged.
Only the consonantal text of the Masoretic Tradition in Hebrew
stands untouched by this criticism since it is the only tradition that
corresponds up to a 100% margin of correctness at Qumran (errorless
for more than a millennium). Quite a record!
Exegesis as a Life Principle
Hosea Commentary & Versions
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18
Exegesis as we understand it is not only for preachers or scholars.
Any human activity in life is an exegesis. The quest for meaning is
a human attribute. The attempt to understand symbols and connect
them to reality is in our understanding "exegesis". Whether it is the
scribe composing, copying or translating, exegesis is the essence of
his scribal activity and cannot be categorised apart from that activity.
It is in our view wrong to say: "I am only interested in the
translation, not in the exegesis" or to say "I am only interested in
the text, not the exegesis". The text is fossilized exegesis that needs
the activity of exegesis to be understood.
Ralphs Septuagint: http://www.geocities.com.com/Athens/
Thebes/2600/Hos1.htm
Ralphs Septuagint Morphology:
gopher://ccat.sas.upenn.edu:3333/00/Religious/Biblical/LXXMorph/38.Hos
ea.mlxx
Parallel Hebrew Greek text:
gopher://ccat.sas.upenn.edu:3333/00/Religious/Biblical/parallel/28.Hosea.p
ar
Versions and Translations of the Bible in English:
http://www.bible?language=English&version=Darby&passage=Hosea.
This reference is at the website www.gospelcom.net under Bible and
then under versions: KJV, RSV, Darby, YLT (Young's Literal
Translation), NASB, NIV.
Version of Hosea in English: http://www4.autoelect.com/BWB/
ho.htm. This version is called Webster's Translation of the Holy
Bible but the interesting thing is that it follows the KJV mostly. It
rather seems as if some words of the KJV are placed in italics if
they are considered not in the original. The problem with this source
is that many things are taken from the KJV that is also not in the
original but not indicated as such.
Dead Sea Scroll on Hosea:
Hosea Commentary & Versions
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http://metalab.unc.edu/expo/deadsea.scrolls.exhibit/Library/hosea.html.
This is a fragment from cave four of Hosea that is a commentary or
a pesher on the biblical verses of Hosea 2:8-14. This site has a
photo of the fragment a bibliography and also an English Translation
by M. Horgan.
Calvin's commentary on Hosea: http://www.iclnet.org/pub/
resources/text/ipb-e/epl-04/cvhos-09.txt
The translator of Calvin's commentary from the Latin into English
said: "It has been thought by many critics, that the received Hebrew
text of Hosea is in a more imperfect state than that of any other
portion of Scripture; but Bishop Horsley denies this in a manner the
most unhesitating; and those emendations which Archbishop Newcome
introduced in his version, about 50 in number, the Bishop has swept
away as unauthorised, and, indeed, as unnecessary, for most of them
had been proposed to remedy the anomalies peculiar to the style of
this Prophet; and some of those few emendations, which the Bishop
himself introduced, founded on the authority of MSS., Calvin's
exposition shows to be unnecessary." This demonstrate to us the
benefit of utilizing the commentary of Calvin on Hosea. This
commentary has been made from an edition printed at Geneva in
1567, three years after Calvin's death, compared with another, printed
also at Geneva in 1610. Calvin's translation is "a literal rendering of
the original, without any regard to idiom, and to translate it has been
found impracticable, at least in such a way as to be understood by
common readers. His practice evidently was to translate the Hebrew
word for word, and to make this his text, and then in his Comment
to modify the expressions so as to reduce them into readable Latin,
and his version modified agrees in most instances with our
authorized version." Calvin's commentary is exciting to read since he
undertook to make his own translation of the original, as it is said,
he made the text his own. Calvin supported the prophetic
interpretation principle of one day = to one year, see his commentary
on Hosea 6:2. Calvin would sometimes shun away from any
messianic attachment to a verse in Hosea. Examples of this are
Hosea 6:2 and 6:3. He uses the words: "But this is too refined an
Hosea Commentary & Versions
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exposition; and it is enough for us to keep close to the design of
the Prophet." However, he is not consistent in this rule of his and
sometimes are indecisive as to what exactly to do as in Hosea 6:2.
At least in two places in Hosea 6, Calvin attempted to establish his
own reading: in Hosea 6:7 where he argued for a translation of
"men" instead of "Adam" and in 6:9 where he argued for a
translation of "with consent" instead of "to Shechem". The KJV
followed his ideas mainly in these places.
John Wesley's commentary on Hosea: http://wesley.nnc.edu/
wesley/notes/hosea.htm
John Wesley died in 1791 and these are only notes on Hosea. They
are sometimes cryptic. In the case of Hosea 4 he left out verse 9.
He did consult the authorized version and some of the comments
that Calvin made can also be found in the notes by Wesley.
Translations that were considered by Calvin as possible but not
followed, were sometimes followed by Wesley (cf. Hosea 4:5).
Whereas Calvin made the point that both the people and the priest
should be seen applicable in Hosea 4:8, John Wesley made it only
applicable to the priest.
Martin Luther's translation of Hosea:
http://diderot.uchicago.edu/cgi-bin/htmlpage?27.4/isk/mark/databases/luthe
r_bible/ This is the 1534 translation of Martin Luther which has
some very interesting translation moments. Luther sometimes translate
into idiomatic-equavalent German so that certain temporal and causal
particles from the original are not translated. There are sometimes a
shift in persons so that objects that did not have people connected to
it now have and object which were connected to people are now
not. Still the translation is of tremendous help cf. the special case in
Hosea 5:2 where wshth stym is read as "und eine tiefe Grube zu
Schittim" by Luther (contra the Vulgate or Septuagint) which was
then later also followed in the RSV as "and they have made deep
the pit of Shittim". We have also followed this rendering. Luther
likes to connect sentences that stands independently in the original by
way of causal or temporal German particles. For example: if a
Hosea Commentary & Versions
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21
sentence reads "this and that" then Luther will translate it as "(when)
this (then) that". This kind of translation is of course interpretative
and should be discouraged.
The Geneva Bible.
O.R. Gurney and S.N. Kramer, Sumerian Literary Texts in the
Ashmolean Museum. Oxford: At the Clarendon Press, 1976. In this
work we have used the execration text of Iddin-Dagan (no. 8 on
page 20-23) dating to the time of Jacob indicating that eschatological
lingua existed for a long time and, not as is commonly held today,
that it is a late invention after the exile. The Deir 'Alla Inscription
can also be used fruitfully in such an investigation but scholars have
conflicting views as to the dating of it.
The Polyglot:
Walton, B. Biblia Polyglotta Prolegommena. London: 1657. Vol. 1-3,
4-6. We are utilizing this polyglot for this commentary. It contains
the Hebrew, Vulgate, Greek, Aramaic Targum, Syriac and Arabic
translations as well as Latin translations of each of these except the
Vulgate. The one who translated the Syriac was very free in his
translation and it gives sometimes the impression that the Syriac is
widely apart from the Hebrew which it in fact is not. It also seems
as if different individuals were assigned to translate the languages. A
typographical error was detected in the Syriac and Arabic Latin
translation at Hosea 1:4 for the word
translated as Izareelem
in both the Syriac and Arabic. There is no /m/ at the end in the
Syriac version. In this commentary we are unable to make any
comments regarding the Arabic translation.
Syriac Translation: The Syriac translator of Hosea 1 was not the
same as Hosea 14. While the translator of Hosea 1 was more
conservative in his translations, the translator of chapter 14 was more
free. The translator of chapter 14
displays the same translation
characteristics that one would find generally with Martin Luther. He
would introduce copulatives which is absent in the original or add
words like
"again" and causal particles like
"because"
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connecting sentences that could have been very likely apart (compare
Hosea 14:4). The Syriac reader misread the original Hebrew
"my repentings" as
"my kindness" in Hosea 11:8. This
misreading was also done by the Targum. We are not sure who
followed whom in this case? The Syriac reader are translating very
freely in this verse since he added adversative particles "or" to
connect the questions that are not in the Hebrew text. Another
particle "together" and a preposition "over me" as well as a word
"shall I place you" in the Hebrew text were left out by the Syriac
translator of Hosea 11:8.
http://wwwstaff.murdoch.edu.au/ t-issa/syr/details/bible.htm
In a note at the above website it is said about the biblical heritage
of the Syrian Orthodox Church that a certain Daniel worked together
with the Armenian scholar Mesrob in order to translate the Syriac
bible into Armenian in the year 404 CE, the year that Jerome
translated the Vulgate. In those same days a certain Yakoub of
Edessa was copying manuscripts of the bible that were in Syriac in
that town.
~
From a textcritical point of view, this century was thus important:
1. the period when the Greek codexes Alexandrinus and Vaticanus
were compiled.
2. the period when Jerome translated into Latin the Vulgate in
Bethlehem, Palestine.
3. the period when Syrian Daniel and Armenian Mesrob translated
the bible into Armenian.
4. the period when Yakoub of Edessa made copies of the Syriac
bible in Edessa.
Hosea Commentary & Versions
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Fourth Century Scribal Activities in the
Mediterranean Belt
Greek
Greek
team
team
of
of
Codex Alexandrinus
Codex Vaticanus
▣
▣
Armenian Team
Daniel + Mesrob
▣
Syriac copier
Yakoub of Edessa
▣
Latin Translator
Jerome +Jewish reader
▣
Hosea Commentary & Versions
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Rabbinic Jewish Exegesis in the Middle-Ages
When we are dealing with the topic of jewish exegesis, Middle-Ages
and Modern, there is a phenomenon in Jewish exegesis that needs
closer attention. The Jewish religious scholars and leaders did not
permit any emendation of the physical casting of the text. They were
very strict and rightly so. That means, in the concrete or physical
sphere the text remained the same all the centuries of transmission.
However, in the abstract sphere, their own thoughts, they freely
emend the text. There is a spiritual looseness with the text that is
actually the greatest problem in Jewish exegesis. Rashi and Redak
will explain the text in Hebrew sometimes saying things that are not
in the consonantal text of the Masoretic tradition. On the other hand,
when modern Rabbi A. J. Rosenberg translate their Hebrew texts into
English, he will omit or add to their text words that are not in their
Hebrew texts. It is the same procedure that one finds in the Aramaic
translation of Targum Jonathan to the Prophets. For some reason,
jewish exegetes feel that they can go outside the bounderies of the
text in their exegesis as long as the physical status of the text
remains intact. It is a strange and uneasy dichotomy in Jewish
exegetes and exegesis. On the one hand they do not permit any
change, on the other, the ideological sphere, they change everything,
or almost everything.
Let's look at some examples:
Rashi wrote on Hosea 5:7
.
( )
(RashiHebrew Text Rosenberg 1986Hos5:7)
which we translated as:
They begot strange children. They intermarried among nations.
Rosenberg, however, translated Rashi as:
For they begot strange children for they intermarried among nations.
One may argue that the addition of the causative particle for is not
that big a deal and that it does not change the picture that much.
The fact is that the causative concept is not explicitly stated by
Rashi and even if it was implicitly possible, it is safer to stay close
to the literal aspect of the text. The exegete manipulates his text on
the surface, yet below the surface do not touch it's form.
Hosea Commentary & Versions
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Rashi could have meant it in an explicative way as synonymous: to
begot strange children is equal or means the same as they
intermarried among the nations. It is thus not ipso fact clear whether
Rashi meant the result or causative mode.
When Rosenberg translated the Targum Jonathan to the Prophets on
this verse into English he rendered:
Targum Jonathan to the Prophets:
(Twalton1654) also (Trosenberg1986: 33)
They betrayed the word of the Lord since they kept children from
the daughters of the nations for themselves.
We rendered this as:
Against the memra/words of the Lord they have transgressed, for
sons from daughters of the nations stood up to them.
The preposition in is left out in the translation of Rosenberg. With
Rosenberg the word sons is taken as children but the word daughters
remained daughters and not children also.
It brings us back to our concern regarding the exegetical treatment of
the physical features of the text which undergoes a kind of
permissive metamorphosis once jewish exegesis is underway. No-one
easily obstructs, no-one readily objects, no-one haste to correct,
no-one presents an analysis but they just review what the ancients
have said, rightly and wrongly. The human frailty of these great
jewish scholars is hardly a topic for consideration by them. You will
not easily find them saying: Rashi was wrong when he said; or
Redak misread the text when he said; or Ibn Ezra misunderstood the
text when he said.
Let it not be misunderstood as if it is our task to break down these
great men of the past. Not in the least. There are exegetical
observations by Redak, Rashi and other rabbis in the book of Hosea
that will make many Christian denominations very excited e.g. Hosea
11:9 In your midst is the Holy One and I will not come into a city
is explained by the Jewish exegetes to mean that God will not enter
the heavenly city of Jerusalem until he enters the earthly city of
Jerusalem
(RedakHebrew and English Text Rosenberg 1986Hos11:9)
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These are fascinating concepts. These rich concepts are not just
invented, they are embedded in the corners of the prophets and by
careful observation the jewish exegetes took note of them.
List of Jewish exegetes relevant for Hosea
Rabbi Ibn Ezra
(source: article by J J O'Connor and E F Robertson available on the
internet, see SEARCH of YAHOO.COM)
His full name was Abraham ben Meir ibn Ezra and he was born in
1092 in Tudela, Emirate of Saragossa (now Spain). He died in 1167
in Calahorra, Spain. Rabbi Ben Ezra lived in Muslim Spain. Little is
known of his life except that he was on friendly terms with the poet
and philosopher Judah ha-Levi (ibn Ezra's father-in-law?). Ibn Ezra
was a scholar and a poet. It is recorded that during this period of
his life, up to 1140, he travelled to North Africa and possibly visited
Egypt.
From 1140 to 1160 ibn Ezra's life changed. He wandered throughout
Europe during this period and eventually settled down in Rome, then
Lucca, for a few years before his death. It was during this latter
period of his life that he composed his most famous works. In
addition to his poetry, ibn Ezra wrote on: grammar, exegesis,
philosophy, medicine, astronomy, and astrology.
In addition to these topics, ibn Ezra wrote on permutations and
combinations, the calendar, the astrolabe, and Biblical studies. He
spread the learning of the Arabs through Europe at a time when
scholarship in Christian Europe had been neglected for five hundred
or more years.
Ibn Ezra's writings on grammar and poetry were often motivated by
the "paytanim".
Synagogues appointed official precentors, whose duty it was to
compose poetical additions to the liturgy on special Sabbaths and
festivals. The authors were called "paytanim" (from the Greek
poietes, "poet"), and their poems were called "piyyutim". The keynote
was messianic fervor and religious exuberance (see J. J. O'Connor
and E. F. Robertson) Besides employing the entire biblical, Mishnaic,
and Aramaic vocabularies, the paytanim coined thousands of new
Hosea Commentary & Versions
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words. Abraham ibn Ezra attacked the language and style of the
early paytanim. He was the first to use Arabic metres in religious
poems (idem).
In fact to ibn Ezra there was no conflict between science and
religion for he considered that science and astrology were at the
basis of Jewish learning.
For ibn Ezra revelation and reason are ultimately perfectly congruent.
His critical reading of the biblical text and his astrological
interpretations of some biblical passages arise from his consistent
application of a naturalist and rationalistic exegetical method and
express his commitment to the view that rationality is inherent in
revelation itself. (Article by: J. J. O'Connor and E. F. Robertson
available on the internet).
Ibn Ezra's commentaries on Hosea is presented in full by Rabbi A.
J. Rosenberg in his The Book of the Twelve Prophets (New York:
The Judaica Press, Inc. 1986).
Rabbi Rashi
Rashi is an acronym for the name of Rabbi Solomon bar Isaac who
lived between 1040-1105. He was a Jewish exegete, grammarian and
legal authority born in France. He studied in Worms and Mainz,
returning to his city of birth Troyes c. 1065. He taught and wrote
commentaries to most of the Bible and Talmud. These are among
the most authoritative in Jewish exegesis and are still important in
Jewish life. Rashi's commentary on the Pentateuch (printed 1475) was
the first dated Hebrew book published. His commentary on the
Talmud covers the Mishnah with the Gemara. His work influenced
some Christian thinkers as early as the 12th cent and even beyond,
namely Johannes Reuchlin in early Reformation times.
His commentary on Hosea in Hebrew is presented by Rabbi A. J.
Rosenberg in his The Book of the Twelve Prophets (New York: The
Judaica Press, Inc. 1986).
Rabbi Kara
Rabbi Joseph Kara was a student and contemporary of Rashi. His
text on Hosea is presented in the original by Rabbi A. J. Rosenberg
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in his The Book of the Twelve Prophets (New York: The Judaica
Press, Inc. 1986).
Rabbi Radak
Radak is the acronym for Rabbi David Kimchi 1157-1236. When we
think about Rabbi Radak, we must see him in the context of the
Kimchi family. His father and older brother were his teachers. He
lived in Narbonne, Provence (southern France).
He was a major grammarian and the author of one of the most
important Biblical commentaries. He was the son of another famous
grammarian and rabbi, Rabbi Yosef Kimchi, who died while David
was still young. Radak studied under his older brother, Rabbi Moshe,
who also wrote several books on grammar.
Radak's first book was a work on grammar titled Michlol, the second
section of this work is known as Sefer HaShoroshim meaning: The
Book of Roots which is a dictionary of Biblical roots of words. Later
he began to write his famous commentary on Tana'ch, (the Jewish
Scriptures) beginning with a commentary on Divrei HaYamim
(Chronicles), which he wrote at the request of one of his father's
students.
His commentaries appeared in the First Rabbinic Bible edited by
Felix Pratensis in 1517 and in the Great Rabbinic Bible of 1524/25.
There is much discussion of Radak's system and style of
commentary, but most seem to agree that he emphasized p'shat = the
basic meaning with a stress on clarity and readability. This principle
that the Kimchi's used was greatly appreciated by the Christian
Reformers.
For a more complete biography of David Kimchi see Encyclopaedia
Judaica 10 (Jerusalem: Keter Publishing House Ltd., 1971) the article
Kimhi, David)
There is a publication on Radak's commentary on Hosea published
by Harry Cohen, The Commentary of Rabbi David Kimchi on Hosea,
edited with critical notes showing his sources, on the basis of
manuscripts and early editions (New York: 1966). This publication
was unavailable to us.
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His commentary on Hosea in Hebrew and sometimes English
translations is presented by Rabbi A. J. Rosenberg in his The Book
of the Twelve Prophets (New York: The Judaica Press, Inc. 1986).
Maimonides
(Source: Joseph Telushkin. Jewish Literacy. [NY: William Morrow
and Co., 1991])
His full name was Moses ben Maimon. In Hebrew he is known by
the acronym of Rabbi Moses ben Maimon, namely, Rambam. He
was born in Spain shortly before the Muslims came to power there.
To avoid persecution by the Muslim sect who attempted to force
Jews and Christians to convert, Maimonides fled with his family.
First he went to Morocco, later to Israel, and finally to Egypt. He
wanted to continue his studies for several years more, but when his
brother David, a jewelry merchant, died he had to begin earning
money. He started practicing medicine at this time.
Maimonides's major contribution to Jewish life remains the Mishneh
Torah, his code of Jewish law. His intention was to compose a book
that would guide Jews on how to behave and react in all situations
just by reading the Torah and his code, without having to expend
large amounts of time searching through the Talmud. His provocative
rationale upset many traditional Jews, who feared that people would
rely on his code and no longer study the Talmud. Despite opposition
in some circles, the Mishneh Torah became a standard guide to
Jewish life. It later served as the model for the Shulkhan Arukh, the
sixteenth century code of Jewish law that is still today regarded as
authoritative by Orthodox Jews.
Philosophically, Maimonides was a religious rationalist. He made
attacks on people who held ideas he regarded as primitive, e.g. those
who understood literally such biblical expressions as the finger of
God". Parts of his code and all of The Guide to the Perplexed were
at times banned to read. Three leading rabbis in France denounced
his books to the Dominicans, who headed the French Inquisition. The
Inquisitors burned the books.
Maimonides also formulated a credo of Judaism expressed in thirteen
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articles of faith, a popular reworking of which (the Yigdal prayer)
appears in most Jewish prayerbooks. Among other things, this credo
affirms belief in the oneness of God, the divine origins of the Torah,
and the afterlife. Its twelfth statement of faith ? I believe with a
full heart in the coming of the Messiah, and even though he may
tarry I will still wait for him".
Maimonides also influenced Thomas Aquinas. Aquinas refers in his
writings to Rabbi Moses, and it is clear that he knew the
Guide.
There is a popular expression:From Moses [of the Torah] to Moses
[Maimonides] there was none like Moses.
Mezudath David and Mezudath Zion
These are simple and concise commentaries on the Bible from the
18th century written by Rabbi Yechiel Hillel Altschuller. Both works
are conveniently presented in the original by Rabbi A. J. Rosenberg
in his The Book of the Twelve Prophets (New York: The Judaica
Press, Inc. 1986).
Eliezer of Beaugency
He was a French scholar of the 12th century who wrote a book:
Commentary on the Twelve Prophets and Ezekiel. Rabbi Rosenberg at
times makes reference to his work. In the USA Robert Harris has
worked on this scholar in his dissertation.
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INTRODUCTORY REMARKS TO THE COMMENTARY
Emendations:
In the lower register of the BHS text of the Masoretic text, are the
suggestions by a scholar or scholars for the revision of the original.
One must be very cautious here, in fact alarmed. There are a
number of reasons to call for a red-alert here to the student. Firstly,
is the self-incriminating expression of uncertainty that accompanies
the suggestions. Here we refer to the abbreviation prb = probably
that is used in nearly all emendations suggested. Whenever someone
uses "probably" it means that he/she is not sure and is only
expressing an opinion, which may be true or may not. The
expression: "Americans were probably on the moon" is quite different
than "Americans were on the moon". Whenever they find a proof for
an altered reading in the Septuagint or other text they do not use the
prb but just order the reader to delete or alter the text. This calls
for the second reason for an alert. Such arguments can go the
opposite way. Take Hosea 5:18 as an example. The editors of BHS
in the lower register is trying to say in that verse that one should
delete a word hby since it is a dittography (a double entry) in the
Masoretic text for the Septuagint reads it only once. The other way
of the argument is: how do we know whether it is not a case of
haplography (reading it only once) in the Septuagint? They continue
in this verse to suggest on the basis of Symmachus' private
translation in Greek of the Old Testament and also Hosea that one
should read )hb )hbw
for the MT )hbw hbw
. It is clear that Symmachus' error originated as a result of an
acoustic error. The gutterals do sound the same in the reading and a
listener may confuse the letters. This shows that the argument can go
Hosea Commentary & Versions
Van Wyk
32
the opposite direction than that suggested by the editors of the BHS.
A better approach for the student or reader of the original text
represented in the BHS is: when they are saying that one should
"probably read it in a certain way" is to probably not reading it in
that way. To list evidence from the Septuagint, Syriac, Targum and
the Vulgate for a reading in one way or another is not a proof of
the clarity of an emendation. We have made many comments
regarding the textual criticism of each of these versions in this
commentary at various places. None of their manuscripts are
predating the fourth century CE (for the Septuagint), sixth century
CE (for the Vulgate) and eighth century CE (for the Syriac and
Targum). The complexity of each of these texts is a third reason to
call a red alert to any emendations to the text of Hosea. There is a
fourth reason to call an alert to the emendations suggested in the
lower register of the BHS. Some of these suggestions are made on
the basis of a socalled conception of what "classical Hebrew
grammar" is. An excellent description of the pitfalls and constraints
in designing a grammar for Biblical Hebrew was written by
Gesenius. The bottomline in that article or research is that
middle-age Arabic grammars are used to lay down the rules of a
grammar and those rules are then placed over the Old Testament.
The problem as we can see it, is that Arabic rules of nearly a
millennium away from the original is used to analyse the data. This
aspect we have also discussed at various places in this commentary.
Our so-called perfect understanding of the logistics of a Hebrew
grammar does not mean that it was the Hebrew grammar of Hosea.
Communication in ones own milieu makes one to adapt (perfectly
acceptable) innovate, borrow, and speak with cryptic, telegraphic
sentences in order to be effective to a bilingual or multilingual
audience. It is not ungrammatical when one spit out a short sentence
totally against the classical grammar rules if it is to serve sensibility
and understanding in the art of communication. For anyone to go
and suggest emendations to such a sentence is to reinterpret it and
definitely not an attempt to restore the sentence. These editors of the
BHS used abbreviations like crrp = "corrupt" in order to make an
evaluative statement on the condition of a text. Just because they
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33
cannot make sense out of something, the text is subsequently
"corrupt" and should be emended to something else. No scholar
presenting the text of the Moabite Stone, the Deir 'Alla Inscription,
the Gezer Calendar, the Sefire Inscription, the Tell Fekhiriya
Inscription, the Dan Text suggests in a "lower register" emendations
for "ungrammatical constructions". What we have received is what
we have and we have to live with it. Our notions of "corrupt" is of
very little value in these cases. Of course there are cases in the
lower register where the evidence from the Septuagint, Syriac,
Targum or Vulgate indicate that the vowels were different. That
means that the consonantal text are the same but the voweling were
done differently. Since the oldest texts did not have any vowels
except the matres lectiones, it is in such cases legitimate to take
heed of these examples. We have found that the lower register of
the BHS is not only misleading, it is incomplete as far as references
are concerned about variants in other translations like the Syriac and
the Targum. It is better for the beginner to ignore it completely.
Let us look at one example from Hosea as it was translated in the
Syriac and Targum and which the editors of the BHS suggested in
the lower margin should be followed:
The Syriac reader misread the original Hebrew
"my
repentings" as
"my kindness" in Hosea 11:8. This misreading
was also done by the Targum. The Syriac reader is translating very
freely in this verse since he added adversative particles "or" to
connect the questions that are not in the Hebrew text. Another
particle "together" and a preposition "over me" as well as a word
"shall I place you" in the Hebrew text were left out by the Syriac
translator of Hosea 11:8. What is the "guidance" that the editors of
the BHS wants to give? In the lower register they gave a note:
"probably read
compare the Syriac and the Targum". What an
irresponsible statement. There is no reference to the addition of the
adversative particle "or", the omission of one verb in the Syriac
translation, the omission of a preposition and other differences in the
Syriac translation of this verse. Nothing. The long elaborated
additions in the Targum is not referred to by the editors. They
selected this variant as "better than the Masoretic reading" and where
Hosea Commentary & Versions
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34
they received their special revelation from, is hard to say, but they
authoritatively insisted that we should change the text, but only this
aspect in this verse! In the final analysis, they are a-normative, using
an eclectic methodology scooping up anything they like and disregard
anything they dislike.
Historical links in the book of Hosea:
It is clear that some points help us to identify certain chapters as
belonging to the Syro-Ephraimitic war in 731 BCE and the call by
Ahaz for help in 730 BCE from Sheshonk V and in 727 BCE from
Assyria (see our comments at Hosea 5:13 and 7:11c-d). In Hosea
10:14 the reference to Shalman is to Shalmanezer V who sieged
Samaria in 723 BCE. The king who would be utterly cut off in
Hosea 10:15 is king Hoshea of Israel who was cut off in his 9th
year of his reign in that year. It is clear for us that Hosea was by
now a man of nearly 87 years old.
Another help as to the dating of Hosea came from the
Samaria Ostraca. One of the wealthy recipients of products from
Phoenician and other tenants was a lady with the name of Gomer,
the same we conclude became the wife of Hosea. Ostraca were
received in the 9th, 10th 15th and 17th years of a certain king
whom we assumed to be Jehoash. This helps us to estimate the
marriage of Hosea at the age of 18 and also his probable age at his
death. He was ca. 87 years old at the fall of Samaria See our
discussion in Hosea 1:4 on these aspects. We could not analyse any
other event after this date in the book of Hosea. How he died is not
easy to say, but one thing is certain and that is that he died with
Psalm 1:6 on his lips, a very old man. The marriage of Hosea with
this wealthy girl (also very young) is an ancient love drama similar
to our
modern Renaldo di Caprio Titanic saga. Hosea was the poor young
boy who fell in love with this very rich young Aramaean/Phoenician
girl and he made her pregnant. The young couple settled on her big
estate and in the course of the years, Hosea became apparently some
kind of a foreman (who used the fruits of the land) but does not
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35
claim ownership over the land itself. In his book he talks about "her
field". Parts of the land was rented out to Phoenician farmers and
they became the "lovers" to whom the wife of Hosea began to pay
visits. The Samaria Ostraca were thus a good source to add some
background information to the book of Hosea and is thus a germ of
data contributive to this book.
Internal and external evidence supporting a historical dating of events
in Hosea in the end of the reign of Sheshonk V in 730 BCE
Hosea Commentary & Versions
750
749
748
747
Moph shall bury them
746
The inhabitants of Samaria shall sojourn 745
unto the calves of the house of
Beth-aven, for its people shall mourn 744
over it, and like one who is bitter over 743
it shall they shriek ecstatically over its
glory, because it is departed from it. 742
741
740
739
☞
738
Egypt they have called, Assyria they 737
have run
736
And Ephraim shall turn to Assyria and
he shall sent to king Jareb. And he, he 735
is not able to cure you and not heal you 734
from your wound
733
△
732
731
☞
730
(Hosea 9:6)
(Hosea 10:5)
Tiglath Pilezer III star ted to reign in Assyria
(Hosea 7:5)
(Hosea 5:13)
Memphis
Memphis
△
☞
Sheshonk V died
'3-ḫpr-R(
▼
APIS
BULL
DIED
(1)
APIS
BULL
DIED
(2)
☞
Van Wyk
36
Hosea Commentary & Versions
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37
Linguistic features:
Aramaisms:
It seems as if the book of Hosea is filled with certain aramaisms. It
is a common feature in the book of Daniel to have an independent
personal pronoun together with a similar pronominal suffix added to
the following verb: Daniel 5:16 w⊃nh sm⊂t
. In Hosea
⊃
⊃
⊃
we have it at 1:9c w nky l - hyh
; 2:4b-c;
2:10a-b; 2:23d; 2:24c; 4:14; 5:3a; 5:14c (special case); 7:13c-d;
7:15a; 8:4a; 8:9a; 8:13f; 9:10e;
In Hosea 10:9 he used the Aramaic word
meaning
"burnt-offering". All the versions except the Targum misread this
word as
= "iniquity".
Hosea and "Prophecy"
Hosea has a well-developed understanding of prophecy and the role
of prophets. A. Weiser did not want to accept that Hosea was part
of the Nebiim or prophets (see A. Weiser, 233 contra the opinions
of Sellin, 0. Eissfeldt and Rost). We do not endorse the idea of
Weiser at all. Hosea called Moses a "prophet" in Hosea 12:14 "and
by a prophet the Lord took them up from Egypt". He understood
fully the three methods God can speak through a prophet: directly
"over the prophets" (Hosea 12:11a); by increasing of visions (Hosea
12:11b); by the hand of prophets simultudes (Hosea 12:11c). The last
one refers to written messages or sermons that the prophets preaches
and someone or himself writes (by the hand) it down. Hosea was
familiar with the preposition /b/ as an instrumental function (see
Hosea 12:14a 'by the prophets') and thus the form wbyd
"and
by the hand" is more than just an expression of the instrumental
function. It is a reference to the written or production as a speech
aspect of a prophet. The preacher is a prophet too.
Hosea Commentary & Versions
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38
Phoenicianisms:
Hosea 7:16 zw
(compare the Phoenician inscription of Kilamuwa
dating to the ninth century using the demonstrative pronoun z = =
in line 15 of KAI 24 as
); 2:15 w⊃ty
; Hosea 8:7
bly
, also Hosea 9:16 (compare the Phoenician inscription of
Kilamuwa in KAI 24 where he used in lines 2-5, 11 and 12 the
negative particle bl =
=
a number of times).
The Chronology of the Kings of Israel and Judah and the book of
Hosea:
The opening remarks of the book of Hosea, makes it imperative to
look into the chronology systems that are described in the book of
Kings and Chronicles. Before we will go into detail about these
kings and their respective reigns the following remarks should be
made. Anyone who thinks they can just pull out a pencil and paper
and start calculating the dates for the kings Israel and Judah by
aligning the numbers with Julian years are going to be in serious
trouble. This investigation is a serious question of methodology. How
you calculate and what principles you are following or respecting are
of crucial importance. An approach that will just run to the
Septuagint or any other old version for so-called better understanding,
fail already. There is no need to change any consonant of the
Masoretic text and there are no contradictions either. The whole
system is brilliantly in harmony and there need not be any concern.
This researcher started out with a pencil and paper approach but
failed so greatly that another method was devised. Three sets of
Hosea Commentary & Versions
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39
information were prepared. One is a Julian counting of years from
973 BCE (start of the reign of King Solomon as crownprince with
his father David) until 723 BCE with the fall of Samaria. The way
this was done is to use A4 pieces of paper with lines equally spaced
out over each page. Strips were cut from these papers and glued
together to form one continues equally spaced "ruler" for the Julian
dates. Two other similar sets were prepared for each king following
the reading of the Masoretic text. One set is of course for Israel and
another set is for Judah. Lining them all up we finally ended with a
result that places the death of Hezekiah over thirty years beyond the
conventional date for his death. Somewhere was a problem and some
principles were laid down. A probe was made to test the principles
(which are all related to Ancient Near Eastern methods and ways of
counting; different calendric systems etc.). The final result of the
probe was that in two different kinds of counting methods, one set
was nearly two years behind the Julian dating and one system was
actualy one year ahead of the Julian counting. These were the
principles and the probe.
Principles of Interpretation of Calendric references in the Books of
Kings and Chronicles:
1. Whereas the Julian calendar is a solar calendar with 365.25 days,
the lunar calendar had only 354 days in a year.
2. The result was a "limping year" in which about 11 days were
behind in the first year, 22 in the second year and 33 days in the
third year. To catch up with the solar year again, they devised a
system called the "intercallary month" in which a month was selected
and doubled (a thirteenth month with the same name as the previous
one). Every four years a double month would appear that would
attempt to align the lunar year with the solar year. However, three
days was still lacking and every 30 years there would be a double
intercallary to bring it in line with the solar system. This point is
very crucial in their counting systems for the kings if the Julian new
year already started but their lunar new year is now nearly one
month behind. Especially kings that reigned only one month or a
Hosea Commentary & Versions
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40
few months or one year could be seriously affected by this situation.
The problem is not for them but for us attempting to align it with
the Julian year system.
3. Two systems of counting were known in the Ancient Near Eastern
archives, namely the ascension year calculation and the non-ascension
year calculation. In the ascension year calculation they started the
first year counting at the time he ascended the throne. In the
non-ascension counting the first year will be only after the New
Year (for fuller discussions and application of both systems in the
archives of Sargon II, see K. van Wyk, "Sargonic Chronological
Dilemmas and Their Solutions," in Archaeology in the Bible and
Text in the Tel [Berrien Center, Michigan: Louis Hester Publications,
1996], 248-263). We refer here to the apparent conflicting data of
text 0., 1141 = AR no. 113, line 58f., as compared to text K 3044
(= III R plate 2, no. xvi) mentioning the 12th year of Sargon II.
Our result in that investigation was that scholars too easily allocate
an "error" or "mistake" to a scribe without properly searching for
underlying chronological systems that might harmonize the data. In
the book of Kings and Chronicles it seems as if after the battle of
Qarqar on the Orontes against Shalmanezer III, the non-ascension
counting was also used for counting the length of the reigns of the
kings.
4. Besides these distinctions there is also the difference to calculate
according to a Nisan-Nisan year and a Tishri-Tishri year. The
Babylonians use to calculate from Nisan to Nisan. However,
Tishri-Tishri was very important for the Jewish leaders. That is not
to say that the scribes of the palaces would not use sometimes the
Nisan-Nisan counting. With a pro-Assyrian king like Ahaz one could
expect something in that line.
The Probe:
We have set up a probe of 10 Julian years. Next to that was placed
a lunar set of 10 years. It would mean that in the first Julian year,
instead of starting Tishri in September, it would start about the 20th
of August, 10 days earlier. In the second year it would start the
10th of August nearly 20 days earlier. In the third year it would
start the 1st of August one month earlier. Of course the intrcallary
Hosea Commentary & Versions
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41
month would appear later that year to catch up with the solar
calendar.Let us say a king dies in Tishri during these 10 days delay.
With solar reckoning he did not yet die in the New Year if Tishri is
reckoned in terms of a solar calendar. However, in their lunar system
he died in the next year, whereas in the solar system or Julian
reckoning he would still be in the first year accepting Tishri as the
beginning month of the New Year. These kinds of calculations
becomes crucial when the kings are following each other in rapid
succession. If an exclusive counting system is used, they might say
that he reigned only 9 years. If an inclusive counting system is used,
they might say that he reigned 10 years. There are proof in the
book of Kings that both systems were employed. In 2 Kings 8:25 it
is said that Ahaziah became king in the 12th year of Joram. In 2
Kings 9:29 it is stated that Ahaziah became king in the 11th year of
Joram. Another way to calculate would also bring discrepancy like
this, is if one scribe is calculating according to the Nisan-Nisan year
but another one is calculating according to the Tishri-Tishri year. The
Tishri-Tishri scribe will have it in the 12th year but the Nisan-Nisan
scribe will have it in the 11th year. Anyone who is not familiar
with these principles are going to be very uncomfortable with the
consonantal text of the Masoretes and are going to attempt to rectify
the text left, right and center. We find this kind of over-reaction
unnecessary.
Hosea Commentary & Versions
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42
The Harmonization of the Chronology of the Kings of Judah and
Israel in the book of Kings and Chronicles:
King Solomon started to reign in the year 973 BCE as crownprince
with his father David. He became sole ruler in 970 BCE after his
father's death (for a full discussion of the dating of the reign of
Solomon see K. van Wyk, "Gezer, Solomon and Shoshenq:
Chronological Reassessments" in Archaeology in the Bible and Text
in the Tel [Berrien Center, Michigan: Louis Hester Publications,
1996], 201-237).
He reigned for 40 years bringing him to approximately 933 BCE.
The kingdom was divided and Rehoboam of Judah reigned for 17
years afterwards in Judah and Jeroboam I for 22 years in Israel. In
the 18th year of Jeroboam I, Abijah became the king of Judah in
approximately 916 BCE. He ruled for three years. In 914/3 BCE Asa
became king of Judah which was the 20th year of Jeroboam I. He
ruled for 41 years. In the second year of Asa of Judah, Nadab
became king of Israel and ruled 2 years. The next king Baasha
started to reign in the 3rd year of Asa, which illustrates the aspect
of the application of principles of Ancient reckoning. Nadab must
have reigned a few weeks before the New Year and a few weeks
after the New Year in order to be given two years of reign. The
palace annals would in such a situation calculate "in his first year"
and "in his second year" even if it is only a few weeks. Baasha
reigned for 24 years. What we have said about the situation with
Nadab accounts also for Elah. He reigned only 2 years but it is said
that he became king in Asa's 26th year while the next king Zimri is
said to be king in the 27th year of Asa. Only a few weeks before
and after the New Year was effectively his reign. Zimri only reigned
for seven days. From the time that Zimri died in 887/6 BCE until
the ascension of Omri there were four years of unrest. Two
contestants for the throne were favored: Tibni and Omri. In the 31st
year of Asa of Judah, Tibni died and Omri became the ruler of
Israel 883/2 BCE. Omri ruled for 12 years. Due to the assassination
of Elah by Zimri and his own assassination seven days later it is
possible to put Omri into two situations: a) is where Omri's counting
Hosea Commentary & Versions
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43
started the day Zimri died (887/6 BCE) and his first year was then
just a few weeks and so also his final year; or, b) to start his
counting only from the 31st year of Asa in 883/2 BCE. There are
thus two possibilities for the reign of Omri: 887/6-876/5 BCE or
883/2-871/0 BCE. It is most likely the first option which means
that counting did not start at the 1st year on the throne as sole ruler
but as co-ruler before that. If the second option is taken, then it
means that Ahab started to rule before Omri died. This is not
impossible either. The "House of Omri" expression was well known
and used in the literature of those times and it was a reference to
the dynasty at rule. Ahab became ruler of Israel in the 38th year of
Asa and ruled for 22 years. He must have lived from 876/5-854/3
BCE. He is listed in the annals of Shalmanezer III at the battle of
Qarqar in 853 BCE so that here is an outside control confirming our
calculation so far. In the fourth year of Ahab, which is coinciding
with the death of Asa, Jehosaphat of Judah became king. He ruled
for 25 years until 848/7 BCE.
When we enter the next set or sets of kings there is somewhat
freedom as to the alignment of these kings since there are no strings
attached that force us to place them only successively. We have
opted for concurrency. The hint for this concept came from the text
itself. We will discuss this after the next king that followed Ahab. In
the seventeenth year of Jehoshaphat of Judah, Ahaziah of Israel
became king. He ruled 2 years. He had no sons so his brother
Joram followed him in the second year of Jehoram king of Judah
and ruled for 12 years. Jehoram ruled 8 years over Judah. The
interesting thing is that 2 Kings 8:16 reads that Jehoram became
king of Judah in the 5th year of Joram. A discrepancy or error in
the text? By all means no. The way it works for this situation is the
same as during the assassination case before Omri's reign. Joram was
prince in any way nearly 3-4 years before Ahaziah became king.
That is where the counting starts. His first year of full kingship is
of course in his own 6th year and in the 2nd year of Jehoram.
Jehoram became king in his own 1st year and in Joram's 5th year.
There is no attachment of Joram to the reign of Jehoshaphat so that
to make him concurrent with the reign of Jehoshaphat is not a
Hosea Commentary & Versions
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44
problem. The same situation exists also for Jehoram. There are no
strings to any other king that would prevent us to place him
concurrent with Jehoshaphat. A date for Jehoram would be
855/4-847/6 BCE. The death of Jehoram must have occurred shortly
before that of Joram and shortly after that of Jehoshaphat. The
reason for this is the history and life of Jehu. Ahaziah of Judah
came to the throne in the 12th year of Joram, a situation that could
only be if the two kings Joram and Jehoram are placed in position
as we did. We cannot make them successively, otherwise we are
going to end up with a Hezekiah ending 30 years too late.
Concurrent rulership was common as we will see explicitly stated in
the text. It seems as if Jehoram counting is starting close or after
the battle of Qarqar against Shalmanezer III so it could mean that
Jehoshaphat was trying to "hide" from the international diplomatic
world for some reason by using his prince to rule after 853 BCE?
His first year was in the 5th year of Joram in that year? It seems as
if Jehu was made king by a faction or group in the year 853 BCE.
That would be about 1-2 years after the enthronement of Joram. For
some years however, Jehu was just an opponent and not a ruler. It
was only in his 6th year ascension counting, or 5th year
non-ascension counting that Jehu took up the responsibilities as king.
Ahaziah reigned only one year. One text reads that he became king
in the 11th year of Joram and another reads that it is the 12th year.
One counting is non-ascension counting and the other is ascension
counting. From this period on two systems of counting were used
and in the case of Jehu, his length of reign is indicated with a
non-ascension counting system. He ruled actually 29 years but the
first year is not calculated because it is the ascension year. Jehu was
a terror who killed everyone around him. He ruled for 28 years from
848/7-826 BCE but only 22 of those years he was actual king.
Before that only a rebel that was crowned by factions. When
Ahaziah died in 848 BCE, Athaliah his mother became queen for 6
years over Judah between 847-842 BCE. The calculation systems of
the palace archives do not give her a space in the royal years of the
kings. What the exact reason is we do not know. It is clear in our
analysis of the system that the 6 years will cause many problems
Hosea Commentary & Versions
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45
down the line if it is counted in. The priests have hidden a royal
prince and six years later in 842 BCE they killed Athaliah and Joash
became king over Judah for 40 years (since he was hidden) until
808 BCE. In his reign the total of his years are counted with a
non-ascension counting. Similarly the reign of Jehoahaz was not
calculated with the ascension year included. Jehoahaz's 17th year
ended in 808 BCE. In the 37th year of Joash (808 BCE) Jehoash
became ruler of Israel. His calculation was also with a non-ascension
counting, just like that of Jehoahaz and Jehu before him. At least his
counting starting during those years. He was king for 16 years until
794/3 BCE. In the 2nd year of Jehoash, which is the 39th year of
Joash, Amaziah became ruler of Judah 808 BCE. He was in years
39-40 coregent in Judah with Joash. He ruled for 29 years until 779
BCE. Amaziah lived 15 years after the death of Jehoash in ca. 794/3
BCE which means until about 779 BCE. The last years of Amaziah
was havoc. There was a plot to assassinate him and he had to flee
to the city of Lachish. It appears in our analysis that Uzziah was the
crownprince since his birth (at least the counting seems to start with
his birth) in the 14/5th year of Amaziah. Our estimation is that
Jehoash died shortly after the beginning of his 16th year. Jeroboam
II's counting is from 797 BCE and he used a non-ascension counting
as well and reigned for 41 years until 756 BCE. His actual rule on
the throne was from 793 BCE. It was during his reign that Judah
experienced the problems with Amaziah and the succession problems
with Uzziah. Uzziah's counting starts in the 15th year of Amaziah
probably by his own fathers consideration that he should be the
crownprince. When he was 16 years old, in the 16th year of his
counting, his father had to flee for his life due to a plot to kill him.
The people selected him to be king that year in 780/79 BCE but he
was not crowned or given a throne until the 27th year of Jeroboam
II or in his own 23rd year or in 772 BCE. This correlates with
what we find in the text about his life. It must be understood that
people would be suspicious to continue the dynasty of Amaziah if
they plotted to kill him. For those years it seems as if Uzziah had
to proof himself by fighting as a general in the army and regain
some territory. When he succeeded they recognized him as king in
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46
the 27th year of Jeroboam II. Admittedly, this was the most difficult
text to resolve in the harmonization of the kings of Judah and Israel.
In our interpretation we do not need to change the Masoretic reading
and we do not need to resort to the variants in the Septuagint to
rescue their or our own construct. 2 Kings 15:1-2 does not read as
one continuous line referring to the same data. Firstly the text does
not say how counting was done, namely during his father's reign or
after it. Secondly, the text does not say that the 27th year of
Jeroboam II was the 16th year of the age of Uzziah. It is two
different sentences that could act independently, and indeed should.
In our interpretation counting starts at his birth, he was selected at
16 years old to be king but assumed that role only in the 27th year
of Jeroboam II after his role as general in the army. The spelling of
the name of this king is different in Kings than in Chronicles. In
Kings it is (zryhw but in Chronicles it is (zyhw. This is not a
spelling mistake and there can be many reasons in those days why
the name would be like that. One reason is that it could have been
his military name since he helped the army to regain some territory
and the root means "the Lord is helping". Another reason is that the
two scribes are from various backgrounds and that due to
bilingualism or dialect, the one wrote the way his area pronounced
his name and the other one wrote it of course in a different domain.
The reign of Uzziah started the counting from his birth in 794 BCE
until his 16th year in 779 BCE when he was selected king, and 772
BCE when he became the recognized king until his 52nd year in
743 BCE. To start the counting earlier than at his election as king is
as a method acceptable as we can see in the case of the first years
of Omri (supra). Jeroboam II reigned from 797 BCE until 756 BCE
with a non-ascension counting system. When he died and was
followed by Zechariah who reigned for 6 months in 756 BCE which
was the 38th year of Uzziah of Judah with a non-ascension counting
(however his total counting is from his birth and not his
enthronement. Zechariah of Israel was followed in the 39th year by
Shallum who reigned one month over Israel. In that same year 755
BCE Menahem became king of Israel and he reigned for 10 years
over Israel. It is not impossible (if Albright's chronology of the
Hosea Commentary & Versions
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47
Samaria Ostraca is accepted) that Menahem was the son of the
wealthy landowner gdyw
gadiu in one of the Samaria Ostraca
or the MT
gadi of 2 Kings 15:17 which is seen by Albright as
the owner of an area south and north-east of Samaria and by J. W.
Jack as the area between Shechem and Samaria (Van Wyk, K.
"Samaria Ostraca," Archaeology in the Bible and Text in the Tel
[Berrien Center, Michigan: Louis Hester Publications, 1996],
239-240). His reign is given as 10 but that is with a non-ascension
counting . Menahem died in the 50th year of Uzziah which is 745
BCE. As we have indicated before the counting systems could cause
the years to be either one year ahead of the Julian counting or up to
three years (in counting not full months) behind. What we are saying
about the reigns of the kings of Israel and Judah also counts for the
reigns of Assyrian kings since they also used similar systems of
calculations. The Julian date is not always an absolute whereby
everything else stands or fall. Probably in his last year 745 BCE
Menahem had to pay silver to Tiglath-Pilezer III who invaded Israel.
It is fairly simple to align the reign of Tiglath-Pilezer III with that
of Menahem. Menahem seems to have lived until the 50th year of
Uzziah. His son Pekahiah took over from him and reigned two
years. In the 52nd year of Uzziah in 743 BCE with ascension style
of counting, Pekah became ruler of Israel and he reigned 20 years.
Pekah's counting does not seem to be with a non-ascension counting.
The same is also true of his predecessor Pekahia. The death of
Pekah is interesting. It is stated that Hoshea killed him in the
"twentieth year of Jotham son of Uzziah" 2 Kings 15:30. Verse 33
states that he reigned for 16 years. It appears that at the 16th year
of his reign he stopped reigning and Ahaz became king of Judah in
his own 13th year as crownprince (727 BCE). According to verse
30, Jotham lived four more years so that the reference is to the 20th
year of Jotham which was the 20th year of Pekah in 725 BCE when
Hoshea killed Pekah and became ruler. Hoshea's counting is 9 years
but it seems as if he reigned only three years after the death of
Pekah in his 7th, 8th and 9th years. Those were of course the years
in which Samaria was surrounded by Assyrian forces of Shalmanezer
V for three years. In Hoshea's ninth year Samaria fell and the
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48
Israelites were deported.It was in Ahaz's 15th year that Pekah died.
Ahaz became king of Judah in the 17th year of Pekah but that was
in the 12/3th year of his own counting. He seemed to have died at
the siege of Samaria. It seems that after the death of Jotham, Ahaz
became king but that his son Hezekiah's counting already started. In
fact some scribes used his counting during those 13 years after the
reign of Jotham to make references to other kings. He was probably
crownprince during those years while his father Ahaz was still alive.
It was at the age of 25 that he became king of Israel. At the death
of Jotham he was but only 11 years old. That was the third year of
Hoshea's counting but the 8th year of Ahaz counting. When
Hezekiah was 15 years old in his 4th year as crownprince and in his
father's 12th year as king, which is of course the 7th year of
Hoshea, or the first year of sole rule over Israel of Hoshea,
Shalmanezer V came to Samaria. When Hezekiah was 18 years old
in the 15th year of his father's reign, and in Hoshea's 9th year in
723 BCE, Samaria fell and the people of Israel were deported.
Shortly afterwards in the 16th year of Ahaz (the 8th year of his sole
rule) Ahaz died and there were no ruler for some time over Judah
but Hezekiah was crowned king at the age of 25 in 716 BCE.
Hezekiah ruled for 29 years until his death in 687 BCE. Note this
in the reading of the report on the dating of a king, that one do not
necessarily assume that all detail in two verses are refering to the
same event or events. The original does not necessarily lend support
for such a way of reading and in a case like 2 Kings 18:1 and 2
one should not read verse 2 as continuing with the same data as
verse one.
Verse 1 is only dealing with his crownprince years. Verse 2 gives
detail of his sole or actual rule, namely at what age and how long.
2 Kings 18:9 is not contradicting the report of 2 Kings 18:13 since
the second reference counting is in his actual sole reign whereas the
first counting is during his years as crownprince before the age of
25.
Some intrigues and personal detail deducted from our analysis:
Hosea Commentary & Versions
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49
It appears that Hezekiah was born while his father Ahaz was but 15
or 16 years old. Ahaz was born while his father Jotham was only
15/16 years old. It seems as if Ahaz was born in 753 BCE and he
was 20 at the beginning of his counting in 734 BCE and he died in
719 BCE. Hezekiah was born in 740 BCE and he was 25 years old
in 716 BCE and started to reign for the next 29 years until his
death in 687 BCE. There were two countings for Hezekiah. One
counting started in the same year that Ahaz took the throne and
could be by some people who objected to Ahaz going to Damascus
to see the Assyrian throne in 727 BCE. The other counting is of
course from 716 BCE when he actually ascended the throne at the
age of 25 years old.
Advantages of our system of analysis:
1. There is no need to change any consonant of the Masoretic text
or to resort to other translations like the Septuagint, Syriac or any
other version to employ variants to make a system work.
2. Principles of the Ancient Near East in calculation, calendar
reckoning, New Year reckoning, exclusive and inclusive reckoning
and other aspects and problems between solar and lunar dates helped
us to understand one event as happening in the 11th year and the
same event as happening in the 12th year.
3. Extra-biblical sources pertaining to the Kings of the Assyrian
empire and other sources do not contradict in any way the system
that we have and in fact correlate exactly with the Biblical picture.
4. Finally, it is with conviction that we say that if there seems to be
any contradiction in the Masoretic text, then it pays off to spend
three or four days brooding over the issue and find solutions other
than emending the text or opt for errors in the text.
The age of Hosea and method of writing
When we are addressing the issue of the form of the book of Hosea
and how it relates to the age of Hosea, we are dealing with a topic
that we have expounded a number of times in this commentary.
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50
There are scholars who are concerned that the book of Hosea is
complex and that the phraseology is sometimes very unclear. In this
commentary we have addressed those complaints in the following
way: we explained that the age of Hosea was a factor for the
complex stance of phrases. There is a second point that is fully
described in Longman's Grammar for Spoken and Written English
(Essex: Pearson Education Limited, 1999) by editors Douglas Biber,
Stig Johansson, Geoffrey Leech, Susan Conrad, Edward Finegan and
Randolph Quirk. After considering the various registers in language
that differ from each other: conversation, news, fiction and academic
material, the authors indicated in the Introduction that there is a
difference between spoken language and written language. The
transcript of spoken language compares very well with the
phraseology in the book of Hosea as opposed to the well composed
design in news material. Some features are well to mention:
conversations are spoken rather than written and they are produced
online with the words and grammatical organization being composed
on the spot as the conversation itself unfolds (9). There is little time
to plan ahead or to edit afterwards. Both features are true of the
book of Hosea since afterwards the writer cannot edit what the
prophet has spoken since he does not have authority to change
divine inspiration. Here we reject any options posed by existential
theology or the ideas of Rudolph Bultmann on inspiration. We do
not endorse the concept of inspiration of encounter theology in which
the design of the compositions is only human and remote from any
divine control. If anyone argue against this stance we pose the
argument that neither us nor encounter theologians were at the site
of the original writing to verify which option was the reality of the
situation. If encounter theology is correct then editing was done very
incomplete and superficial.
However, our explanation here rather
enforce the idea that even if things were not the way the writer
wanted it, he could not change it, since his words is not the same
as that of the prophet. As Longman's Grammar stated: Although it is
possible to repair an utterance by saying it a second time the way
that we really wanted to say it, we cannot erase an utterance and
replace it with an edited version (9). This is exactly the same role
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51
that the writer had who wrote down the words of Hosea as he
spoke. He could not ad hoc change the speech or edited it
afterwards. Conversations differ further from news texts in that they
are personal and directly interactive (9). As far as interpretation or
analysis of conversational texts are concerned, Longman's Grammar
stated: the situational
characteristics of conversations make it
difficult to collect and analyze. Considering the book of Hosea, it
was not difficult to collect but scholars are complaining about the
difficulty to analyze it. The very notion of a sentence in conversation
is problematic (10). In conversation the sentences include simple
responses as well as utterances that are left incomplete as a speaker
changes thoughts during an utterance (10). The editors of the
Longman Grammar argue that a sentence is a notion that is not
applicable to spoken language (10). It is thus not correct for any
Hebrew Grammarian to superimpose a modern perfectionism on the
ancient text of Hosea especially if it is a writing capturing a spoken
language. Longman's Grammar stated that many of the referents in a
conversation are not explicitly identified so that hearers must rely on
the context for understanding (12). A list of characteristics on page
11 illustrates what one also finds in Hosea:
1. there are frequent references to you
2. there are frequent direct questions
3. there are frequent references to himself, describing their own
personal thoughts, feelings, past and present activities.
4. in conversations present tense and verb phrases with modals are
predominant reflecting the emphasis on the participants' immediate
interaction and activities or the expression of their current attitudes
and feelings.
Longman's Grammar concluded that linguistic features are not
uniformly distributed across registers (11). This conclusion is
important since you cannot analyse a well edited text, deduct the
grammatical features and expect to find these features also in a text
that was the result of a writing of spoken language. It is like mixing
apples and oranges and expect to find similar in both and in the
case of not finding the same, to attempt to repair the difference. It
cannot be done. However, that is the problem with scholars who
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52
have problems with the phrases in the book of Hosea. They attempt
to repair or re-edited the text as we find in the lower register of the
HBS text of Hosea. This is unacceptable to any serious investigator.
We thus conclude in this commentary that there is no need to emend
or re-phrase the book of Hosea since it should be considered from
the angle of someone transcribing what Hosea the old man is saying
without missing any thought or word. There will not be always
perfect sentences since his mind fluctuates back in history and to the
present without warning. The task of the transcriber is to write the
words of the one who dictates to him (Hosea) and not to compose
and reformulate it as a piece of art. Our task is to accept what has
been transmitted to us and to interpret it as is without attempts to
improve or change.
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53
COMMENTARY
Hosea 1:1 The speaking of the Lord which came unto Hosea the son
of Beeri in the days of Uzziah, Jotham, Ahaz, Hezekiah, kings of
Judah and in the days of Jeroboam son of Joash, king of Israel.
(MK1008BHS)
Old Translations
Old Latin English Translation
The word of the Lord, that came to Osee the son of Beeri, in the
days of Ozias, Joatham, Achaz, and Ezechias kings of Juda, and in
the days of Jeroboam the son of Joas king of Israel.
Old Latin Text
Verbum Domini quod factum est ad Osee filium Beeri in diebus
Oziae, Joatham, Achaz, Ezechiae, regum Juda, & in diebus Jeroboam
filii Joas regis Israël.
(OLreconPIERRE SABBATHIER1743: 891)
Old Latin Retroversion
(OL180Heb-reconHosea
1:1)
Latin Vulgate's English Translation
The word of the Lord, that came to Osee the son of Beeri, in the
days of Ozias, Joathan, Achaz, and Ezechias kings of Juda, and in
the days of Jeroboam the son of Joas king of Israel.
Latin Vulgate Text
verbum Domini quod factum est ad Osee filium Beeri in diebus
Oziae Ioatham Ahaz Ezechiae regum Iuda et in diebus Hieroboam
filii Ioas regis Israhel
(Vs450reconWEBER)
Latin Retroversion
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54
Van Wyk
(VHeb-reconHos1:1)
Greek English Translation
The word of the Lord, that came to Osee the son of Beeri, in the
days of Ozias, Joathan, Achaz, and Ezechias kings of Juda, and in
the days of Jeroboam the son of Joas king of Israel.
Greek Text
λογος κυριου ος εγενηθη προς ωσηε τον του βεηρι εν
ημεριας οζιου και ιωαθαμ και αχαζ και εζεκιου βασιλεων
ιουδα και εν εμεραις ιεροβοαμ υιου ιωας βασιλεως ισραηλ
Greek Retroversion
(GHeb-reconHos1:1)
Targum's English Translation
The word of prophecy from before the Lord that was with Hosea
the son of Beeri in the days of Uzziah Jotham Ahaz Hezekiah the
kings of the house of Judah and in the days of Jeroboam the son of
Joash the king of Israel.
Targum Text
(Twalton1654)
Targum Retroversion
(THeb-reconHos1:1)
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55
Syriac's English Translation
The word of the Lord, that came to Hosea the son of Beeri, in the
days of Uzziah, Jotham, Ahaz, and Hezekiah kings of Judah, and in
the days of Jeroboam the son of Joash king of Israel.
Syriac Text
yhwMwY*B .yrB rB O$wh lO )whd )YrMd hMGtP
.)dwhYd )KLM* )YQzXdw zX)dw mtwYdw )YzwOd
.lY)rsY)d )KLM 4)wY rB mOBrwYd yhwMwY*Bw
(SLeiden PeshittaGelston1980)
Syriac Retroversion
(SHeb-reconHos1:1)
Coptic's English Translation
The word of the Lord, that came to Osee the son of Beeri, in the
days of Ozias, Joathan, Achaz, and Ezechias kings of Juda, and in
the days of Jeroboam the son of Joas king of Israel.
Coptic Text
(C)
psaji mpoc etafswpi ha wsh pshri
mnehrim qen niehoou nte ouziou nem
iwaqam nem axaz nem ezekias niourwou
nte iouda nem qen niehoou nte
eiroufam pshri niouxas pouro mpicl.
Coptic Retroversion
(CHeb-reconHos1:1)
We have dealt in this commentary not once but many times with the
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56
same issue: The Vulgate is not without variants and one example is
the spelling for the name Joash: in the C group of manuscripts it is
spelled as ihosiae and in the A group of manuscripts it is spelled as
iosias. The majority spelled it as ioas. It will be impossible for us
to comment on every detail of difference amongst the manuscripts of
the Vulgate but we will attempt to do so when crucial issues are at
stake.
The Syriac translation )YrMd hMGtP =
is
translated by Walton as sermo Domini = sermons of the Lord. It is
probably better to consider this not as the "word of the Lord". The
Targum explained it as the:
"the words of prophecy
from before the Lord which was with Hosea". The Masoretic text or
the original Hebrew does not read that the words were before the
Lord or that the word was "with"
Hosea but rather "unto"
Hosea. When we refer to the Syriac and Targum translations we are
dealing at most with translations that are very late in the Middle
Ages, at least the date of the survival of the manuscripts we are
using. These texts are not without variants either and this must
always be kept in mind.
Interpretation:
It is maybe not correct to translate it as the "word" of the Lord,
since it were many words over many years that came to Hosea. It is
better to translate it as a participle functioning as a noun, namely:
"the speaking of the Lord which came to Hosea". That will mean
that God is speaking in every generation before and now He came
to Hosea and after Hosea He will continue in other generations to
speak. He is thus speaking continuously. Jeroboam II reigned between
797-756 BCE and he followed in the sins of Jeroboam I (2 Kings
14:24). In Hosea 7:1 we gave a long description of the evil of
Samaria and the iniquity of Ephraim, two places that featured
prominently in the message of Hosea. The sin of Jeroboam I was
that he erected a Baal cultic institution at Samaria with priests and
everything that goes with it. They burnt offerings to Baal. Jeroboam
II was a good soldier since he started in 797 BCE with his wars
Hosea Commentary & Versions
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57
and in 796 BCE he had assistance from Adad-Nirari III who forced
the Aramaeans in a defensive in his third campaign to the west. In
the Zakir inscription that dates from the year 785 BCE, one can see
some foreign influence in the religion of the Aramaean world. The
Aramaean ruler's deity was Baal-Shamem which is a Phoenician god.
Phoenician influence was thus strong during the period of 785 BCE
which was the 14th year of Jeroboam II. In the Amman Citadel
inscription that dates to about 798 BCE, in our reconstruction it
seems as if the last lines are reading "You shall fear the son of
gods [ ] [Baal], and Sh[amash] [and Ashera]h and N[ergal?] [Thus
Milkom said:] 'Peace to you and peace [to your...].'" This period
seems to be a melting pot of religions in Ammonite territory as
well. The instruction is to be syncretistic. The dating of Hosea must
have been after 779 BCE which is the date for the death of
Amaziah since Amaziah does not appear in the list as reference. It
was Uzziah's 16th year and Jeroboam's 20th year. This could be the
year of the birth of Hosea or it could be when Hosea was at the
age of 18 or 19 contemplating marriage. If Hosea got married
shortly after the killing of Amaziah then he was a young man when
the young Uzziah had to prove himself to be a stout general
recapturing cities for Judah. Jeroboam II was also a great soldier and
general so that the young years of Hosea was during this time of
great Phoenician influence in the Aramaean world and in Israel. In
the Samallian Hadad Inscription, which was found to the northeast of
Zincirli and which dated to 770 BCE, one can see the gods Hadad
(Aramaean); El (Israelite); Rakib-el; and Shamash (Assyrian). This
shows the cross-cultural influence in those days. The inscription was
erected by Panamuwa I (Paul-Eugene Dion, La Langue de Ya'udi
[Canada: The Corporation for the Publication of Academic Studies in
Religion in Canada, 1974], 26, line 2). In the case of Uzziah, he
did not become actual ruler until the 27th year of Jeroboam II in
772 BCE. Jotham was born in 767 BCE. Uzziah's son and grandson
were very young when their sons were born. When Jotham was 15
years old, a son was born for him, Ahaz. When Ahaz was 14 years
old, Hezekiah was born. During the years of Menahem, shortly
before the invasion of Tiglath-Pilezer III dates the Aramaic
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58
inscription of Sefire. It is a treaty that was made between Assurnirari
V and Mati'el of Arpad. It dates from 753-746 BCE. The gods on
this inscription are: mlṣ
(Mulles = maybe neo-Hittite origin);
zrpnt
; Marduk (Babylonian); Nebo (Babylonian); Nergal
(Babylonian); Shamash (Assyrian); Luz (unknown); sbt (seven planets?
see Koopmans, 48); El (Israelite god); Ner (Egyptian?); Nakar;
Kada'ah; Elyon (Israel's God). In the Sefire inscription at IA 12, the
Hebrew form for "night" is used lylh
(compare Hosea 4:5c
lylh
) instead of the Aramaic form lyl'
. This shows that
the influence of Israel in this region due to the wars of Jeroboam II
was a reality not just propaganda optimism in the process of
historiography. The Sefire inscription is of the utmost importance in
a study of the early chapters of Hosea. There are topographical
references to cities in Israel. In IA 34 Bethel is mentioned. The
Aramaeans were thus familiar with this city and this city also
features prominently in the book of Hosea. The neo-hittite ruler from
the time of Hosea was Hattusilis. He reigned from 773-750 BCE.
From his time we have the Malpinar inscription written in
Hieroglyphic Luwian. The wish is expressed "may the Sun-God exalt
the person" in line 11. In Assyrian letters and this inscription (line
6) corresponding phrases, SATI and SATURI can be found. During
the days of Hosea and this king, the Phrygian cultural expansion
started. The Late-Hittite population were standing under the influence
of the Phrygians (Fahri Isik, "Zur enstehung Phrygischer
Felsdenkmaler" Anatolian Studies 37 [1987]: 163-178). Especially the
art forms of ceramics, bronze kettles and vase art are similar. This
last aspect is important for Hosea 8:8 reads that they have become
"like a vessel with no desire in it". The Phrygian art was beautiful
and desireable for the females of those times. No wonder Hosea is
using this simile. From the year 738 BCE during the reigns of
Jotham and Pekah of Israel, comes the Inscription of Panammu II by
Bar-rakib. Gods that are mentioned on this inscription from this year
are: Hadad (Aramaean); El (Israelite); Rakebel (other nations around
Israel maybe neo-hittite influence); Baal (Phoenician); Bayit; Shamash
(Assyrian). The Aramaean world was thus a meltingpot of religions
and syncretism. So was Israel in Hosea's day. One century before
Hosea Commentary & Versions
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59
this time, the Rechabites were a group who shared the
Transjordanian heritage of been antipathetic to the Omrides and
Phoenician culture. Maybe the rakeb-el could be connected to that
group. It means "God is chariot-riding". Hosea lived through the
time of Ahaz who ran to Damascus in 727 BCE to copy the
Assyrian altar. A certain faction wanted to crown Hezekiah probably
since they were dismayed in the actions of Ahaz but he was too
young. He only became actual king later but some kept counting his
reign from 727 BCE. Hezekiah was king of Judah between 716-687
BCE. Hezekiah was 25 years old when he became king in 716 BCE
but he was crownprince since the age of 12 in 729 BCE which is
the third year in the counting of Hoshea, not of his reign since he
became only sole ruler in his 7th year. Hezekiah's father was still
reigning though when Hezekiah became crownprince. Hosea also
lived through the captivity of Samaria in 723 BCE and the
deportation of Israelites. He lived through the times of Sargon II and
he probably died when Sennacherib was coregent with his father in
Babylon the last two years before the death of Sargon II in 705
BCE (K. van Wyk, "The Dilemma in the Sources surrounding
Sennacherib's First Campaign" in Archaeology in the Bible and Text
in the Tel [Berrien Center, Michigan: Louis Hester Publications,
1996], 264-280, especially 274b). The total period from 779 BCE
until 687 BCE is 92 years. It is not impossible that this prophet
indeed became very old, almost 90 years old. We are not sure which
parts of this literature that we are dealing with, were written in his
youth and which were written or adapted in his old age. Repetition
is a common feature of old age and erratic, cryptic notes with quick
fluctuations of events, genders, direct and indirect speech is also a
common phenomenon in the senior years of peoples lives. To expect
all the time a smooth text with coherent thoughts and foci is to
misunderstand that Hosea was a person who lived long enough to
tell his own story, retell it and recollate his previous descriptions in
all kinds of forms. He lived long enough to be familiar with the
substratum or content of the messages of Amos, Jonah, Micah, and
Isaiah. It is a common feature of senior citizens that they become
more "eschatological" in their dreams the older they become. What
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60
we are saying here of Hosea accounts also for the prophet Isaiah.
He also became a very old man and with such a long history some
of the detail was recorded earlier and others later and some editing
by himself also took place as well as recasting of material. The
eschatological focus features more prominently in his senior years.
There is thus no need to search for a deutero- or trito- Isaiah. My
grandmother in her eighties use to give elaborate descriptions of her
night-dreams she had of the second coming of Jesus. She believed
every detail and it was her only hope. It gave her strength and
power and vision. Anyone who has studied literature, whether it is
Classical, Mishnaic or Modern Hebrew; Classical, Hellenistic,
Byzantine or Modern Greek; Early, Middle or Late Dutch; Early,
Middle or Late German; Early, Middle or Late English will know,
that many great poets and epic writers wrote with a variety of forms
and that their life history reflects sometimes in the form the content
is cast. This principle is no different in the book of Isaiah and here
in the book of Hosea. One cannot expect the form of a document
written when the person was 20 years old to be the same as the
form it is when he is 80 years old. This insistence on consistency is
a computerized approach to literature that needs careful interpretation,
wise observations and a full understanding of the growth of the
experience of a human. This is the greatest methodological and
epistemological problem of the historical-critical method. They hunt
for consistency and see every deviation as a sign of a different
writer or source. Only when all other factors are cancelled like:
material written in earlier and later parts of a person's life; the
presence of bilingualism and polyglottism with a writer of a text;
young-initiative
years
of a
writer
as
opposed
to
the
advanced-reflective thinking of the same writer in his later years;
self-editing and self-recasting of material due to multiple retelling;
research for information whether it is a diary or poem or palace
records; disability in vision, speaking and hearing which is normal
with geronti; the sudden desire to be creative and artistic - only then
can one attempt to expect consistency. In our view, needless to say,
almost impossible. It is thus a waste of time to attempt to define
what is classical Hebrew grammar "Standard" with Middle-Age
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61
Arabic epistemology and then to go in the literature of the Old
Testament written more than a millennium earlier and look for the
same consistency following Middle-Age Hebrew grammar rules. This
is not scientific. It is like using Otto Jespersen's English Grammar to
correct William Shakespear's English. Language is not confined in a
time-capsule and is also not existing uncontaminated for centuries.
The rule of consistency is impossible. Computerized investigations of
the text can do nothing more than just identifying the variants, as
helpful as that may be.
Hosea 1:2 At first the Lord spoke in Hosea saying unto him: Go
take for yourself a woman who fornicated around many times (a
seller of her body) and who's children are fornicators, because
fornicator you fornicated the earth, which is the inheritance of the
Lord
(MK1008BHS)
Old Translations
Old Latin English Translation
The beginning of the Lord's speaking by Osse: and the Lord said to
Osee: Go, take thee a wife of fornications, and have of her children
of fornications: for the land by fornication shall depart from the
Lord.
Old Latin Text
principium verbi Domini ad Osee et dixit Dominus ad Osee vade
tolle tibi uxorem fornicationis et filios fornicationis quia fornicans
fornicabitur terra post Dominum
(OLPIERRE SABBATHIER1743: 891)
Old Latin Retroversion
(OL180Heb-reconHosea
1:2)
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Latin Vulgate's English Translation
The beginning of the Lord's speaking by Osse: and the Lord said to
Osee: Go, take thee a wife of fornications, and have of her children
of fornications: for the land by fornication shall depart from the
Lord.
Latin Vulgate Text
principium loquendi Dominum in Osee et dixit Dominus ad Osee
vade sume tibi uxorem fornicationum et filios fornicationum quia
fornicans fornicabitur terra a Domino
(Vs450reconWEBER)
Latin Retroversion
(VHeb-reconHos1:2)
Greek English Translation
The beginning of the Lord's speaking by Osse: and the Lord said to
Osee: Go, take thee a wife of fornications, and have of her children
of fornications: for the land by fornication shall depart from the
Lord.
Greek Text
αρχη λογου κυριου προς ωσηε και ειπεν κυριος προς ωσηε
βαδιζε λαβε σεαυτῳ γυναικα πορνειας και τεκνα πορνειας
διοτι εκπορνευουσα εκπορνευσει η γη απο οπισθεν του κυριου
Greek Retroversion
(GHeb-reconHos1:2)
Targum's English Translation
The beginning of the word of the Lord in Hosea and the Lord said
to Hosea: Go prophecy a prophecy upon the inhabitants of the cities
of idolatry that the same is increasing unto sins because the
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fornicator shall fornicate the inhabitants of the earth who is after the
worship of the Lord.
Targum Text
(Twalton1654)
Targum Retroversion
(THeb-reconHos1:2)
Syriac's English Translation
The beginning of the word of the Lord that came upon Hosea: the
Lord said to Hosea: Go, take to yourself a wife of fornications, and
children of fornications: for the land will commit great fornication in
departing from the Lord.
Syriac Text
)YrM rM) .O$wh lO )whd )YrMd hMGtP 4Yd
.oYNzMd )YNB*w )YNzMd )ttN) kL Bs lz .O$whL
.)YrMd hrtB oM )Or) )Nzt wYNzMd l+M
(SLeiden PeshittaGelston1980)
Syriac Retroversion
(SHeb-reconHos1:2)
Coptic's English Translation
The beginning of the Lord's speaking by Osse: and the Lord said to
Osee: Go, take thee a wife of fornications, and have of her children
of fornications: for the land by fornication shall depart from the
Lord.
Coptic Text
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64
(C)
tarxh mpisaji mpoc nwsh ouoh peje
poc nwsh amou je mosi ouoh akgi nak
noushimi mpornia ouoh nenshri mpornia
fouwn qen oupornia tnaerporneuin nje
pkahi ebol samenhe mpoc.
Coptic Retroversion
(CHeb-reconHos1:2)
The Syriac does not read "in" but "upon Hosea"
. It translated
"the first sermon that the Lord made upon Hosea."
The Targum rendered this verse quite different. It rather attempts to
pass by the personal life of Hosea unto what is perceived as the
understanding why he had to do what he did. Instead of "go take
for yourself a woman who fornicated around many times" it
translated/interpreted "go prophecy prophecies against the inhabitants
of the idolatrous cities"
.
The translation of Jerome is all the way through this commentary
probably the best of all translations. In this verse Jerome did not
translate the word
"inheritance". He only translated "a
domino" which is "of the Lord". The targum rendered this part as
"of the earth who is after the cult of
the Lord".
The Syriac read
"of the earth from after
him that is the Lord". The only explanation that we can give for
this situation of omission of this word with Jerome is that the word
and
appeared to him to be the same and thinking
that he already translated it, he skipped it.
Interpretation:
What we have here is an aetiological explanation of the life of
Hosea, namely the first time the Lord spoke to him. Like a senior
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65
citizen telling his own life story he reverts to the first person direct
speech and then suddenly at the end of the verse on the issue of
"fornication" wandered off in another direction (fluctuated) in the
third person indirect speech.
Textcritically:
The Vulgate follows the Masoretic Text very closely here but there
are some deviations: the word
which I translated in my
translation as "which is the inheritance of the" is left out of the
Vulgate (at least the popular text of the Vulgate). We must
remember that none of the Vulgate's original texts survived and that
what we have of Jerome's translation into Latin from Bethlehem, is
only remainders of copies through the centuries dating from after the
sixth century AD until deep into the fifteenth century. The
manuscripts displays minor deviations and these are normally found
in the first or second register at the bottom of a critical text of the
Vulgate. What is Vulgate in our understanding is really a modern
construct. A committee is set up to hunt for all the manuscripts and
place them side by side and then browse through them to see the
correspondences and differences. Certain rules are then voted upon by
the committee according to which the supposedly original text can
then be redesigned. When most of the manuscripts agree that is
taken to be the norm and deviants are then seen as errors or some
other explanation is given for their different reading. As long as we
operate here with the understanding that we are not working with the
text of Jerome but a committee's construct of what they think is
Jerome, we are pretty save in our research. It is in this sense that
the term "Vulgate" must be understood in this work. The issue is
here in the following way: Jerome who lived in Bethlehem in his
old age and translated the books of the Old Testament into Latin
was using also Hebrew manuscripts. The Hebrew text that we are
using is a late text dating to the year 1008 AD. We use the term
Masoretic text to indicate the work of those who preserved the text
in this form in a very strict way. The question now arises whether
Jerome left out these words because the Hebrew manuscript he was
using also left it out? The second level questioning continue by
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66
asking if Jerome was using a Hebrew text here for the elision of
some words, why is this Hebrew manuscript differing from the
Masoretic text which was presumably well transmitted? Which one is
to be followed? The current art of selection or choice for the best in
textual criticism, is a-normative in approach. That means that scholars
are not specific in their choice and is willing to let anything go or
accept anything which they found reason to do so. They operate with
the understanding that all texts are equally bad and that a choice of
the best text really is an open matter and a grey area. No text is
then normative in this approach, since the text becomes only
normative for the one who is making it normative. On reasons of
grammar or sense or other reasons they will delete some words or
replace them with others. An apriori hierarchy of texts are created in
their own minds with favoratism of some and dismay of others and
according to these internal positions of importance of the text to the
mind of the investigator they will now "construct" what they think
should be the original word of God. This approach is called eclectic
and multi-textual. There is nothing wrong in the study of many texts
for the understanding of the word of God but when that word does
not exist initially for the investigator as an outside construct, then it
becomes eventually nothing more than an internal construct or a
self-designed product labelled by him/herself as "the original word of
God". Now that is what they do but what we should ask is what
should we do. This is the crux of the matter. We begin by accepting
that the Masoretic text without the vowels in the Hebrew, the
consonantal text is the original word of God. We make the leap of
faith into the unknown by saying that this consonantal text of 1008
CE is the original and thus the norm which should explain all
deviants and correspondences. We gain some form of security in the
fact that the Hebrew manuscripts through the centuries does not
display the same quantity and quality of deviants that those in the
Greek translations has. The Greek text or the so-called LXX or
Septuagint is standing under the same constraints as the Vulgate.
None of the original texts survived and all texts are dating from 250
CE (if we are lucky) to the Middle Ages, Renaissance, and
Reformation times (the last three mostly). Just as we do not have
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67
the original Vulgate, so we do not have the original Septuagint. It is
of no use to run to the Septuagint to clear up a matter of
understanding of an etymological word that one cannot understand
fully in the Hebrew. The construct is a current one of a committee
and the meaning is maybe that of a copyist or translator in the
Middle Ages. Our task is then to find the reason why a particular
deviant arose or why an error was made by a translation. In the
case of the word above with Jerome, his eyes were probably tired
and since he was in his senior years, and take it also that the cave
where he was translating was fairly dark if it becomes late in the
afternoon, plus the fact that initially old Hebrew manuscripts were all
written without space dividers between the words, then one can
understand how the eyes slip onto similar letters than that of the
word "Lord" at the end. This approach is important in this work and
by now many current scholars who are only interested in publishing
their friends' and club-members' ideas will put this book aside as
being "fundamentalistic" and too naive. This is a gross
misunderstanding of this work. This work is not the result of a
"hush hush" conflation of quotes from friends and club-members
research in order to meet some form of deadline for publication or
to receive some form of payment from the university or government
for research done or to get acceptance for publication from an editor
of some prestigious journal. I am reminded of the words of G. R.
Driver who said: "For it is all too often the case that European
lexicographers, grammarians and commentators emensely pass on the
same stock-in-trade from one generation to another, without any
check on how far it corresponds to what actually happened or
happens" (G. R. Driver, "Lice in the Old Testament," PEQ 106
[1974]: 160). The advantage of this approach is that it is normative
(externally) goal-directed, explanatory of deviants, and the investigator
remains in a constant position of clinging to a Hebrew consonantal
text that is not always clear to the reader, humbly accepting it as
the focus point of the universe. This is where criticism starts and
where dialectics adds to an excellent future in which the investigator
constantly weighs everybody's suggestions around him and critically
analyse all the pro's and con's of an opinion. This approach is far
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from naive but critical of any eclectic attempt or any attempt to
"rectify" the text with a multi-textual approach. Even the Syriac text
or Peshitta of the Leiden edition is not the actual Peshitta text but a
reconstruction. The text cannot be found in any single biblical
manuscript. The text stands midway between a diplomatic and
eclectic text (see here the observations of Konrad D. Jenner in
http://www.leidenuniv.nl/gg/peshitta/syrcom/Hugoye/Vol2No1/HV2N1PR
Jenner.html at page 4). Let us look at the way in which the Lord
manifests Himself to Hosea: The Lord is speaking in Hosea. The
revelation of God came to Hosea in himself. The manifestation or
the phenomenon is not only externally evident as with other prophets
like Daniel but is internally operative in Hosea. In his mind he
could experience the voice of God unto him. In a Latin Bible of the
Middle Ages in the Bodleian Library in Oxford, MS. Lat.bib.e.7, fol.
295 verso, the artist of this illustrative manuscript wanted to show
how the "word of the Lord came to Hosea" by drawing a hand with
a pointed finger that is sticking through the clouds above and
touches the lips of Hosea. Hosea is sitting in a safety zone inside
the big V of the beginning of the verse with the Latin word Verbum
and outside this zone on both sides of the legs of the V are two
doglike snakes biting the bottom point of the V, maybe symbolizing
the evil that will bite his heel? Maybe his two wives? It is possible
to view this picture on the website for the Bodleian Library under
IMAGES.
Historically:
We are dealing here with the Jehu dynasty which was to end in the
days of Hosea as we will learn a few verses away. The expression:
"fornicator you have fornicated the earth and inheritance of the
Lord" means that the king of the dynasty of the house of Jehu in
verse 4 is considered the "fornicator" which we find in verse 2.
Translation:
Many translations had problems with this phrase: "because fornicator
you have fornicated the earth and the inheritance of the Lord". It is
not the lifestyle of the people of Israel that is here at stake as many
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translations thought, it is the administrative duties of the government
and its interference with the true worship of God that is the focus of
contention here. If one can ascribe the Vulgate text to Jerome here
then he made a relative pronoun out of the particle
ki in the
Masoretic text. Jerome was right in viewing the word
znh as a
noun but he failed to see the explanatory particle
ki before the
noun and the possibility that the noun was the addressee since the
next word is a verb with a second person form. The Vulgate reads
here quia fornicans fornicabitur terra a Domino. I tend to think that
we have a fluctuation from the first level direct speech (addressing
Hosea) to a second level direct speech (addressing the government)
here.
Spiritually:
There are individuals who are married to fornicators or womanizers.
There are preachers and sincere believers who are married to
fornicators with a history and lifestyle of fornicating around. It is not
wrong in the eyes of God for a believer or to be married to such a
person. We will see that Hosea had to marry this kind of person
even knowing of the fact of the history of that person. If one reads
my translation very carefully then it is not the woman or her
children that stands condemned in this case but the one who is
addressed, namely the government. It is not the physical fornication
that stands in condemnation here but the government who killed
innocent believers and interfered with the true worship to God. The
problem with a marriage to such a person is a constant stressed out
life and is a relational one. It does not add or subtract from one's
spirituality or standing with God any more or less than before or
without such a relation. It is not physical fornicating around that is
the bone of contention here, it is spiritual fornicating. This will
become clear in chapter 2 of the book of Hosea. Hosea had to
physically suffering the relational problems with such a lifestyle so
that he could better understand what the main problem is namely the
spiritual fornicating around of believers by devoting their lifes in
other directions than God and His worship.
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Hosea 1:3 And he went and took Gomer the daughter of Diblaim
and made her pregnant and she bore him a son.
(MK1008BHS)
Old Translations
Old Latin English Translation
So he went, and took Gomer the daughter of Debelaim: and she
conceived and bore him a son
Old Latin Text
et abiit et accepit Gomer filiam Debelaim et concepit et peperit
filium
(OLPIERRE SABBATHIER1743: 891)
Old Latin Retroversion
(OL180Heb-reconHosea
1:3)
Latin Vulgate's English Translation
So he went, and took Gomer the daughter of Debelaim: and she
conceived and bore him a son
Latin Vulgate Text
et abiit et accepit Gomer filiam Debelaim et concepit et peperit
filium
(Vs450reconWEBER)
Latin Retroversion
(VHeb-reconHos1:3)
Greek English Translation
And he went and took Gomer the daughter of Diblaim and he took
hold of and she bore him a son.
Greek Text
και επορευθη και ελαβεν την γομερ θυγατερα δεβλαιμ και
συνελαβεν και ετεκεν αυτῳ υιον
Greek Retroversion
(GHeb-reconHos1:3)
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Targum's English Translation
And he went and prophecied over them that if they return He shall
leave them and if not like a leaf upon a figtree remain and they
shall increase and accomplish bad works.
Targum Text
(Twalton1654)
Targum Retroversion
(THeb-reconHos1:3)
Syriac's English Translation
So he went, and took Gomer the daughter of Diblaim: and she
conceived and bore to him a son
Syriac Text
.mYLBd tN+Bw .mYLBd trB rMGL hL BsNw lz)w
.)rB hL tdLYw tN+Bw
(SLeiden PeshittaGelston1980)
Syriac Retroversion
(SHeb-reconHos1:3)
Coptic's English Translation
So he went, and took Gomer the daughter of Debelaim: and she
conceived and bore him a son
Coptic Text
(C)
ouoh afsenaf afgi ngomer tseri mbelhlem ouoh aserboki
asmisi naf noushri.
Coptic Retroversion
(CHeb-reconHos1:3)
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The Targum Jonathan to the prophets dealing with Hosea, interpreted
this verse as follows: "And he went and prophesied over them that
if they will convert he will forgive them". The verse of course
continuous that bad things will come over them if they do not.
There is no relation to the content of this verse and that of the
Targum. It is as if the Targum is on a side track ignoring the issue
at hand and dealing with something else. It is side stepping the
moral issue. But then again, what moral issue? Classical Middle Age
morals are not necessarily the morals of the Old Testament or its
world. The Jewish epistemology of the Midldle Ages are not
necessarily synonymous with the Old Testament epistemology. Of
course it is derived from the Old Testament but many other streams
of intellectualism made inroads in that epistemology so that a one
for one basis cannot be easily established.
Spiritually:
Hosea followed the instruction of the Lord and married someone who
was known to be a fornicator of many. He made her pregnant and
nine months later a boy was born for him.
Interpretation:
The one who tells the story probably told it many times so that all
the detail is not given, since there are many other things that needs
to receive attention later. Between the action at the beginning of the
verse and the "son" that was born at the end of the verse more than
nine months past. Not much detail is given and thus it could be
expected that this recasting of the life of Hosea was done by himself
in his old age. There is a possibility that this Gomer is
of the
Samaria Ostraca who was one of the wealthy recipients of taxes
from many areas and if Albright is right that these Ostraca dates to
the time of Jeroboam II, then they can probably be dated between
800-781 BCE. These years are in the reign of Uzziah and Hosea
began his ministry in this kings reign. There are strong indications in
this chapter and the next one that Hosea's wife was wealthy and that
she received many gifts from others. It would mean that Hosea
married maybe at the age of 18 around 792 BCE and that he lived
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probably until 714 BCE up to the age of 96. The Samaria Ostraca
were collected from years 9, 10, 15 and 17 of a certain king. If
these years are counted with an ascension year counting then the
biblical non-ascension years of Jehoash would mean 16th year in the
MT is the 17th year in the Ostraca ca. 792 BCE. The 14th year in
the MT is the 15th year in the Ostraca ca. 794 BCE and the 9th
year in the MT is the 10th year in the Ostraca ca. 799 BCE and
the 8th year in the MT is the 9th year in the Ostraca ca. 800 BCE.
Hosea 1:4 And the Lord said to him: Call his name Jezreel because
again shortly and I will visit the blood of Jezreel upon the house of
Jehu and I will caused to rest the kingdom of the house of Israel.
(MK1008BHS)
Old Translations
Old Latin English Translation
And the Lord said to him: Call his name Jezrahel: for yet a little
while, and I will visit the blood of Jezrahel upon the house of Jehu,
and I will cause to cease the kingdom of the house of Israel.
Old Latin Text
et dixit Dominus ad eum voca nomen eius Jezrael quia adhuc
modicum et ulciscar sanguinem Jezrael super domum Juda et
quiescere faciam regnum domus Israël
(OLPIERRE SABBATHIER1743: 891)
Old Latin Retroversion
(OL180Heb-reconHosea
1:4)
Latin Vulgate's English Translation
And the Lord said to him: Call his name Jezrahel: for yet a little
while, and I will visit the blood of Jezrahel upon the house of Jehu,
and I will cause to cease the kingdom of the house of Israel.
Latin Vulgate Text
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et dixit Dominus ad eum voca nomen eius Hiezrahel quoniam adhuc
modicum et visitabo sanguinem Hiezrahel super domum Hieu et
quiescere faciam regnum domus Israhel
(Vs450reconWEBER)
Latin Retroversion
(VHeb-reconHos1:4)
Greek English Translation
And the Lord said to him: Call his name Jezreel because again
shortly and I will visit the blood of Jezreel upon the house of Jehu
and I will caused to rest the kingdom of the house of Israel.
Greek Text
και ειπεν κυριος προς αυτον καλεσον το ονομα αυτου
ιρζραελ διοτι ετι μικρον και εκδικησω το αιμα του
ιεζραελ επι το οικον ιου και καταπαυσω βασιλειαν οικου
ισραηλ
Greek Retroversion
(GHeb-reconHos1:4)
Targum's English Translation
And the Lord said to him: Call his name "Scattering" because till
now speak moderately and I will visit the blood of the worship of
idols that Jehu shed in Jezreel of the killing upon those that served
to Baal. Return yourselves to the idols after the calves of Bethel.
Now I will reckon the blood of the innocent upon the house of Jehu
and I will bring to end the kingdom of the house of Israel.
Targum Text
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(Twalton1654)
Targum Retroversion
(THeb-reconHos1:4)
Syriac's English Translation
And the Lord said to him: Call his name Jezreel; for yet a little
while, and I, I will avenge the blood of Jezreel upon the house of
Jehu, and I will cause to cease the kingdom of the house of Israel.
Syriac Text
dGd l+M .lYOrzY) hM$ yrQ .)YrM hL rM)w
whYd )tYB l( LY(rzY)d hMd )N) (Bt lYLQ
.LYrsY) tYBd )twKLM l+B)w
(SLeiden PeshittaGelston1980)
Syriac Retroversion
(SHeb-reconHos1:4)
Coptic's English Translation
And the Lord said to him: Call his name Jezrahel: for yet a little
while, and I will visit the blood of Jezrahel upon the house of Jehu,
and I will cause to cease the kingdom of the house of Israel.
Coptic Text
(C)
ouoh peje poc nwshe ekemout epefran je iezrael je ouhi eti
kouji ouoh eiegimpipsis mpsnof niezrael ejen phi niouda ouoh
tnatmton noumetouro nte phi mpicl.
Coptic Retroversion
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(CHeb-reconHos1:4)
In Walton's Polyglot that contains the Hebrew, Vulgate, Greek,
Syriac, Arabic and Targum of Hosea, there is an interesting
translation of the name for Jezreel. Whereas the Hebrew reads
Jezreel, the Vulgate reads Hiezrahel but the Vulgate of Walton's time
in the 16th century read Jezrahel. The Greek is translated in Walton's
Polyglot as reading Jezrael. So far the translations follow the original
that is cited next to it. However, with the Syriac there is suddenly a
problem. It is translated that the Syriac reads Izareelem but in reality
the original that is cited next to that does not read that. It reads
Izareel
. There is no /m/ at the end as is translated in the
Polyglot. If one goes down to the Arabic, the same rendering is
given Izareelem. I am not qualified in Arabic to deny or confirm the
rendering there. One thing is for certain, the one who translated the
Syriac did not consult the reading again in the Syriac. It could be
typographical error that was made by an Arabic technician who
transferred the spelling of the Arabic section to that of the Syriac.
It seems that the Syriac follows the Masoretic text by enlarge here
in this verse but that the translation in the Walton Polyglot of the
Syriac into Latin was not done very literally. Walton's rendering
reads: "and I will abolish the kingdom of Israel" as & aboleturus
regnum Israelitaru whereas the Syriac actually reads: "and I will
cause to rest the kingdom of the house of Israel". This translation is
hard to explain since the Syriac and Vulgate's readings do not differ
that much and the Vulgate read clearly our translation here even of
the Syriac: et quiescere faciam regnum domus Israhel. This is also
the reading of the Vulgate in Walton's polyglot. The mechanics of
how the Latin translations were made in the Polyglot is not that
clear. It appears at this stage as if more than one translator was
assigned for the task of each one translating an original. The one
who translated the Hebrew was not the same as the one who
translated the Greek and not the same as the one who translated the
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Syriac and not the same as the one who translated the Arabic. It
was the task of four different translators all able to translate into
Latin.
Historically:
It is known that Jehu was a very cunning fox in his dealings with
his enemies. 2 Kings 9 and 10 is relating the story of king Jehu. He
basically killed the predecessors in fulfillment of a prophetic uttering
that was made concerning these kings and their sins. Many lives
were lost. He killed anybody that was connected to the house of
Ahab. One can see his brutal treatment of Jezebel. He proud himself
that his military actions were all acts of God. Most of these killings
took place in the city of Jezreel. To see an expression like the one
in this verse, namely that he will visit the blood of Jezreel upon the
house of Jehu calls for some comment. Who's blood is it that is
making the Lord uneasy here? Does this mean that as long as you
are remaining faithful to God your acts of killing of the evil ones
are no problem but that when you turn your back against the Lord
then those killings are accounted against you? There is no easy
answer for this situation here with Jehu. One must remember that
there was a prophetic message to Jehu that his fourth generation
descendants will be kings over Israel (2 Kings 10:30). It is strange
that the Lord said that he is satisfied with those killings four
generations ago but now he is going to punish them for those sins
four generations later?
For those who operate with an
historical-critical scenario the matter is simple: there are two sources
and the one source is in favor of the actions of Jehu and the other
source is not. This solution is just an easy way out and does not
fully attempt to understand the complete revelation. They do not
recognize the presence of God in this history and thus history is just
a human design. The prophets are just human preachers speaking
their own fears and hopes. Some are right some are wrong. The
burning issue is: how can the executioner of God be held
accountable for his actions that he previously carried out with the
approval of God? It seems that as long as they remain faithful the
sins are forgiven but if they stray then those deeds are accountable
Hosea Commentary & Versions
Van Wyk
78
even if they were previously carried out with God's approval.
Theology:
This brings us to a theological issue. It tells us something about the
God of the universe. He executes judgments of death upon the blood
of people but those killings are not atoned for unless there is a
continual faith in God. God is not a God of killing and even the
killing of evil has to be accounted for. Maybe the solution lies in
the word "visit". God will make an investigative judgment of the
divine execution and if the executioner is not find faithful, God will
deal with those acts. The punishment in the case of the house of
Jehu is that he brought to rest this kingship of this house. The point
of contention here is why it does not say in Hosea 1:4 "the blood
of Ibleam and Jezreel"? See, Ahazia was also wounded by Jehu near
Ibleam. It is impossible to have two prophet schools opposing each
other here on the detail. It seems as if the theology says that killing
is unlawful even of the wicked and that someone has to die for
those blood. The atonement theology is probably the best answer to
this dilemma. If the faithful cannot be punished for his deeds, God
has to take the punishment Himself. And He did.
Hosea 1:5 And it shall come to pass on that day, and I shall
destroy the military of Israel in the valley of Jezreel.
(MK1008BHS)
Old Translations
Old Latin English Translation
And in that day I will break in pieces the bow of Israel in the
valley of Jezrahel.
Old Latin Text
et in illa die conteram arcum Israël in valle Jezrael
(OLPIERRE SABBATHIER1743: 891)
Old Latin Retroversion
(OL180Heb-reconHosea
1:5)
Hosea Commentary & Versions
Van Wyk
79
Latin Vulgate's English Translation
And in that day I will break in pieces the bow of Israel in the
valley of Jezrahel.
Latin Vulgate Text
et in illa die conteram arcum Israhel in valle Hiezrahel
(Vs450reconWEBER)
Latin Retroversion
(VHeb-reconHos1:5)
Greek English Translation
And it shall come to pass on that day, I shall destroy the military
of Israel in the valley of Jezreel.
Greek Text
και εσται εν τῃ ημεραι εκεινῃ συντριγω το τοξον του ισραηλ
εν τῃ κοιλαδι του ιεζραελ
Greek Retroversion
_
(GHeb-reconHos1:5)
Targum's English Translation
And it shall be in that time and I will break the strong doers of
approach of Israel in the valley of Jezreel.
Targum Text
(Twalton1654)
Targum Retroversion
(THeb-reconHos1:5)
Syriac's English Translation
On that day, I will break the bow of Israel in the valley of Jezreel.
Syriac Text
lYrsY)d )t$QL h[YrBt) .wh[ )MwYB hB
Hosea Commentary & Versions
Van Wyk
80
.lYOrzY)d )QMwOB
(SLeiden PeshittaGelston1980)
Syriac Retroversion
(SHeb-reconHos1:5)
Coptic's English Translation
And in that day I will break in pieces the bow of Israel in the
valley of Jezrahel.
Coptic Text
(C)
ouoh eseswpi qen piehoou etemmau tnaqomqem ntfit nte picl
qen tqellot nte iezrael.
Coptic Retroversion
(CHeb-reconHos1:5)
The Targum on Hosea translated that "And it shall be in that time
and I will counteract the strong doers of approach of Israel in the
valley of Jezreel." In essence the Targum is following the Hebrew
here. The Syriac reads "in that day" which is the same root as in
the Hebrew. One wonders why the Targum had to change it to "in
that time"? We know that the siege of Samaria took nearly three
years so that singular "day" was not really in mind here if that is
the application.
Historically:
We have three actions here that is going to happen: a. I will visit
the blood of Jezreel upon the house of Jehu b. I will bring to rest
the kingdom of the house of Israel and c. I will destroy the military
of Israel in the valley of Jezreel. We have here a pyramid of actions
of punishment of the evil deeds. Jehu and his descendants and then
finally the military of Israel.
.
Jehu
........
his descendants
Hosea Commentary & Versions
Van Wyk
81
.................................military of Israel
It is interesting that the punishment of the military is not in the
town of Jezreel but in the valley of Jezreel. "That day" that is in
reference here is probably the year 721 BC at the fall of Samaria.
Prophetically:
We have to be very careful not to think that the expression "and it
shall come to pass on that day" is only a preteristic connection to
721 BC. In this verse it certainly is and a hint in that direction is
the expression 1:4 "because again shortly" ki-(wd m(t
.
On that day that is shortly to happen in 721 BC these actions would
find their fulfillment. Neither can one pull the destruction of the
military of Israel and the valley of Israel to an apocalyptic or
eschatological day of a Battle- in-the-Valley-of-Jezreel-Motif. This last
battle so well expressed in the book of Joel and other passages in
the Psalms 46, does not speak of a destruction of Israel but its
victory. There is thus no connection here. The cancelation of this
future application is now not a license or permission to read all the
passages in a preteristic way dealing only with the time surrounding
721 BC. Hosea grew up and lived for the first part of his life
during a time of military prosperity in the reign of Jeroboam II and
even Uzziah was successful after his 16th year until his enthronement
at the age of 23 to be military very strong.
Hosea 1:6 And he knew her again and she bore a daughter, and he
said to him: call her name: not is there sympathy for not will I
make binding anymore: I sympathize with the house of Israel
because I will surely forgive them.
(MK1008BHS)
Old Translations
Old Latin English Translation
And she conceived again, and bore a daughter, and he said to him:
Call her name, Without mercy: for I will not add any more to have
Hosea Commentary & Versions
Van Wyk
82
mercy on the house of Israel, but I will utterly forget them.
Old Latin Text
et concepit adhuc et peperit filiam et dixit ei voca nomen eius
Absque misericordia quia nequaquam addam ultra misereri domui
Israël sed adversans adversabor eis
(OLPIERRE SABBATHIER1743: 891)
Old Latin Retroversion
(OL180Heb-reconHosea
1:6)
Latin Vulgate's English Translation
And she conceived again, and bore a daughter, and he said to him:
Call her name, Without mercy: for I will not add any more to have
mercy on the house of Israel, but I will utterly forget them.
Latin Vulgate Text
et concepit adhuc et peperit filiam et dixit ei voca nomen eius
Absque misericordia quia non addam ultra misereri domui Israhel sed
oblivione obliviscar eorum
(Vs450reconWEBER)
Latin Retroversion
(VHeb-reconHos1:6)
Greek English Translation
And he took hold of again and she bore a daughter, and he said to
him: call her name: not is there sympathy for not will I make
binding anymore: I sympathize with the house of Israel but the one
who forgives will forgive them.
Greek Text
και συνελαβεν ετι και ετεκεν θυγατερα και ειπεν αυτῳ
καλεσον το ονομα αυτης ουκηλεημενη διοτι ου μη προσθησω
ετι ελεησαι τον οικον του ισραηλ αλλ η αντιτασσομενος
αντιταξομαι αυτοις
Greek Retroversion
Hosea Commentary & Versions
Van Wyk
83
(GHeb-reconHos1:6)
Targum's English Translation
And they will add and do bad works and he said to him: Call their
name "Of no compassion in their works" because not will I add any
longer to the compassion upon the house of Israel only if they return
from leaving what is left to them.
Targum Text
(Twalton1654)
Targum Retroversion
(THeb-reconHos1:6)
Syriac's English Translation
And she conceived again, and bore a daughter, and the Lord said to
him: Call her name: La-ethrakhmath (not beloved), for I, I will no
more have mercy upon the house of Israel. I will utterly cause them
to be carried away captive.
Syriac Text
yrQ .)YrM yL rM)w .)trB tdLYw Bwt tN+Bw
bwt )N) PswM )Ld l+M .tMXrt) )L h[M$
)N) lQ$ lQ$M )L) .lYrsY) tYBd lO wMXrML
.nwhL
Leiden Peshitta
1980
(S
)
Gelston
Syriac Retroversion
(SHeb-reconHos1:6)
Coptic's English Translation
And she conceived again, and bore a daughter, and he said to him:
Call her name, Without mercy: for I will not add any more to have
mercy on the house of Israel, but I will utterly forget them.
Coptic Text
Hosea Commentary & Versions
Van Wyk
84
ouoh aserboki ouoh asmisi nouseri ouoh pejas je mout
epesran je qhete mpounai nas je ouhi tnaouah tot an je
emenre phi mpicl alla qen out tnat eqoun ehrau.
(C)
Coptic Retroversion
(CHeb-reconHos1:6)
The Vulgate read "because I will obliviate their oblivions". The
interesting phenomenon is that the Greek reading invers the first two
Hebrew letters in the last part of the verse. Instead of
ns
the Greek reads sn
. The Syriac rendered the verse "and
the Lord said to me"
for the Masoretic text reading
"and the Lord said to him"
. This difference in reading
went unnoticed by the editors of the BHS and subsequently there is
no reference in the lower register about that. The BHS is thus
incomplete in its references in the lower register. In this commentary
the work of the scholars in the lower register is viewed very
critically. Again the Targum attempted to pass over the personal life
of Hosea and interpreted that Israel did many wrong things. It is as
if the Targum is doing its best in clearing up a misunderstanding
why the Lord would allow Hosea to be involved in these actions. It
avoids the issue of Hosea's life and guess that the sins of Israel
multiplied.
Theological:
Looking at the language in this section the concept of "binding" is
covenantal. It is what one would find in a covenant relationship. God
will not keep to the covenant anymore a covenant that He made
with Himself saying that He will sympathize with the house of Israel
and that He will surely forgive them.
The very name of these children were to be some form of message
that is given to Israel. God will not sympathize any longer with
them. It seems as if He bound Himself to a covenant of care and
forgiveness. If we look at the time He did this, at least in the
context of the previous verse where the case of Jezreel is mentioned,
Hosea Commentary & Versions
Van Wyk
85
then one has to conclude that His forgiveness for Israel and His
sympathy for them remained connected for many years, at least four
generations in the house of Jehu. It is as if God made an oath to
Himself and He then keeps that oath despite the other party's failure
to come up to the standards or goals inherent in such a relationship.
What the ingredients are of a stable relationship with God will
become clearer in the rest of the book of Hosea. If the translation of
the last part should be "I will surely carry them" then the imagery
here is that of an old lady binding a cloth around herself and carry
the baby on the back because of sympathy and love. God then view
Himself as the loving mother who binds her child (the house of
Israel) on her back out of sympathy and love. What a beautiful
metaphor to employ here.
Interpretation:
Here is a continuation of the life of Hosea but again the information
is very cryptic and all the detail is stripped so that nine months
passed between the beginning and the end of the verse.
Hosea 1:7 And I will sympathize with the house of Judah and I will
save them in the Lord their God and not will I save them with a
bow and with a sword or with a war or with horses or with
destructions.
(MK1008BHS)
Old Translations
Old Latin English Translation
And I will have mercy on the house of Juda, and I will save them
by the Lord their God: and I will not save them by bow, nor by
sword, nor by battle, nor by horses, nor by horsemen.
Old Latin Text
filiorum autem Iuda miserebor et salvabo eos in Domino Deo suo et
non salvabo eos in arcu neque in gladio neque in bello neque in
equis neque in equitibus
Hosea Commentary & Versions
Van Wyk
(OLPIERRE
86
SABBATHIER
1743: 892)
Old Latin Retroversion
(OL180Heb-reconHosea
1:7)
Latin Vulgate's English Translation
And I will have mercy on the house of Juda, and I will save them
by the Lord their God: and I will not save them by bow, nor by
sword, nor by battle, nor by horses, nor by horsemen.
Latin Vulgate Text
et domui Iuda miserebor et salvabo eos in Domino Deo suo et non
salvabo eos in arcu et gladio et in bello et in equis et in equitibus
(Vs450reconWEBER)
Latin Retroversion
(VHeb-reconHos1:7)
Greek English Translation
But the sons of Judah I will sympathize and I will save them in the
Lord their God and not will I save them with a bow and with a
sword or with a war or with chariots or with horses or with
horsemen.
Greek Text
τους δε υιους ιουδα ελεησω και σωσω αυτους εν κυριῳ θεῳ
αυτων και ου σωσω αυτους εν τοξῳ ουδε εν ρομφαιαι ουδε
εν πολεμῳ ουδε εν αρμασιν ουδεν εν ιπποις ουδε εν ιππευσιν
Greek Retroversion
(GHeb-reconHos1:7)
Targum's English Translation
And upon the house of Judah I will be compassionate and I will
Hosea Commentary & Versions
Van Wyk
87
save them in the memra/words of the Lord their God and not shall I
save them with the bow and with the sword and with works of the
attack with horses and with horsemen.
Targum Text
(Twalton1654)
Targum Retroversion
(THeb-reconHos1:7)
Syriac's English Translation
But I will have mercy on the house of Judah, and I will save them
by the Lord their God. I will not save them by bow, nor by sword,
nor by battle, and not by horses nor by horsemen.
Syriac Text
qwrP)w .mXr) )dwhYd oYd )tYB lO
qwrP) )t$QB )L .nwhhL) )YrMB nwN)
)Lw .)BrQB )L P) )PYsB )L P) .nwN)
.)$r*PB )L P) )$Kr*B
(SLeiden PeshittaGelston1980)
Syriac Retroversion
(SHeb-reconHos1:7)
Coptic's English Translation
And I will have mercy on the house of Juda, and I will save them
by the Lord their God: and I will not save them by bow, nor by
sword, nor by battle, nor by horses, nor by horsemen.
Coptic Text
nenshri de niouda tnanai nwou ouoh tnatoujwou qen poc
pounout ouoh nainatoujwou an qen oufit oude qen oushfi
oude qen oupolemos oude qen hanharma oude qen hanhqwr
Hosea Commentary & Versions
Van Wyk
88
oude qen hangasihqw.
(C)
Coptic Retroversion
(CHeb-reconHos1:7)
It is interesting that the Targum or Jewish interpretation of the
Middle Ages kept in this verse close to the Hebrew original. Minor
deviations are that "and I will save them in the word
of
the Lord their God". Whenever the Targum feels uncomfortable about
the fact that the Lord is made an object then it changes the text to
read "the memra of the Lord". This is what happened in this text
too. The rest are the same as the Hebrew text. The Syriac reads
close to the Masoretic text here.
Textually:
Scholars are trying to amputate this verse from the original by
claiming that this verse is an addition to this chapter or to the whole
book for that matter. But this is not our business dealing with the
matter before us. It is not uncommon for a person to have a double
focus while in conversation. Sometimes people downplay one
situation only to frame the real situation in their focus. That means
there is a double vision here of seeing the ideal situation (1) and
describe with dismay the unpleasant situation (2). In this case Hosea
is downplaying the situation of Israel and frame the situation of
Judah. But, in doing so Hosea is laying the foundation for true
worship from God's perspective. True worship for God is not by
power or might but in the Lord their God. Salvation is not through
the sword or military maneuvers but in the Lord their God. Both the
Greek and the Latin reads the last word wbprsym
as
meaning "horsemen". The Latin reads it as equitibus. We are not
sure whether this is the only reading for this root. We must
remember that the root prs was used often in military in the semitic
world. From another angle and at a much earlier time, the word
plst[ym] [ ]
were used. This word was known also in Egypt
Hosea Commentary & Versions
Van Wyk
89
but the Egyptians could not say the /l/ properly as we also find in
the Asian world today in South Korea and Japan. Instead they are
using the /r/. Sometimes there is a interchange within the same
language so that instead of /r/ they use /l/ or instead of /l/ they use
/r/. This interchange of letters /r/ and /l/ is important not only as far
as the word plst[ym] [ ]
is concern but also for a better
understanding of the root and meaning of prs
. The Egyptians
called the Philistines pw-r'-s'-ty "feathered headdress". This word
Philistines can be found centuries before the time of Raamses II so
that it is unthinkable that they wore the "feathered headdress" for
that long a period. It is rather possible that the semantics of the
word shifted from region to region or even from period to period.
The phonics of the word could have also helped in the transition of
meaning in the interchange of different forms for the same sound.
The range of the semantics of this word is somewhere between: "to
shake or tremble, to make level, to role oneself, to flee or escape"
(see Van Wyk, Archaeology in the Bible and Text in the Tel
[Berrien Center, Michigan: Louis Hester Publications, 1996], 193
footnote 178).
One thing is undoubtedly clear: Judah's salvation will not come
through or from any military action. Any form of activistic display
for some good cause in the liberation theology framework is
immediately cancelled by this verse. God does not ask any
programmatic effort to "free" or "liberate" our perceived "captives".
Salvation in His view comes solely in the Lord their God. Hosea
preached God, not politics, God, not social structures, God, not
activistic lobbying for whatever good cause.
Hosea 1:8 And she weaned Lo-ruhama and became pregnant and
bore a son.
(MK1008BHS)
Old Translations
Old Latin English Translation
And she weaned her that was called Without mercy. And she
Hosea Commentary & Versions
Van Wyk
90
conceived, and bore a son.
Old Latin Text
et ablactavit eam quae erat absque misericordia et concepit et peperit
filium
(OLPIERRE SABBATHIER1743: 892)
Old Latin Retroversion
(OL180Heb-reconHosea
1:8)
Latin Vulgate's English Translation
And she weaned her that was called Without mercy. And she
conceived, and bore a son.
Latin Vulgate Text
et ablactavit eam quae erat absque misericordia et concepit et peperit
filium
(Vs450reconWEBER)
Latin Retroversion
(VHeb-reconHos1:8)
Greek English Translation
And she weaned not is there sympathy and he took hold again and
bore a son.
Greek Text
και απεγαλακτισεν την ουκηλεημενην και συνελαβεν ετι
και ετεκεκεν υιον
Greek Retroversion
(GHeb-reconHos1:8)
Targum's English Translation
And their generations that are exiled to among the nations shall
discover that they are not compassionate in their works but
multiplying and accomplishing bad works.
Targum Text
Hosea Commentary & Versions
Van Wyk
91
(Twalton1654)
Targum Retroversion
(THeb-reconHos1:8)
Syriac's English Translation
And she weaned Laethrakhmath. And she conceived again and bore a
son.
Syriac Text
.)rB tdLYw Bwt tN+Bw tMXrt) )LdL tLsXw
(SLeiden PeshittaGelston1980)
Syriac Retroversion
(SHeb-reconHos1:8)
Coptic's English Translation
And she weaned her that was called Without mercy. And she
conceived, and bore a son.
Coptic Text
ouoh astouio nqhete mpoumenrits ouoh aserboki on ouoh
asmisi noushri.
(C)
Coptic Retroversion
(CHeb-reconHos1:8)
Again the Targum ignored the personal life of Hosea and interpreted
it as meaning that the people became very evil and bad in those
days and that they multiplied works of evil. The Syriac is said to
normally follow the Targum or the Targum the Syriac but not in
this verse or the similar ones above. The Syriac has a special case
in reading the nota-accusativi of the Masoretic text
(which is
the direct object indicator) as a preposition
"up to" or "until".
This error occurred due to a mishearing of the reader, thus an
acoustic error. The Syriac also added the word
"again" which is
Hosea Commentary & Versions
Van Wyk
92
not in the original reading "and she became pregnant again". The
Septuagint or Greek translation reads close to the Masoretic text. It
is interesting that Jerome did not translate the meaning of the name
of the previous son in verse 4 but gave the Hebrew transliteration
Hiezrahel. Here in verse 8 he did not do that but translated it as
meaning absque misericordia. One wonders why he is inconsistent
here in his own method? He was an old man when he translated
Hosea and examples of this are probably due to his age.
Translation:
The Greek and Latin translations tried to translate the parts of the
personal name of her son but that is not necessary. The fact that the
Lord gave meaning to parts of his name whether one word or
composed, does not necessitate that we should translate those sections
every time we come there. Most people today has names that are
composed of a number of meanings. After they explain to you the
meaning you do not begin to call them the translated meaning. You
keep to the original form.
Interpretation:
The same situation is here, namely that nine months lapsed between
the middle and the end of the verse. No detail is given.
Hosea 1:9 And he said: call his name Lo-ami for you are not my
people and I am not I am for you.
(MK1008BHS)
Old Translations
Old Latin English Translation
And he said: Call his name, Not my people: for you are not my
people, and I will not be yours.
Old Latin Text
et dixit voca nomen eius Non populus meus quia vos non populus
meus et ego non ero vester
Hosea Commentary & Versions
Van Wyk
(OLPIERRE
93
SABBATHIER
1743: 892)
Old Latin Retroversion
(OL180Heb-reconHosea
1:9)
Latin Vulgate's English Translation
And he said: Call his name, Not my people: for you are not my
people, and I will not be yours.
Latin Vulgate Text
et dixit voca nomen eius Non populus meus quia vos non populus
meus et ego non ero vester
(Vs450reconWEBER)
Latin Retroversion
(VHeb-reconHos1:9)
Greek English Translation
And he said: call his name not my people for you are not my
people and I am not I am for you.
Greek Text
και ειπεν καλεσον το ονομα ουτου ουλαοσμου διοτι υμεις ου
λαος μου και εγω ουκ ειμι υμων
Greek Retroversion
(GHeb-reconHos1:9)
Targum's English Translation
And he said: Call his name: "Not my people" because you are not
my people in sofar as you are stabilizing the words of my law. My
memra/words are not in your support.
Targum Text
Hosea Commentary & Versions
Van Wyk
94
(Twalton1654)
Targum Retroversion
(THeb-reconHos1:9)
Syriac's English Translation
And the Lord said to me: Call his name, Lo-ammi (not my people),
for that you, not my people, you are, and I, I will not be yours.
Syriac Text
l+M .yMO )L hM$ yrQ .)YrM yL rM)w
.nwKL )wh) )L )N)w .nwtN) yMO )L nwtN)d
(SLeiden PeshittaGelston1980)
Syriac Retroversion
(SHeb-reconHos1:9)
Coptic's English Translation
And he said: Call his name, Not my people: for you are not my
people, and I will not be yours.
Coptic Text
ouoh pejaf je mout epefran je palaos an je nqwten
palaos an ouoh anok hw anok fwten an.
(C)
Coptic Retroversion
(CHeb-reconHos1:9)
The Targum translated "Call their name 'not my people for you are
not my people". The Targum added that they are not keeping the
words of the Law
. The Targum does not say
anything of the denial of God to be their covenantal God. It was
probably too terrible of an idea to conceive in the Middle Ages by
Hosea Commentary & Versions
Van Wyk
95
the Jewish communities. The Syriac translated by adding that it is
the "Lord" speaking to "me". It reads: "And the Lord said to me".
The last part it translated: "and I am not I am to you"
. This is very much in keeping with the Hebrew text.
Interpretation:
It is almost an aetiological explanation as to why he call his child
the name he gave him.
Textual: Scholars are suggesting that the last part of the verse should
refer to God. It does but the consonants do not justify that we
should rectify the text to read "God". Instead the form of the word
is 'hyh
which is translated as "I am". This is the same as one
can find in the form of God's name to Moses when he was called
cf. Exodus 3:14. At the inception of the Sinaitic covenant God
revealed Himself to Moses as the one who is the great I am. God
has kept faithful to that covenant and now through Hosea he is
preaching that He is not going to be the great I am for Israel any
more. Both at the calling out of exile and the going into exile we
find the term "I am". It is clear that Hosea had a convenantal
understanding here of God's dealing with Israel in salvation (out of
Egupt) and judgment (going to Assyria). It is said that the term 'hyh
is "unclear and disputed" (see Theological Dictionary of the
Old Testament Vol. III page 379). Eissfeldt stressed that the meaning
is more than just "I am". He insisted that it also means "I shall be"
(Exodus 33:19). It is possible to translate it as "I am" or "I become"
(Psalm 64:8). It seems as if hwh
express the present status
when the situation is future. When the situation is present status then
hwh
express the vitality and power and when the situation is
dynamic and changable then hwh
express the static and
unchangable. This word is foreign to other Semitic languages and
should probably be best analysed within the seams of the Old
Testament itself. Whereas the Egyptians understood their gods to be
good later to them in afterlife, the Mesopotamians feared the afterlife
as something very bad (see Sabatino Moscati, Face of the Ancient
Orient, page 301/317, 113/117, 31/29, 122/127, 123/128). The
Hosea Commentary & Versions
Van Wyk
96
Hebrews saw their God as good in the past, good in present and
will be good in future. The term 'hyh
in Exodus 3:14 and
probably also in Hosea 1:9 is suggested to be one of the following:
1. cultic shout "O He" (S. Mowinckel); 2. He who creates (hiphil of
haya) Burkitt, F. M. Cross, D. N. Freedman; 3. preserver (J. P.
Hyatt, J. Obermann [1949]); 4. I will passionately love whom I will
love (S. D. Gottstein [1956]); 5. reality of God (J. Hommel [1929],
J. Lindblom [1964]); 6. unchanging presence (R. Abba [1961]; 7.
actuality and existentiality (T. C. Vriezen [1950]); 8. his
indeterminable fullness of being (O. Eissfeldt [1965]); 9. being (L.
Kohler [1953]); 10 active existential being (R. Mayer [1958]); 11. He
is ( E. Dhorme [1952]); 12. I am - that is what I am (W. A. Irwin
[1939]); 13. He is - He proves Himself to be (W. von Soden).
Theology:
The translation is not so important as that we see that there is a
connection here between the covenantal God of Exodus 3:14 and the
God of Hosea 1:9. At the inception of both salvation and judgment
we find this name or term reference to God. That Moses was
important in the understanding of Hosea is clear in Hosea 12:14. Just
from a cursory look at the book of Hosea it becomes clear that he
had a good understanding of the atonement theology, and the
covenant theology.
Hosea Chapter Two
Hosea 2:1 And it is written: The sons of Israel is like the sand of
the sea which cannot be measured or cannot be counted. And it is
in the place which He said to them: You are not my people. He
said to them: Sons of the living God.
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97
(MK1008BHS)
Old Translations
Old Latin English Translation
And the number of the children of Israel shall be as the sand of the
sea, that is without measure, and shall not be numbered. And it shall
be in the place where it shall be said to them: You are not my
people: it shall be said to them: Ye are the sons of the living God.
Old Latin Text
et erit numerus filiorum Israël sicut arena maris quae non
mensurabitur nec numerari potest. Et erit in loco ubi dictum est eis
non populus meus vos vocabuntur filii Dei viventis
(OLPIERRE SABBATHIER1743: 892)
Old Latin Retroversion
(OL180Heb-reconHosea
2:1)
Latin Vulgate's English Translation
And the number of the children of Israel shall be as the sand of the
sea, that is without measure, and shall not be numbered. And it shall
be in the place where it shall be said to them: You are not my
people: it shall be said to them: Ye are the sons of the living God.
Latin Vulgate Text
et erit numerus filiorum Israhel quasi harena maris quae sine mensura
est et non numerabitur et erit in loco ubi dicetur eis non populus
meus vos dicetur eis filii Dei viventis
Latin Retroversion
(VHeb-reconHos2:1)
Greek's English Translation
And was the number of the sons of Israel like the sand of the sea
which cannot be measured or cannot be counted. And it is in the
place which He said to them: You are not my people, there He said:
Sons of the living God.
Hosea Commentary & Versions
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Greek Text
και ην ο αριθμους των υιων ισραηλ ως η αμμος της
θαλασσης η ουκ εκμετρηθησεται ουδε εξαριθησεται και
εσται εν τῳ τοπῳ ου ερρεθη αυτοις ου λαος μου υμεις εκει κ
ληθσονται υιοι θεου ζωντος
Greek Retroversion
(GHeb-reconHos2:1)
Targum's English Translation
And the numbers of the children of Israel shall be strong like the
sand of the sea that is without measure and that cannot be counted
and it shall be in that place that they will be exiled among the
nations when they transgress upon the law and say to them: you are
not my people the same is turned back and is magnified and it is
said to them: people of the eduring God.
Targum Text
(Twalton1654)
Targum Retroversion
(THeb-reconHos2:1)
Syriac's English Translation
And the number of the children of Israel shall be as the sand of the
sea, that is without measure, and shall not be numbered. And it shall
be in the place where it shall be said to them: You are not my
people: it shall be said to them: Ye are the sons of the living God.
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Syriac Text
)MYd )LX kY) lYrsY) yN*Bd )NYNM )whN n)w
)rt)B )whNw )NMtM )Lw lYKttM )Ld
nwrQtN oMt nwtN) yMO )L nwhL rM)t)d
.)Yx )hL)L )YN*B
(SLeiden PeshittaGelston1980)
Syriac Retroversion
(SHeb-reconHos2:1)
Coptic's English Translation
And the number of the children of Israel shall be as the sand of the
sea, that is without measure, and shall not be numbered. And it shall
be in the place where it shall be said to them: You are not my
people: it shall be said to them: Ye are the sons of the living God.
Coptic Text
ouoh thpi nte nenshri mpicl nasoi mfrht mpisw nte fiom fai
ete nsenasgihpi mmof an ouoh eueswpi mmwou an ouoh
eseswpi qen pima etaujos nwou je nqwten paloas an
euemout erwou hwou je ne nishri mft etonq.
(C)
Coptic Retroversion
(CHeb-reconHos2:1)
The Targum gave basically the same rendering but it changed the
words somewhat at places. Instead of "sons of the living God" it
translated "the people
of the living God". It also provides an
explanation why they were not called the people of God: "they were
exiled amongst nations when they transgressed upon the law and he
said to them: you are not my people"
Hosea Commentary & Versions
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100
.
Historical:
God promised to Abraham at his calling in Genesis 12:2, and 7 that
He will give him many descendants. He repeated this promise in
Genesis 15:5. In Genesis 16:10 He promised Abraham that He will
give him so many descendants that nobody will be able to count
them. In Genesis 17:6 He promised to Abraham that he will have so
many descendants that they will become nations. It is in Genesis
22:17 that we find the metaphors that is similar in Hosea 2:1. It
reads that He promised: I will increase your descendants like the
stars in heavens and like the sand which is on the shores of the sea.
Here is a fluctuation of God's speaking to Abraham on mount
Moriah in Genesis 22 and His speaking to Israel in the days of
Hosea. In all probability the giving of a name to a child took place
in the Temple and it was in this temple mount (same as mount
Moriah?) that God instructed Hosea to call his child "Not My
people". That is why Hosea is saying that it is in the place meaning
in the same place as He spoke to Abraham about his descendants.
Fluctuating back to Genesis 22 it was in that time of Abraham the
intention of God to call them "Sons of the living God". Hosea is
saying that at the same place God said that they will be as the sand
of the sea, the same place that He said to them that they are the
sons of the living God, in that same place God is now in the days
of Hosea saying: "You are not my people".
Already in the middle of the eighth century, Hosea is speaking of
the book written by Moses ca. 1470 CE, namely Genesis, as: "It is
written". Genesis was a written document that Hosea consulted, knew
of or expounding from here.
Translation:
The subject division for the Latin translation (the popular Vulgate)
and the socalled Septuagint is not the same as the Masoretic Text.
They still continue counting verses of chapter one when the
Masoretic text is already in chapter two. The content though is the
same. The translation is fairly literal and in essence the same in both
Hosea Commentary & Versions
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101
the Latin and Greek with no noteworthy deviations.
Hosea 2:2 And they will be gathered together, the sons of Judah and
the sons of Israel and they will place for them one head (or, they
will establish for them one head), and they will go up from the
earth, for great is the day of Jezreel.
(MK1008BHS)
Old Translations
Old Latin English Translation
And the children of Juda, and the children of Israel shall be
gathered together: and they shall appoint themselves one head, and
shall come up out of the land: for great is the day of Jezrahel.
Old Latin Text
et congregabuntur filii Iuda et filii Israël simul et ponent sibi
principatum unum et ascendent de terra quoniam magnus est dies
Jezrael
(OLPIERRE SABBATHIER1743: 892)
Old Latin Retroversion
(OL180Heb-reconHosea
2:2)
Latin Vulgate's English Translation
And the children of Juda, and the children of Israel shall be
gathered together: and they shall appoint themselves one head, and
shall come up out of the land: for great is the day of Jezrahel.
Latin Vulgate Text
et congregabuntur filii Iuda et filii Israhel pariter et ponent sibimet
caput unum et ascendent de terra quia magnus dies Hiezrahel
Latin Retroversion
(VHeb-reconHos2:2)
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Greek's English Translation
And they will be gathered together, the sons of Judah and the sons
of Israel upon it and they will place for them one head (or, they
will establish for them one head), and they will go up from the
earth, for great is the day of Jezreel.
Greek Text
και συναχθησονται οι υιοι ιουδα και οι υιοι ισραηλ επι
το αυτον και θησονται εαυτοις αρχην μιαν και
αναβησονται εκ της γης οτι μεγαλη η ημερα του ιεζραελ
Greek Retroversion
(GHeb-reconHos2:2)
Targum's English Translation
And the children of Judah and the children of Israel shall gather
themselves like one and they shall appoint to them one head from
the house of David and he shall ascend from the earth their exiles
because great is the day of their assembly.
Targum Text
(Twalton1654)
Targum Retroversion
(THeb-reconHos2:2)
Syriac's English Translation
And the children of Juda, and the children of Israel shall be
gathered together: and they shall appoint themselves one head, and
shall come up out of the land: for great is the day of Jezrahel.
Syriac Text
lYrsY) yN*Bw )dwhY yNB* nw$NKtNw
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103
nwQSNw dX )$Yr nwhL nwdBONw .)dX kY)
.lYOrzY)d )MwY wh brd l+M .)Or) oM
(SLeiden PeshittaGelston1980)
Syriac Retroversion
(SHeb-reconHos2:2)
Coptic's English Translation
And the children of Juda, and the children of Israel shall be
gathered together: and they shall appoint themselves one head, and
shall come up out of the land: for great is the day of Jezrahel.
Coptic Text
ouoh eueqwout nje nenshri niouda nem nenshri mpicl eusop
ouoh euexw nwou nousmh nouwt ouoh euei epswi ebolqen
pkahi je ouhi ounist pe piehoou nte iezreel.
(C)
Coptic Retroversion
(CHeb-reconHos2:2)
Interpretation:
This verse and probably the last part of the previous verse, namely,
He said to them: Sons of the living God, should be read as one
sequence and event. This is a little window into the future when
God will judge in the Valley of Jehoshapat (Joel 4:2). The same
motifs as are dealt with by Joel are briefly rehearsed here in this
pericope. The book of Joel is dealing with an eschatological day in
future (Joel 1:1). This is a contrary interpretation as that of Van
Dolson who attempted to see "Joel feels that the awful plague will
live in the people's memory for many years to come - they will
even be telling their great-grandchildren about it" (B. J. Van Dolson,
Prophets are People believe it or not [1974], page 24).It does not
say that that they will tell in the future about it. The prophet Joel is
asking them to tell about it. Whether they will tell about it is
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another issue. To understand that they will tell in future is to claim
that the event already took place. In the light of verse 2 it is clear
that this event in Joel 1:1 did not take place yet, at least the one
that Joel is seeing in his mind. Plagues were common in Palestine
but Joel is not a newspaper reporter. Similar to C. van Leeuwen is
the acceptance that "locusts and draught in Joel i are only the
prelude of the Future Day" (C. van Leeuwen, The Prophecy of the
Yom Yhwh in Amos v 18-20. Oudtestamentische Studien part XIX
[1974], page 128. Viewing the description of Joel as a window to
the day of executive judgment in the valley of decision or judgment,
one can now proceed to see that Joel is speaking of an approaching
God who is coming closer and closer to Zion as he proceeds in the
book mentioning Zion seven times. Later God is on mount Zion and
people are gathered as well as His people. He makes war with the
enemies of His people. He will eventually be their ruler and they
will live forever close to Him. This is the content of the book of
Joel, not some kind of a description of a locust plague in the past
or a terrible draught in Palestine (contrary to I. H. Eybers, Twelve
Theocratic Testimonies [1977], page 8, and 80 footnote 5). Also
contrary to Weiser, Fohrer, Rudolph, and Young. These are all
preteristic interpretations that attempts to circumvent the imperfect
forms of the verbs in the original of these verses. It is not that Joel
experienced some terrible locust plague and now wants to pull some
elements of this experience through to a description of the day of
the Lord; it is rather the opposite, he saw the day of the Lord in
vision and now are trying to find comparisons in the agricultural life
of Palestine to compare it with. That is a different ball-game namely
it is as if the scholars are trying to put the cart before the horses.
In Jerome's translation we find the future forms like those in Joel
2:23 but in Jerome's commentaries we find the past form (see H.
Wolff, Dodekopropheton 2 [Bk XIV/2] Vlyun, 1969], 67-70). For
problems with the tenses in the Vulgate one should consult the
article by Benjamin Kedar-Kopfstein, "The Hebrew Text of Joel as
Reflected in the Vulgate," Textus Vol. IX (1981): 25. The semantics
of the form and function of a future tense, cannot be found only in
the sumtotal of the lexeme-semantics. It is the function of a form
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105
amongst words, phrases, sentences, pericopes, chapters and genres that
is of importance. This is a much bigger dimension that is given to
the importance of a form of the tense of a verb in Bib. Orient.
1981 on Joel 2:10. The form functions in the genre. If it is
narrative, the imperfect form will stress potentiality or constativeness;
if it is in poetry it will be performative and if it is in prophecy, it
will indicate future or will be performatively future. Sometimes
however, the pericopes fluctuates between strata of other genres and
it is the task of the interpreter to watch for signs of such a
fluctuation. If the interpreter finds in the content some fluctuation
and the elements in it cannot be connected to the immediate history
of Israel neither the distant immediate history, then that material will
have to shift into the domain of a future description that we call
"eschatological". Where in the history of Israel and Judah (shortly
before 721 BCE) were they united under one ruler? We are not
speaking of either Israel or either Judah but both. A fluctuation in
content is thus a key sign to the interpreter of a different time zone
maybe in distant future? Such a fluctuation is evident in our pericope
in Hosea here. Suddenly both the sons of Judah and Israel are
spoken of. Whereas Hosea is then prophecying about something to
happen in his immediate future 721 BCE he suddenly fluctuates to
the same eschatological material or strata that one can find in the
book of Joel. It is as if every dark cloud has a silver lining and
Hosea described the black clouds but suddenly reverts to the silver
lining that is in the far future at the end of time. It is thus clear
that Hosea is not only a news reporter or a weather prophet
forthtelling but also foretelling. He preaches the same eschaton as
one can find in Joel and other passages of the Old Testament. Look
at the hint in this verse in Hosea 2:2 "they will go up from the
earth". What is this? If you say thay will go up from the land you
can understand that they will move to another country or that many
people will come from the lowlands to a higher place in Jerusalem.
But, it reads that they will go up from the earth. It is a unifying
somewhere else. If we have to guess where that is, one can only
suggest the safe haven described by Joel and the same one that can
also be found in Psalm 46. It might not be even on earth but in
Hosea Commentary & Versions
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106
mid-air. This concept is not foreign to the New Testament either.
Another understanding though is that they will be scattered all over
the earth and that the people of God will be gathered from [the four
corners] of the earth. However, as possible as that may seem, it is
just as possibe that he did not meant it this way. It also reads
"great" is the day of Jezreel. Why will it be great? The day of the
Lord motif in the Old Testament and the day of judgment are days
that will be great. Both these motifs are as eschatological as you can
get. Not for the preteristic school of interpretation though. They try
to fit the "mountains that will shake", stars that will fall from
heaven, sun that will be darkened and moon that will not give its
glance all in the history of Israel and Judah. These actions are then
nothing but some descriptive exaggeration of the severity of the
event. In the futuristic school everything is in the future or today.
Every element in an Old Testament prophet is reflecting
"communism", bar-codes and military war. The now-ness of the
prophetic statement is pulled into a presentistic way. This is not by
itself wrong provided it understands the history of Israel properly and
provided it makes sure that the elements are not prophecies already
fulfilled in the history of Israel. If it runs contrary to already
fulfilled elements in the history of Israel that whole scenario at a
particular pericope disintegrates. One has to investigate like the
preterists whether a particular pericope was fulfilled in the history of
Israel. If not then in a later time in the history and if there is no
clarity even unto the present it has to shift out as a still unfulfilled
prophecy to the time of the end. Prophecies has to be read with an
eye on past history, newspapers and news as well as current events
and future ones
Hosea 2:3 Say to your brothers "My people" and to your sisters
"sympathy".
(MK1008BHS)
Old Translations
Hosea Commentary & Versions
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107
Old Latin English Translation
Say ye to your brethren: You are my people, and to your sister:
Thou hast obtained mercy.
Old Latin Text
dicite fratri vestro Populus meus et sorori vestrae Misericordiam
consecuta
(OLPIERRE SABBATHIER1743: 892)
Old Latin Retroversion
(OL180Heb-reconHosea
2:3)
Latin Vulgate's English Translation
Say ye to your brethren: You are my people, and to your sister:
Thou hast obtained mercy.
Latin Vulgate Text
dicite fratribus vestris Populus meus et sorori vestrae Misericordiam
consecuta
Latin Retroversion
(VHeb-reconHos2:3)
Greek's English Translation
Say to your brother "My people" and to your sister "sympathy".
Greek Private Editions' English Translation Aquila
Say to your brother "My people" and to your sisters "sympathy".
Greek Text
ειπατε τῳ αδελφῳ υμων λαος μου και τῃ αδελφῃ υμων
ηλεημενη
Greek Private Editions' Text
ειπατε τῳ αδελφῳ υμων λαος μου και ταις αδελφαις υμων
ηλεημενη
(GAquila130reconSYRO-HEXAPLA=PAUL616reconORIGENES-HEXAPLA=FIELD1875)
Greek Retroversion
(GHeb-reconHos2:3)
Greek Private Editions' Retroversion
Hosea Commentary & Versions
Van Wyk
(GAquila
108
Heb-recon
Hos2:3)
Targum's English Translation
The prophets said to your brothers: My people turn to my laws and
upon your assembly I will have compassion.
Targum Text
(Twalton1654)
Targum Retroversion
(THeb-reconHos2:3)
Syriac's English Translation
Say ye to your brethren: You are my people, and to your sister:
Thou hast obtained mercy.
Syriac Text
.)tMYXd* nwKtwX*)Lw yMO nwKYX)*L wrQ
(SLeiden PeshittaGelston1980)
Syriac Retroversion
(SHeb-reconHos2:3)
Coptic's English Translation
Say ye to your brethren: You are my people, and to your sister:
Thou hast obtained mercy.
Coptic Text
ajos mpetenson palaos nem tetensoni qhet aumenrits.
(C)
Coptic Retroversion
(CHeb-reconHos2:3)
Historically:
This verse belongs with the previous verse in the understanding of
the day of the Lord events. They are the people of the Lord and He
has sympathy with His remnant. It is in the next verse that there is
a fluctuation back to the day of Hosea.
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Hosea 2:4 Judge your mother. Judge, for she is not my wife and I
am not her husband and take away her fornicating habits from before
her face and her sleeping around from the middle of her fields.
(MK1008BHS)
Old Translations
Old Latin English Translation
Judge your mother, judge her: because she is not my wife, and I am
not her husband. Let her put away her fornications from her face,
and her adulteries from the middle of her fruitfullness.
Old Latin Text
iudicamini cum matre vestra iudicamini quia haec non uxor mea et
ego non vir ejus et auseram fornicationem ejus à facie mea et
adulteria ejus de medio uberum illius
(OLPIERRE SABBATHIER1743: 892)
Old Latin Retroversion
(OL180Heb-reconHosea
2:4)
Latin Vulgate's English Translation
Judge your mother, judge her: because she is not my wife, and I am
not her husband. Let her put away her fornications from her face,
and her adulteries from the middle of her fruitfullness.
Latin Vulgate Text
iudicate matrem vestram iudicate quoniam ipsa non uxor mea et ego
non vir eius auserat fornicationes suas a facie sua et adulteria sua de
medio uberum suorum
Latin Retroversion
(VHeb-reconHos2:4)
Greek's English Translation
Hosea Commentary & Versions
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Judge your mother. Judge, for she is not my wife and I am not her
husband and take away her fornicating habits from before my face
and her sleeping around from the middle of her breasts.
Greek Text
κριθτηε προς την μητερα υμων κριθητε οτι αυτη ου γυνη
μου και εγω ουκ ανηρ αυτης και εξαρω την πορνειαν αυτης
εκ προσωπου μου και την μοιχειαν αυτης εκ μεσου μαστων
αυτης
Greek Retroversion
_
(GHeb-reconHos2:4)
Targum's English Translation
Argue with the assembly of Israel and say to her: Because she is
not turning herself in my worship and my memra/words does not
accept her screaming until I set her work in shame receiving her
face and the worship of their idols from the middle of her city.
Targum Text
(? )
(Twalton1654)
Targum Retroversion
(THeb-reconHos2:4)
Syriac's English Translation
Judge your mother, judge her: because she is not my wife, and I am
not her husband. Let her put away her fornications from her face,
and her adulteries from between her breasts.
Syriac Text
yttN) twh )L yhd l+M .wNwd nwKM) mO wNwd
h[YP)* oM h[twYNz rBOt .h[LOB tYwh )L )N)w
.h[Ydt* tNYB oM h[rwGw h[rwGw
(SLeiden PeshittaGelston1980)
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Syriac Retroversion
(SHeb-reconHos2:4)
Coptic's English Translation
Judge your mother, judge her: because she is not my wife, and I am
not her husband. Let her put away her fornications from her face,
and her adulteries from between her land.
Coptic Text
gihap nem tetenmau gihap nemas je tashimi an te ouoh anok
anok peshrai an ouoh tnafwt ntespornia ebolha pesho nem
tesmetnwik ebolqen qmht nnesmenot.
(C)
Coptic Retroversion
(CHeb-reconHos2:4)
In this verse we have changed the Masoretic tradition in the
following way: we have changed the shin to a sin. Yes, it makes a
difference in the meaning but the consonant /s/ was the same for
hundreds of years after Hosea before the dot was place above to
distinguish the /s/ from the /sh/. In the printed edition of the BHS
the dot is on the right making it a shin and thus should be
translated according to that reading her breasts. In the Targum
Walton 1654 it reads her city. There is no way the Targumist could
have arrived at this reading from her breasts. However, if he also
read the Masoretic shin as a sin then it is easy to understand how
he got from her fields to her city. The Coptic Tattam 1836 seems to
read her land which means the same reading was also done by the
Coptic reader. Those who wants to translate it according to the shin
can argue that it refers in the synonymous parallelism to her face
and therefore another body part is probably in sight here adding to a
very vivid erotic picture in sex ecstacy. However, the verb preceding
the word under discussion is an unusual form and in fact a hapax
legomenon. Nowhere else in the Hebrew text is it used the same
way. The geminate form of the /p/ seems to imply an action going
around. To adulterate around from the middle of her fields could
Hosea Commentary & Versions
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112
also be the meaning just as much as an erotic jumping around
between her breasts will be (as the Greek translations took it to
mean). In the Latin of Jerome the word uberum means fruitful, rich,
fertile but some dictionaries seem to indicate that it can also mean
breast. However, there are Latin dictionaries that has no reference to
breast at all in this regard. It is thus not a clearcut matter whether
Jerome thought of breasts here or whether he thought of her
fruitfulness. The singular usage of uberum seems to favor the
adjective rather than the object (which should have been in the plural
anyway). The Greek and Syriac understood it to mean breasts. If
Jerome did read it as
with the meaning of breasts then he did
not read the plural but
which is the singular.
The Greek translation reads it that it must be taken away from
before "my face" meaning the face of Hosea. The Vulgate reads it
that it must be taken away from "her face" (mpnyh). The Greek
translation seems to make more sense, but it cannot be followed
since this is a clear attempt by that translation to smooth out a
reading in accordance with the drift in the context and by doing so
even change the text (that is elision of the final he at the end of the
word). This cannot be accepted.
Historically:
Here we are dealing with the life of Hosea. In this chapter Hosea
started with a text from Genesis 22 with the convenant of God to
Israel (descendants of Abraham) and he then proceeds with God's
rejection of Israel. Immediately after that Hosea still opened another
window into the eschatological future (so well formulated in Joel and
Psalm 46) speaking of a unification of Judah and Israel under one
ruler in the valley of decision or Jezreel. He then took stock of his
own personal life. From promise to judgment to hope to frustration
in his own personal life, Hosea fluctuates his message dealing with
different time zones.
A Diagram to illustrate Hosea's fluctuation of his message in
different time zones
Hosea Commentary & Versions
Van Wyk
113
Abraham's time (2165 BCE) promise
2:1a; 2:1b
Hosea's time 721 BCE
judgment
2:1c
Eschatological End Time
hope 2:1d; 2:2a; 2:2b; 2:2c; 2:2d; 2:3
Hosea's time 721 BCE
frustration in personal life
2:4a; 2:4b
Hosea 2:5 lest I strip her naked and make her status similar to the
day she was born and I will place her like a desert and set her up
like a waste land and cause her to die in thirst.
(MK1008BHS)
Old Translations
Old Latin English Translation
Lest I strip her naked, and set her as in the day that she was born:
and I will make her as a wilderness, and will set her as a land that
none can pass through, and will kill her with thirst.
Old Latin Text
ut exspoliem eam nudam et restituam eam juxta diem nativitatis suae
et ponam eam ut desertum et statuam eam sicut terram sine aqua et
occidam illam in siti
(OLPIERRE SABBATHIER1743: 892)
Old Latin Retroversion
(OL180Heb-reconHosea
2:5)
Latin Vulgate's English Translation
Lest I strip her naked, and set her as in the day that she was born:
and I will make her as a wilderness, and will set her as a land that
none can pass through, and will kill her with thirst.
Latin Vulgate Text
ne forte exspoliem eam nudam et statuam eam secundum diem
nativitatis suae et ponam eam quasi solitudinem et statuam eam velut
terram inviam et interficiam eam siti
Latin Retroversion
Hosea Commentary & Versions
Van Wyk
114
(VHeb-reconHos2:5)
Greek's English Translation
As such maybe I will strip her naked and I will make her status
similar to the day she was born and I will place her like a desert
and arrange her like a waste land and cause her to die in thirst.
Greek Text
οπως αν εκδυσω αυτην γυμνην και αποκαταστησω αυτην
καθως ημερᾳ γενεσεως αυτης και θησομαι αυτην ως ερημον
και ταξω αυτην ως γην ανυδρον και αποκτενω αυτην εν
διψει
Greek Retroversion
(GHeb-reconHos2:5)
Targum's English Translation
Because of this I will remove my shekinah-glory from her and end
his glory and I will set her punishment like the day before me until
I myself comes near to my worship and my anger waits upon her
similar to fear upon the generation of the people who is
transgressing upon my laws in the wilderness and punish the land of
the wilderness and I will kill them in the impregnable.
Targum Text
(Twalton1654)
Targum Retroversion
(THeb-reconHos2:5)
Syriac's English Translation
Hosea Commentary & Versions
Van Wyk
115
Lest I strip her naked, and set her as in the day that she was born:
and I will make her as a wilderness, and will set her as a land that
none can pass through, and will kill her in thirst.
Syriac Text
)dYLYd )MwY kY) h[YQB$)w l+rO h[YXL$) )Ld
)tYhc )Yr) kY)w )rBdM kY) h[YdBO)w .hB
.)YhcB h[YtYM)w
(SLeiden PeshittaGelston1980)
Syriac Retroversion
(SHeb-reconHos2:5)
Coptic's English Translation
Lest I strip her naked, and set her as in the day that she was born:
and I will make her as a wilderness, and will set her as a land that
none can pass through, and will kill her with drought.
Coptic Text
hopws ntaxas esbhs ouoh tnatasqos mfrht mpiehoou nte
pesjinmici ouoh tnaxas mfrht nousafe ouoh tnaqass mfrht
noukahi naqmwou ouoh tnaqoqbes qen ouibi.
(C)
Coptic Retroversion
(CHeb-reconHos2:5)
Historically:
It is true that Hosea experienced some form of trauma with the
relation of his wife. This problem is an age old problem ever since
the fall of man from the garden of Eden. Even in the garden of
Eden, Eve had mixed feelings that confused her relation not only
with God but also with her husband. When a person marries a wife
that person is taking her "as is". No matter what the background, or
history of the person, there is always a new start or a new
beginning. On the basis of the past it is not always possible to
predict the future when it comes to human beings. It is possible for
an alcoholic to be fully recovered from his illness. It is possible for
someone to change his/her life and adopt new styles and directions.
Hosea Commentary & Versions
Van Wyk
116
It appears that in the case of Hosea the past experiences of his wife
haunted her and sent her back to her own habits. We are not sure
whether it is one incident or many, but Hosea was placed under
severe stress. In this particular verse the punishment that is described
here is one that is similar to ancient Mesopotamian laws regarding
dishonesty of the wife in the family life. In the code of Hammurabi
(1792-1750 BCE) the following grounds for divorce was given: 1. if
she persisted in going out 2. if she acted as a fool 3. if she has
wasted her house 4. if she has belittled her husband. The punishment
in the case she is involved in a extra-marital affair is that both she
and the man involved must be strangled and thrown into the river
(paragraph 129). Most of these harsh laws were just on tablets and
were not carried out in this extreme. Circumstantial evidence
probably also played a role and the states control in the private life
of citizens prevented them from carrying out these punishments to
such an extreme. However, even in modern times there is a scale of
punishment possibilities. The punishment for causing the death of
another person is also death but can be scaled down to a mere
monetary situation depending on the circumstances and other factors.
Thus, what Hosea is doing is to recall the severest form of
punishment. Just as the Hammurabi law ascribed to such a situation
death in the severest form of punishment, so in his day in 721 BCE
Hosea also present the legal situation of his day as death as the
severest form of punishment.
Hosea 2:6 And to her sons will I not show mercy for they are sons
of fornicators.
(MK1008BHS)
Old Translations
Old Latin English Translation
And I will not have mercy on her children, for they are the children
of fornications.
Old Latin Text
Hosea Commentary & Versions
Van Wyk
117
et filiorum ejus non miserebor quoniam filii fornicationis sunt
(OLPIERRE SABBATHIER1743:
Old Latin Retroversion
(OL180Heb-reconHosea
892)
2:6)
Latin Vulgate's English Translation
And I will not have mercy on her children, for they are the children
of fornications.
Latin Vulgate Text
et filiorum illius non miserebor quoniam filii fornicationum sunt
(Vs450reconWEBER)
Latin Retroversion
(VHeb-reconHos2:6)
Greek's English Translation
And her sons will I not show mercy for the children is fornications.
Greek Text
και τα τεκνα αυτης ου μη ελεησω οτι τεκνα πορνειας εστιν
Greek Retroversion
(GHeb-reconHos2:6)
τεκνα πορνειας εστιν why is the Greek translator using a singular
verb here with a plural noun? One reason can be that he is reading
the last word as
which is of course the third person singular of
"to be" = he is.
Targum's English Translation
For her children not will I have mercy because they are sons of
fornications.
Targum Text
Targum Retroversion
(THeb-reconHos2:6)
Hosea Commentary & Versions
Van Wyk
118
Syriac's English Translation
And I will not have mercy on her children: for they are the children
of fornications.
Syriac Text
.nwN) )tYNz yN*Bd l+M .mXr) )L h[YNB* lOw
(SLeiden PeshittaGelston1980)
Syriac Retroversion
(SHeb-reconHos2:6)
Coptic's English Translation
And I will not have mercy on her children: for they are the children
of fornications.
Coptic Text
ouoh nesshri nnanai nwou je ouhi hanshri mpornia ne.
(C)
Coptic Retroversion
(CHeb-reconHos2:6)
Historically:
It is possible that the law requires Hosea to take care of the children
of such a mother, but in this case Hosea is trying to indicate that
they were not his children but the children of the men who
fornicated his wife. The children are not accountable for their status.
They had no choice in life at that early stage except the competitive
struggle to be the first sperm to reach the ovum. Hosea is not
displaying the model way of dealing with children born in such a
state. He is here representing the legal harsh position in the society
of his day against children of such a birth in this particular case. It
is a bit of family law and the law of inheritance that is recounted
here. This was what was his legitimate right to do but that does not
mean that Hosea ever went so far to do it or that he will do it. It
also does not mean that God wants him to do it. In similar vein
does this not mean that it is the spiritual right way to deal with the
situation. We have an emotionally unstable Hosea here that has a
vendetta against his wife and are now blasting out against adopted
Hosea Commentary & Versions
Van Wyk
119
children of his that belonged to her.
Hosea 2:7 Because of fornicating around, their mother who carried
them, are confused for she said: I will go after my lovers who give
me bread and water, wool and linen, oil and wine.
(MK1008BHS)
Old Translations
Old Latin English Translation
For their mother hath committed fornication, she that conceived them
is covered with shame: for she said: I will go after my lovers, that
give me my bread, and my water, my wool, and my flax, my oil,
and my drink.
Old Latin Text
quia fornicata est mater eorum confusa est quae peperit eos dixit
enim vadam post amatores meos qui dant mihi panes meos et aquam
meam et vestimenta mea et linteamina mea et oleum meum et omnia
quae mihi necesaria sunt
(OLPIERRE SABBATHIER1743: 892)
Old Latin Retroversion
(OL180Heb-reconHosea
2:7)
Latin Vulgate's English Translation
For their mother hath committed fornication, she that conceived
them is covered with shame: for she said: I will go after my lovers,
that give me my bread, and my water, my wool, and my flax, my
oil, and my drink.
Latin Vulgate Text
quia fornicata est mater eorum confusa est quae concepit eos quia
dixit vadam post amatores meos qui dant panes mihi et aquas meas
lanam meam et linum meum oleum meum et potum meum
(Vs450reconWEBER)
Latin Retroversion
Hosea Commentary & Versions
Van Wyk
120
(VHeb-reconHos2:7)
Greek's English Translation
For their mother were fornicating out, she that conceived them is
covered with shame: because she said: I will go after my lovers, that
give me my bread, and my water, and my garment, and my flax,
and my oil, and all those things which is presented to me.
Greek Private Editions' English Translation Aquila
For their mother were fornicating out, she that conceived them is
covered with shame: because she said: I will go after my lovers, that
give me my bread, and my water, and my garment, and my flax,
and my oil, and my drink.
Greek Text
οτι εξερπορνευσεν η μητηρ αυτων κατῃσχυνεν η τεκουσα
αυτα ειπεν γαρ ακολουθησω οπισω των εραστων μου των
διδντων μοι τους αρτους μου και το υδωρ μου και τα
ιματια μου και τα οθονια μου και το ελαιον μου και παντα ο
σα μοι καθηκει
Greek Private Editions' Text
οτι εξερπορνευσεν η μητηρ αυτων κατῃσχυνεν η τεκουσα
αυτα ειπεν γαρ ακολουθησω οπισω των εραστων μου των
διδντων μοι τους αρτους μου και το υδωρ μου και τα
ιματια μου και τα οθονια μου και το ελαιον μου και τον
ποτισμον μου
(GAquila130reconSYRO-HEXAPLA=PAUL616reconORIGENES-HEXAPLA=FIELD1875)
Greek Retroversion
or
(GHeb-reconHos2:7)
Greek Private Editions' Retroversion
(GAquila
Heb-recon
Hos2:7)
Targum's English Translation
Because polluted is their assembly after the prophets of the lie,
Hosea Commentary & Versions
Van Wyk
121
confused is their teachers because she says: go after the people that
loves me who prepares my food and my drink, garments of wool
and linen. Oil, all my provisions.
Targum Text
(Twalton1654)
Targum Retroversion
or
(THeb-reconHos2:7)
Is this a loanword since there are four consonants? What
about Greek?
Syriac's English Translation
For their mother hath committed fornication, she that conceived
them is covered with shame: for she said: I will go after my lovers,
that give me my bread, and my water, my wool, and my flax, my
oil, and my drink.
Syriac Text
trM)w .nwhtdLY tthBw nwhM) tYNzd l+M
yNt*Kw ytX*Nw yM*w yMXL yBh*Y .yMXr* rtB lz)
.yL )OBtMd lKw yX$Mw
(SLeiden PeshittaGelston1980)
Syriac Retroversion
(SHeb-reconHos2:7)
Coptic's English Translation
For their mother hath committed fornication, she that conceived them
is covered with shame: for she said: I will go after my lovers, that
give me my bread, and my water, my wool, and my flax, my oil,
and my drink.
Coptic Text
je aserporneuin nje toumau ouoh asgisipi nje qhet asmasou
je asjos je tnasenhi ntamosi samenhe
Hosea Commentary & Versions
Van Wyk
122
nnamenrat nhett nhi mpawik nem pamwou nem nahbws nem
nasentw nem paneh nem hwb niben etqhs nhi.
(C)
Coptic Retroversion
(CHeb-reconHos2:7)
The editors in the lower register of the BHS did not say anything
about these variants and the reader should be cautious about the
completeness of the Hebrew-Greek alignment that is available from
Pennsylvania University as the following example will show:
Source: Parallel Hebrew Greek text:
(gopher://ccat.sas.upenn.edu:3333/00/Religious/Biblical/parallel/28.Hosea.
par)
Hos 2:7
KY
O(/TI
ZNTH
E)CEPO/RNEUSEN
)M/M
H( MH/THR AU)TW=N
HBY$H
KATH/|SXUNEN
HWRT/M
H( TEKOU=SA AU)TA/
KY
{..^GA/R}
)MRH
EI)=PEN
{...}
GA/R
)LKH
A)KOLOUQH/SW
)XRY
O)PI/SW
M)HB/Y
TW=N E)RASTW=N MOU
NTNY
TW=N DIDO/NTWN
--+
MOI
LXM/Y
TOU\S A)/RTOUS MOU
W/MYM/Y
KAI\ TO\ U(/DWR MOU
CMR/Y
KAI\ TA\ I(MA/TIA/ MOU
W/P$T/Y
KAI\ TA\ O)QO/NIA/ MOU
$MN/Y
KAI\ TO\ E)/LAIO/N MOU
W/$QWY/Y =?W/$/DY/Y KAI\ PA/NTA O(/SA MOI ^ KAQH/KEI
▲
▲
There is no indication at these two places (▲) that WKL should be
read for PA/NTA in the Greek.
Historically:
Here are three categories of domestic life portrayed: basic
requirements of daily support of energy of the body; textile industry
for clothing, fashion and protection of the body; cosmetics and
Hosea Commentary & Versions
Van Wyk
123
medicine. It is almost as if Hosea's wife is plagued with the
Lot's-wife-syndrome. We do not know the financial position of Hosea
and maybe he was economically handicapped for some time that
caused his wife to long for the better times she had in the past. The
excuse to look for bread and water is a very legitimate one. If she
is longing for bread and water, did she not get it from Hosea? It is
as if this was a domestic dispute between him and his wife where
she said to him that she wants to go since he does not supply the
house with the basic commodities. We are not giving the wife a
license or any wife a license to leave the husband who is in such a
situation. We are only analysing the situation to see also Hosea's
economical status. If it is true about Hosea's economic situation it
does not justify her actions but it does tip the scale of justice in this
situation a bit. It is such circumstantial evidence that could lead a
court to down-scale the severity of the punishment in a similar case.
Hosea 2:8 Therefore look, I will fence your way with thornbushes,
and I will built her wall and she shall not find her paths.
(MK1008BHS)
Old Translations
Old Latin English Translation
Therefore look, I will hedge up your way with thorns, and I will
rebuild it up with a garden-wall, and she shall not find her paths.
Old Latin Text
propterea ecce ego sepiam viam ejus in sudibus et obstruam vias
illius et semitam suam non inveniet
(OLPIERRE SABBATHIER1743: 893)
Old Latin Retroversion
(OL180Heb-reconHosea
2:8)
Latin Vulgate's English Translation
Therefore look, I will hedge up your way with thorns, and I will
Hosea Commentary & Versions
Van Wyk
124
rebuild it up with a garden-wall, and she shall not find her paths.
Latin Vulgate Text
propter hoc ecce ego sepiam viam tuam spinis et sepiam eam
maceria et semitas suas non inveniet
(Vs450reconWEBER)
Latin Retroversion
(VHeb-reconHos2:8)
Greek's English Translation
Therefore look, I will fence her way with thorns, and I will rebuild
her ways, and she shall not find her path.
Greek Private Editions' English Translation Aquila
Therefore look, I will fence her way with thorns, and I will fence in
her fence and she shall not find her path.
Greek Private Editions' English Translation Symmachus
Therefore look, I will fence her way with thorns, and I will built
against her an enclosure and she shall not find her path.
Greek Private Editions' English Translation Theodotion
Therefore look, I will fence her way with thorns, and I will rebuild
her wall and she shall not find her path.
Greek Text
δια τουτο ιδου εγω φρασσω την οδον αυτης εν σκολοψιν και
ανοικοδομησω τας οδους αυτης και την τριβον αυτης ου μη
ευρῃ
Greek Private Editions' Text Aquila
δια τουτο ιδου εγω φρασσω την οδον αυτης εν σκολοψιν και
φραξω τον φραγμον αυτης και την τριβον αυτης ου μη ευρῃ
(GAquila130reconSYRO-HEXAPLA=PAUL616reconORIGENES-HEXAPLA=FIELD1875)
Greek Private Editions' Text Symmachus
δια τουτο ιδου εγω φρασσω την οδον αυτης εν σκολοψιν και
εμφραγμον κατ' αυτης περιοικοδομησω και την τριβον
αυτης ου μη ευρῃ
(GSymmachus170reconSYRO-HEXAPLA=PAUL616reconORIGENES-HEXAPLA=FIELD1875)
Greek Private Editions' Text Theodotion
Hosea Commentary & Versions
Van Wyk
125
δια τουτο ιδου εγω φρασσω την οδον αυτης εν σκολοψιν και
ανοικοδομησω το τειχος αυτης και την τριβον αυτης ου μη
ευρῃ
(GTheodotion190reconSYRO-HEXAPLA=PAUL616reconORIGENES-HEXAPLA=FIELD1875)
Greek Retroversion
(GHeb-reconHos2:8)
Greek Private Editions' Retroversion
(GAquila
Symmachus Theodotion Heb-recon
Hos2:8)
Targum's English Translation
Therefore look I scatter your roads similar as thornbushes in an
enclosure and I block off like that which is blocked off in the wall
and the road to her she shall not find.
Targum Text
(Twalton1654)
Targum Retroversion
=
(variant 1)
(+variant) =
(variant 2)
(THeb-reconHos2:8)
Syriac's English Translation
Therefore look, I will hedge up your way with thorns, and I will
rebuild it up with a garden-wall, and she shall not find her paths.
Syriac Text
gws)w .)rdr*dB h[tXr*w) )N) g)s )h oYLh l+M
.xK$t )L )Xrw)w h[YLY*B$
(SLeiden PeshittaGelston1980)
Syriac Retroversion
(SHeb-reconHos2:8)
Hosea Commentary & Versions
Van Wyk
126
Coptic's English Translation
Therefore look, I will hedge up your way with thorns, and I will
rebuild it up with a garden-wall, and she shall not find her paths.
Coptic Text
eqbe fai hhppe anok tnaglo mpeswit qen hanserbeni ouoh
nesmwit tnaoua hemkotou ouoh peswit nnesjemf.
(C)
Coptic Retroversion
(CHeb-reconHos2:8)
There is a correction that we have to make also in this verse to the
Hebrew-Greek alignments available on the internet from Pennsylvania
University:
Source: Parallel Hebrew Greek text:
(gopher://ccat.sas.upenn.edu:3333/00/Religious/Biblical/parallel/28.Hosea.
par)
Hos 2:8
L/KN
DIA\ TOU=TO
HN/NY
I)DOU\ E)GW\
&K
FRA/SSW
)T DRK/K
TH\N O(DO\N AU)TH=S
B/SYRYM
E)N SKO/LOYIN
W/GDRTY
KAI\ A)NOIKODOMH/SW
)T GDR/H =;)T DRK/YH TA\S O(DOU\S AU)TH=S
W/NTYBWT/YH
KAI\ TH\N TRI/BON AU)TH=S
L)
OU) MH\
TMC)
EU(/RH|
◀
◀
At the marker ( ) it will be seen that the Greek is using the third
person singular feminine pronoun "her" but the Hebrew is using the
second person singular suffix "your". One should change that reading
from [ )T DRK/K ] to read rather [ )T DRK/K = )T DRK/H ].
As we have indicated above in the Targum retroversion to Hebrew,
the Targum translation is the result of a conflation of two variants
into one text. They were uncertain as to which one is correct so
they included both. There are two cases in this same verse.
The Greek translation of the fifth century CE seems to indicate that
it was translated from a Hebrew Vorlage that was "Qumrannic in
Hosea Commentary & Versions
Van Wyk
127
nature". The Targum seems to indicate that various texts were
consulted but that some options presented by the Greek translation
was also among their options.
Our conclusion concerning the Targum is that it is a text with a
composite nature. It seems as if the Later Targumist conflated and
compounded into one text no less than four textual traditions. They
are the following four types:
a) Consonantal text of the Masoretic Tradition which is followed
nearly 85% by the Targumist.
b) Qumrannic kind of MS that served also as Vorlage to the Greek
translation of the fifth century CE. Less than 10% are in this
category.
c) An unidentified MS represented by Variant 1 in this verse.
Variant 1 is not followed by either (a) (b) or (d). Less than 5% are
in this category.
d) A second unidentified MS represented by Variant 2 in this verse.
Variant 2 is not followed by either (a) (b) or (c) above. Less than
5% are in this category.
Similarly to our conclusion of the nature of the Greek translations of
the fifth century CE is now our conclusion concerning the nature of
the Targum: they are composite editions attempting to harmonize
variants with an eclectic comprehensive and incorporative approach. It
is as if they are trying to avoid schisms among their own ranks by
including as much as they can.
This was already our conclusion on the Greek text in the book of
Judges and now it seems evident also with the Targum in Hosea
2:8. We have here "the phenomenon of double entries". It seem as if
scribes were using more than one manuscript and that they were then
convinced by the value of both manuscripts and that they could not
make a choice so they decided to include both variants. What
originally had probably markers became detached from them and
drifted into the text proper to become an addition to the original.
We must remember that even if two scribes are Jewish they can
belong to two different world epistemologies, two different linguistic
backgrounds. To put it in a nutshell: they can be two worlds apart.
There is no guarantee that what is leaving the hands of the one
Hosea Commentary & Versions
Van Wyk
128
scribe, enters the ears of the second scribe or his eyes and ends in
the hands of this second scribe, is going to be identical with what
left the hands of the first scribe. And yet, for some wonderful
reason the product of the consonantal text of the Masoretic tradition
remained firm and well-transmitted. No other translation or version
can claim this exactness in transmission. How do we know this?
There are texts from Qumran that compares with the consonantal text
of the Masoretes almost 99.9% if it is not 100%. No other version
shares this high rate of comparison.
Interpretation:
Fencing people in is only a metaphor and definitely not a model
way God wants Hosea to treat his wife good or bad. Nobody should
be robbed of their freedom of choice even if it is a choice to the
bad. The choice is free even if it is captivated by Satan or his
forces. Mechanical control to subdue an adult is used by society to
deal with dangerous criminals and psychological dangerous people.
The choice of a woman to follow her old time lovers is not in this
category. The symbol of thornbushes are familiar in the ancient
world in the nomadic system of controlling the domestic animals and
protect them from wild animals outside such a structure. Somehow
the language in this verse seems to indicate that it is not the desire
of Hosea but rather the words of the mind of God that is given to
us here. This is the modus operandi of God when He desires to
rescue a soul from the claws of Satan. The reason that we know
this is God's words not Hosea's, is because the next verse contains a
word for conversion. One can see her conversion action in the next
verse as a result of a futile search for her past lovers. Hosea's
previous language was couched in somewhat extreme legal language
of punishment for his wife to the point of death. However, in this
verse, we find a softer approach of someone (only divine) who is
able to control the situation more effectively than Hosea wanted it to
be. And this is the main lesson of this verse, namely, that in similar
situations, humanity is to call upon God to block the way for such
an individual to find what that individual is looking for. God can do
that as He did with the wife of Hosea. The legal punishment of
Hosea Commentary & Versions
Van Wyk
129
Hosea's time is not necessary in this case. The powerful interception
of God leads to a conversion as we shall see in the next verse. If
one weighs the value and effect of a legal approach with that of a
spiritual divine interception in the life of a problem individual then
the spiritual interception is above that of the administering of laws.
We must not fool ourselves with the idea that Hosea was so
desperate that he wanted to lock her in her room and throw-away
the key. If we want to make this the words of Hosea then we are
creating an image of Hosea who is extreme to death on the one side
and anxious to confine on the other. It will mean that Hosea
succeeded in his attempt and what did he really do? Placed her in
her room, locked her up? No, definitely not. This is a spiritual
warfare in which Hosea couldn't do anything and only God could do
something as He did.
Hosea 2:9 And she followed those that loved her and she could not
meet them and she sought them and she could not find them and
she said: I will go and I will return to my first husband because he
is good to me then and now.
(MK1008BHS)
Old Translations
Old Latin English Translation
And she shall follow after her lovers, and shall not overtake them:
and she shall seek them, and shall not find, and she shall say: I will
go, and return to my first husband, because it was better with me
then more than now.
Old Latin Text
et persequetur amatores suos et non apprehendet illos et quaeret eos
et non inveniet et dicet vadam et revertar ad virum meum priorem
quia melius mihi erat tunc quam nunc est
(OLPIERRE SABBATHIER1743: 893)
Old Latin Retroversion
Hosea Commentary & Versions
Van Wyk
130
(OL180Heb-reconHosea
2:9)
Latin Vulgate's English Translation
And she shall follow after her lovers, and shall not overtake them:
and she shall seek them, and shall not find, and she shall say: I will
go, and return to my first husband, because it was better with me
then more than now.
Latin Vulgate Text
et sequetur amatores suos et non adprehendet eos et quaeret eos et
non inveniet et dicet vadam et revertar ad virum meum priorem quia
bene mihi erat tunc magis quam nunc
(Vs450reconWEBER)
Latin Retroversion
(VHeb-reconHos2:9)
Greek's English Translation
And she will follow those that loved her and she could not meet
them and she shall seek them and she will not find them and she
said: I will go and I will return to my first husband because he was
good to me then or now.
Greek Text
και καταδιωξεται τους εραστας αυτης και ου μη καταλαβῃ
αυτους και ζητησει αυτους και ου μη ευρῃ και ερει
πορευσομαι και επιστρεψω προς τον ανδρα μου τον
προτερον οτι καλως μοι ην τοτε η νυν
Greek Retroversion
(GHeb-reconHos2:9)
Targum's English Translation
And you shall follow peace with the nations that loves you and not
Hosea Commentary & Versions
Van Wyk
131
shall you hold them together and you shall bubble winds and not
shall you find and say: go and return to the worship of my Lord
before her because good is it to me when the worship was before
me. From now on not will I serve idols.
Targum Text
(Twalton1654)
Targum Retroversion
(THeb-reconHos2:9)
Syriac's English Translation
And she shall follow after her lovers, and shall not overtake them:
and she shall seek them, and shall not find, and she shall say: I will
go, and return to my first husband, because it was better with me
then more than now.
Syriac Text
)OBtw .nwN) krdt )Lw h[YMXr* rtB lz)tw
Lz) kwPh) rM)tw .nwN) xK$t )Lw nwN)
oM oYd yh yL )wh B+d l+M .)YMdQ yLOB twL yL
.)$hd
Leiden Peshitta
1980
(S
)
Gelston
Syriac Retroversion
(SHeb-reconHos2:9)
Coptic's English Translation
And she shall follow after her lovers, and shall not overtake them:
and she shall seek them, and shall not find, and she shall say: I will
go, and return to my first husband, because it was better with me
then more than now.
Coptic Text
ouoh esegoji samenhe nnesmenrat ouoh nnestahwou ouoh
Hosea Commentary & Versions
Van Wyk
132
esekwt ouoh nnesjemou ouoh esejos je tnamosi ouoh
ntatasqo ha pahai nte sorp je nare pipeqnanef sop nhi
mpishou etemmau ehote tnou.
(C)
Coptic Retroversion
(CHeb-reconHos2:9)
As Eichrodt so correctly observed, the word for conversion is used
in this verse and it also features well in the preaching of Jeremiah
(Eichrodt, II, page 67). And that is exactly what happened here. The
wife of Hosea ran into a major wall of circumstances not achieving
anything and came to her senses. She realized that Hosea was very
good to her and still is. She realized that even though they do not
have it so bright economically, yet her husband was good to her.
She decided to return and this word return is the word for
conversion. The prodigal son in the gospels and in the story of Jesus
also came to his senses in a similar way and said that he wanted to
return to his father.
Hosea 2:10 And she did not acknowledge that it is I, I who gave to
her the grain and the wine (grape juice) and oil and that I placed to
her silver and gold that they made unto a Baal.
(MK1008BHS)
Old Translations
Old Latin English Translation
And this one did not know that I gave to her corn and wine, and
oil, and multiplied silver to her, and gold, which they have used in
the service of Baal.
Old Latin Text
et haec nescivit quia ego dedi ei frumentum et vinum et oleum et
argentum multiplicavi ei et aurum quae fecerunt Baal
(OLPIERRE SABBATHIER1743: 893)
Old Latin Retroversion
Hosea Commentary & Versions
Van Wyk
133
(OL180Heb-reconHosea
2:10)
Latin Vulgate's English Translation
And this one did not know that I gave to her corn and wine, and
oil, and multiplied silver to her, and gold, which they have used in
the service of Baal.
Latin Vulgate Text
et haec nescivit quia ego dedi ei frumentum et vinum et oleum et
argentum multiplicavi ei et aurum quae fecerunt Baal
(Vs450reconWEBER)
Latin Retroversion
(VHeb-reconHos2:10)
Greek's English Translation
And she did not know that I, I gave to her the corn and the wine,
and the oil, and multiplied to her silver but the same silver and
gold she has made for Baal.
Greek Text
και αυτην ουκ εγνω οτι εγω δεδωκα αυτῃ τον σιτον και τον
οινον και το ελαιον και αργυριον επληθυνα αυτῃ αυτη δε
αργυρα και χρυσα εποιησεν τῃ βααλ
Greek Retroversion
(GHeb-reconHos2:10)
Targum's English Translation
And the same ones shall not know because I, I blessed to them
grain and wine and oil, and silver I multiplied to them and gold
from which they made to the idol.
Targum Text
Hosea Commentary & Versions
134
Van Wyk
(Twalton1654)
Targum Retroversion
(THeb-reconHos2:10)
Qumran English Translation lines 1 and 2
And she did not acknowledge that it is
n and the wine (grape juice) and oil and silver that
de unto a Baal.
Qumran Text lines 1 and 2
]
[
]
(Q4QpHosa)
Qumran Retroversion
]
[
]
[
Heb-recon
(Q
Hos2:10)
Consonantal text of Masoretic Tradition
[
(MK1008BHS)
Syriac's English Translation
And this one did not know that I gave to her corn and wine, and
oil, and multiplied silver to her, and gold, which they have used in
the service of Baal.
Syriac Text
)rMXw )rwBO h[L tBhY )N)d tOdY )L oYd yh
wdBO hNMw h[L tYGs) )Bhdw )M)sw )X$Mw
.)LOB
Leiden Peshitta
1980
(S
)
Gelston
Syriac Retroversion
(SHeb-reconHos2:10)
Hosea Commentary & Versions
Van Wyk
135
Coptic's English Translation
And this one did not know that I gave to her corn and wine, and
oil, and multiplied silver to her, and gold, which they have used in
the service of Baal.
Coptic Text
ouoh nqos mpesemi je anok ait nas mpisouo nem pihrp nem
pineh ouoh etaiqref asai nas nqos de hanhat nem hannoub
asqamiwou ntbaal.
(C)
Coptic Retroversion
(CHeb-reconHos2:10)
Textual:
A Qumran manuscript survived from cave four. It is called 4Q166 or
4QpHosa. "I who gave her the grain" survived and is reading the
same as the Masoretic text. "That I placed on her and gold which
they made" also survived. There follows then a commentary that is
preteristic in interpretation looking at the history of Israel and applied
it to the verse. In line 2 until line 6 the interpretation of verse 10
reads: "The interpretation of it is] that [they] ate [and] were
satisfied, and they forgot God who [had fed them, and all] his
commandments they cast behind them, which he had sent to them
[by] his servants the prophets. But to those who led them astray
they listened and honored them [
]and as if they were gods, they
fear them in their blindness". This interpretation probably did not
satisfy the composer since he left a line open after this interpretation
and the beginning of the citation of verse 11. Was he planning to
come back later and add something else before verse 11? Why did
he left a line open? The interesting situation is here that the
interpretation is made that the female in this verse is not the wife of
Hosea but Israel. Israel is not mentioned in this verse but only the
feminine third person singular suffix "she". In our interpretation we
do not follow this line of thinking. We keep this verse very literal
and apply it to the life of Hosea. So far we have been following the
life of Hosea and there was not a hint in the previous verses that
the shift should be made to Israel. Verses 7-10 is a depiction of the
Hosea Commentary & Versions
Van Wyk
136
life of Hosea and seems rather applicable directly to his personal
relation than to corporate Israel. However, the application to "Israel"
was made very strongly in the Targum and the personal life of
Hosea is shifted in that translation totally in the background or
nowhere at all. This phenomenon that can be found only in Jewish
works of the Middle Ages is relevant for the question of the origin
of some of the Qumran scrolls. It would at least opt for a Jewish
background for this pesher and not a Christian one. About sixteen
pesharim on the Old Testament survived from the Qumran caves: six
on Isaiah, three of the Psalms, one each of Hosea, Micah and
Zephaniah, four of Nahum and Habbakkuk (Bo Isaksson,
"Biblioteket" in The Qumran Seminar [Department of Asian and
African
Languages,
Uppsala
University:
http://www.afro.uu.se/qumran/dss04.
html, 1998].
The Targum also interpreted this verse but surprisingly not as
elaborate as the Qumran pesher: "And they did not know that I, I
blessed them". It interpreted "Baal" as "idols"
.
Interpretation:
Here Hosea is speaking taking stock of his good deeds. All the
things she was using in her wrong doings came from him. In
modern times the husband will say that she did not realize that the
credit cards were paid by him that she used for her exquisite and
expensive entertainments and holidays with her lovers. Hosea is
tapping himself on the shoulder for the good things he did to his
wife. The situation seems to change now. His wife was touched by
God and she came to her senses and wanted to come back. Yet
Hosea is still playing his old violin in the same tune.
Hosea is not saying that the silver was placed on her. Many
interpreters think that it refers to jewelry that was hanged around her
neck or the like. Not for one moment is there a sanction of the idea
that Hosea hanged jewelry on his wife. The preposition /l/ in this
case is "to" and not "on". Anybody trying to hunt for a prooftext
for jewelry in a love-relationship, certainly will not find that in this
verse. He placed the silver that he received on the markets for the
Hosea Commentary & Versions
Van Wyk
137
selling of their products which he worked very hard to produce "to
her" since she was the owner of the estate. Silver served as
monetary instruments in the exchange for goods and it is in that
context that the silver were obtained. None of the old versions
support the idea that Hosea hanged silver jewelry "on" his wife.
Anybody acquainted with the history and developments of jewelry
through the ages will know that adornments are hardly ever only
innocent decorations. Even modern jewelry are very symbolic with
religious themes borrowed from ancient cultures: from Christianity
comes Jesus, or the cross, a fish or Mary and the child; from the
Roman religions and Greek religions comes various motifs, Eros,
Apollo or Cupido; from the Egyptian religions are some of their
gods, the eye or the ankh. Snakes are sometimes very popular and is
of course fully entrenched in the witchcraft religions of Africa. Astral
motifs are also very popular as for instance the star of David.
Now the point is this: if these ornaments are innocent beautifiers for
our female partners, why will a Jewish female not wear a little
Buddha in her ear, or an ornament of Jesus or the cross around her
neck? Why do Christians not wear jewelry of Buddha around their
neck or in their ears? The artist of jewelry is a carrier of a baggage
of content and he/she present to modern society that which they
pulled out of ancient societies.
Sometimes lovers exchange gifts to each other and in the absence of
the other partner, they "kiss" and "hug" the objects as if the objects
are now identical to the lover. It is this phenomenon that God
dislikes: that objects replace the person. Love is not around your
neck, in your ears, on your fingers. It is in the mind and that is
where it should be. Love do not need objects to remind people that
they love. We do not need fetish objects to remind us of our
love-relation with our lover.
Hosea 2:11 Therefore I will return and I will take my grain in its
time and my grape juice/new wine in its season and I will save my
wool and my linen [that was used] in order to cover her private
parts.
Hosea Commentary & Versions
Van Wyk
138
(MK1008BHS)
Old Translations
Old Latin English Translation
Therefore will I return, and take away my corn in its season, and
my wine in its season, and I will set at liberty my wool, and my
flax, which covered her disgrace.
Old Latin Text
Propterea revertar et tollam triticum meum in tempore suo et vinum
meum in tempore suo et auseram vestimenta mea et lintemina mea
ne operiant ignominiam ejus
(OLPIERRE SABBATHIER1743: 893)
Old Latin Retroversion
(OL180Heb-reconHosea
2:11)
Latin Vulgate's English Translation
Therefore will I return, and take away my corn in its season, and
my wine in its season, and I will set at liberty my wool, and my
flax, which covered her disgrace.
Latin Vulgate Text
idcirco convertar et sumam frumentum meum in tempore suo et
vinum meum in tempore suo et liberabo lanam meam et linum
meum quae operiebant ignominiam eius
Latin Retroversion
(VHeb-reconHos2:11)
Greek's English Translation
Therefore I will return and I will take my grain according to its
time and my wine in its season and I will save my garment and my
linen in order not to cover her disgrace.
Greek Text
δια τουτο επιστρεψω και κομιουμαι τον σιτον μου καθ
Hosea Commentary & Versions
Van Wyk
139
ωραν αυτου και τον οινον μου εν καιρῳ αυτου και
αφελουμαι τα ιματια μου και τα οθονια μου του μη
καλυπτειν την ασχημοσυνην αυτης
Greek Retroversion
(GHeb-reconHos2:11)
Targum's English Translation
Therefore turn back my memra/words to remove the crops in the
time of his threshingfloor and the wine in the time of his press and
I will take away the clothing of silk and wool to give it to her in
order that she cover her shame.
Targum Text
(Twalton1654)
Targum Retroversion
(THeb-reconHos2:11)
Syriac's English Translation
Therefore will I return, and take away my corn in its season, and
my wine in its season, and I will set at liberty my wool, and my
flax, which covered her disgrace.
Syriac Text
yrMXw hNNzB yrwBO bS) kwPh) )Nh l+M
)SKtd h[L tBhYd yNt*Kw yrMO bs)w .hNBzB
.h[YsrwP
Leiden Peshitta
1980
(S
)
Gelston
Syriac Retroversion
Hosea Commentary & Versions
Van Wyk
140
(SHeb-reconHos2:11)
Coptic's English Translation
Therefore will I return, and take away my corn in its season, and
my wine in its season, and I will set at liberty my wool, and my
flax, which covered her disgrace.
Coptic Text
eqbe fai tnatasqo ouoh ntagi mpasouo ntefounou nem
pahrp qen pefshou ouoh tnawli nnahbws nem nasentw
estemhwbs mpessipi.
(C)
Coptic Retroversion
(CHeb-reconHos2:11)
Qumran English Translation lines 8 and 9
in its season
her private parts.
Qumran Text lines 8 and 9
]
]
[
[
(Q4QpHosa)
Qumran Retroversion
]
[
]
[
Heb-recon
(Q
Hos2:11)
Consonantal text of Masoretic Tradition
(MK1008BHS)
It is the private parts of a women that is meant here and so we
translated it as private parts (see the Anchor Bible, page 246). 4Q166
from Qumran read also the phrase "Therefore I will return and I
will take my grain in its time and my grapejuice/new wine". The
reading is exactly the same as the Masoretic text with minor long
vowels added as was the custom with the use of matres lectiones as
vowels. Also the phrase "I will save my wool and my linen in order
Hosea Commentary & Versions
Van Wyk
141
to cover" also survived and read the same as the Masoretic text. An
interpretation is given in this fragment from Qumran lines 12-14
"The interpretation of it is that He smote them with famine and with
nakedness so that they became a disgra[ce] and a reproach in the
sight of the nations on whom they had leaned for support, but they
will not save them from their afflictions" (Translation that of M.
Horgan). See especially the next verse of the Targum from 1654 by
Walton which included a variant interpreting the same way. The
composer of the Qumran fragment interpreted this verse as if the
actor in the drama of this verse is not Hosea but God. The grain,
wine and wool that will be withheld is interpreted as a famine that
God sent to Palestine. We do not follow this interpretation since the
emotionally sarcastic words "in order to cover her private parts" is
not only unnecessary as description, but is language that one would
not expect God would used in talking about His relation with Israel.
What about the men and their sex organs? This is an emotionally
upset Hosea who sarcastically exercise his legal rights in the
extreme. It will become clear in this chapter that the actions of God
are in contrast to these of Hosea. We thus do not follow the
interpretation of the composer of the Hosea pesher or commentary
from cave four at Qumran.
The targum does not read the same as the interpretation in the
Qumran fragment. The Syriac is conservative in this translation and
follows that of the MT in this verse mostly.
Interpretation:
Hosea is still angry despite her conversion. He is swearing or using
foul language in the presence of his children. He is emotionally in
an uncontrolled state. In Hosea 2:4 he said that the children must
judge between him and their mother in her field. The expression
"field" is interesting. It could mean that the field originally belonged
to his wife and that he was the usus fructus of her property. That is
why he can claim now in a future harvest a percentage back as
renumeration for the losses he made with her. He was the farmer on
her property. His actions are rather desperate. If the property was
his, there is no reason for him to say he is going to claim
Hosea Commentary & Versions
Van Wyk
142
something from his own harvest. It is because of the special
contractial relation that Hosea find himself in with his wife that he
has to make these claims. The Samaria Ostraca (if dated to the same
time as the events described in this book) can give additional
information. In those Ostraca the senders or tenants are sometimes
Israelites but the owner is a Phoenician. Sometimes the senders or
tenants were Aramaized Phoenicians. It serves to proof that Hosea's
wife could have been an Aramaean with Phoenician affinities who
possessed the land but Hosea was the tenant who worked on it. That
is why she is standing in "her land" Hosea 2:4 (Van Wyk, K., "The
Samaria Ostraca," in Archaeology in the Bible and Text in the Tel
[Berrien Center, Michigan: Louis Hester Publications, 1996],
238-248).
Hosea 2:12 And now I will open her private parts to the eyes of
her lovers and a man is not there to save her from my hand.
(MK1008BHS)
Old Translations
Old Latin English T