The Izmir Model

The Izmir Model T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R 139 The Izmir Model Proposal for a Democratic Municipal Model for Izmir 2nd BOOK THE IZMIR MODEL PROPOSAL FOR A DEMOCRATIC MUNICIPAL MODEL FOR IZMIR İlhan TEKELİ Translation BİS Organizasyon Coordination Mehmet URAL Ayşegül SABUKTAY Grafik Design and Implementatiton Emre DUYGU Administration Office THE IZMIR MEDITERRANEAN ACADEMY BRANCH OF IZMIR METROPOLITAN MUNICIPALITY Mehmet Ali Akman Mah. Mithatpaşa Cad. No: 1087, 35290 Konak-İzmir Phone: +90 (232) 293 46 13 Fax: +90 (232) 293 46 10 www.izmeda.org info@izmeda.org THE STORY OF THE PREPARATION OF THE IZMIR MODEL The book Proposal for a Democratic Model for Izmir was consummated as the product of a process of collective work organised by the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality. The name given to this collective process is, for short, the “Izmir Model”. The Izmir Metropolitan Municipality formed an inner team of 12, composed of experts as well as senior administrators of the municipality with the purpose of drawing the conceptual framework of this project. This team had its first meeting on 21 January 2017. After two meetings, this team ensured that four research projects were conducted and the findings of these research projects took definitive shape in four distinct workshops, with the aim of clarifying the basic concepts/values to be employed for the Izmir Model. Later, for the Model to be based on the data flowing from the experience/performance of the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality, the inner team organised research to be conducted by handpicked academics/researchers on 20 different topics determined by the inner research team. After in-depth discussion carried out on the conclusions reached in these research projects in workshops in which members of the inner team, the researchers that conducted the studies themselves, the relevant members of the municipal bureaucracy and denizens of Izmir participated, the authors of the studies gave them their final form. The last of these workshops on the 20 studies was completed on 2 December 2017. Upon the completion of the preparatory work for the Izmir Model in the space of eleven months, it was time for the writing of two books, the two fundamental products of the work conducted on the model, titled Story of the 2004-2018 Period of Municipal Administration in Izmir and Proposal for a Democratic Municipal Model for Izmir. In the ideal case, it would have been most preferable for these books, the empirical and the normative Izmir Models, to be prepared by the members of the project team and the researchers of the 20 studies. But in practice, since this did not turn out to be possible, the team decided that the books should be authored by İlhan Tekeli, who had acted as the moderator of the project workshops. Thereupon İlhan Tekeli prepared drafts, which he opened for discussion in two workshops that met on 3 March 2018 and 28 May 2018 and thereafter put the final touch on both books. During the work that lasted a year and four months in all, a total of 31 workshops or meetings, attended by many people, were held. 89 people from the administration of the municipality, as well as 78 academics, experts and others from outside the municipality participated in these meetings. The product that has come to the light of day contains their contribution as well. T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R 3 CONTENTS A BEGINNING RATHER THAN AN ENDING - Aziz KOCAOĞLU 2. It Should Become an Active Node in the Network of Mediterranean Cities 6 9 14 14 14 14 3. It Should Attribute Priority to Practices of Participatory Governance in the Activities of the Local Government 14 I. INTRODUCTION II. WHAT VISION DOES THE IZMIR MODEL TAKE AS ITS POINT OF DEPARTURE? II.1. HOW WAS THE IZMIR VISION FORMED? 1. Izmir Should Cast Itself As an Innovative Design City 4. The Protection and Enhancement of Izmir’s Unstressed Quality of Life, Not Treating Anyone as the Other, Open to Conviviality and Interaction 4. Sustainability 15 15 16 21 25 29 III. WHAT ARE THE FOUR ELEMENTS THAT FORM THE MAIN CORPUS OF THE IZMIR MODEL? 35 III.1. STRUCTURE, FORMS OF ESTABLISHING RELATIONS, FUNCTIONS, AND PERFORMANCE CRITERIA OF THE MAIN ACTOR, THE LOCAL GOVERNMENT ENTITY (METROPOLITAN MUNICIPALITY) 35 III.1.1. What Kind of Framework Does the European Charter for Local SelfGovernment Provide? 36 II.2. FUNDAMENTAL CONCEPTS OF THE VISION 1. Quality of Life 2. Participation and Governance 3. Innovation III.1.2. How Was the Structure of the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality Formed? • How Are the Economic Enterprises of Municipalities Established? 38 38 39 44 46 48 • How Does the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality Carry Long-Term, Innovative Thinking within This Legal Framework? 48 III.1.3. How Does the Izmir Model Conceptualise Local Government and the Relations between Central Government and Local Government and What Kind of Approach Does It Propose on This Question? 49 III.1.4. What Kind of Relations Should Metropolitan Municipalities Establish with District Municipalities? 54 • What Restrictions Does the Constitution Bring? • How Did the Two-Tier Municipal System Emerge in Turkey? • Law No. 5393 Broadens the Scope of Responsibility of Municipalities • Provincial Frontiers Become the Frontiers of Metropolitan Municipalities III.1.5. Communication Strategies of Metropolitan Municipalities Concerning the Formation of the Public Sphere, Political Interaction, Publicity, and Public Relations III.1.6. Funding and Fiscal Management Policies to Be Pursued by Local Government 56 60 III.1.7. Human Resources Management of the Izmir Model and the Strategies and Policies It Advocates Concerning the Improvement of the Capacity of the Bureaucracy and Other Employees 62 III.2. STRATEGIES AND POLICIES RECOMMENDED BY THE IZMIR MODEL FOR IMPLEMENTATION IN PROVIDING SERVICES IN BASIC AREAS OF RESPONSIBILITY AND INFRASTRUCTURE III.2.1. Sustaining Locally Focused Development III.2.2. Multifaceted Environmental Awareness and Responsibility III.2.3. Provision of Fundamental Urban Infrastructure III.2.3.1. Provision of Potable Water for Izmir by IZSU III.2.3.2. To Protecting and Improving the Izmir Bay and Bringing It into the Life of the City 65 65 73 82 83 III.2.3.3. Providing the Urban Transportation Infrastructure and Operating It 85 90 III.3. CONCEPTION FOR SHAPING SETTLEMENTS IN THE IZMIR MODEL; APPROACHES AND PRACTICES PURSUED IN REGULATING AND IMPLEMENTING 96 III.3.1. Mechanisms for the Preparation and Implementation of an Environmental Plan to the scale of 1/100,000 for Izmir (Land + Bay) III.3.6. Design Guides 99 101 103 106 107 109 III.3.7. Management of the Implementation of the Decisions of the Development Plan 110 III.3.2. Development Management for the Multi-Focal Settlement of Izmir III.3.3. Participatory Urban Design Projects III.3.4. Green Vision for the City/Province and Landscape Plans III.3.5. Projects of Urban Transformation III.4. STRATEGIES, POLICIES AND PRACTICES OF THE IZMIR MODEL TO ENSURE THAT THE DENIZENS OF IZMIR ACQUIRE THE CAPACITY TO DEVELOP INTER-SUBJECTIVE JUDGMENTS SO AS TO FORM A COMMUNITY IN IZMIR’S LIFE, TO CREATE A PUBLIC SPACE, AND BRING ABOUT A SENSE OF PLACE III.4.1. Formation of a Community That Has Not Been Fragmented by Exclusions III.4.1.1. Health Care, Social Projects and Social Services III.4.1.2. Strategies to Be Implemented and Policies to Be Pursued with the Aim of Increasing the Contribution of the Municipality, Non-Governmental Organisations and Democratic Mass Organisations through Relations among Themselves and with Inhabitants to the Transformation of the Society into a Community 111 112 113 III.4.3. Creating the Possibility for the Inhabitants to Develop a Feeling of Place 119 123 125 127 128 III.4.4. Increasing the Social Capital in the City and Ensuring That Power Is No Longer Something That Is Captured, But Is Constructed from Within Social Relations 130 III.4.1.3. Izmir Mediterranean Academy III.4.1.4. Cultural Strategy for Izmir and Cultural and Artistic Activities III.4.2. Formation of Public Spaces That Allow for Interaction among People IV. IN CONCLUDING REFERENCES THOSE WHO CONTRIBUTED TO THE WORK ON THE IZMIR MODEL 130 132 136 A BEGINNING RATHER THAN AN ENDING Developing a city begins by getting fully familiar with that city and analysing it well. By learning and getting to know its “presences” and “absences”, its past and its future goals, its people and their outlook on life, their sentiments, their stances, their expectations, and drawing the road map accordingly. This was precisely our point of departure. By making our own, by digesting and internalising the values that “make Izmir what it is”. As a municipality that set out with the goal of “development that starts from the local”, while striving for an Izmir with high competitiveness, integrated globally, sustainable in its development, using its scarce resources in the most efficient manner, wielding an ever-increasing “quality of life”, our greatest source of energy came from the denizens of Izmir. We know very well that at the most basic level of local government lies democracy. Just as local government is no longer about classical services such as roads, running water, infrastructure, zoning and planning alone, but has to shoulder as its central duties the development of cities and raising the “quality of life”. As a municipality that is honest and democratic, that has established “trust” in its own city on solid ground, something that is unfortunately less and less the case elsewhere, as a municipality that has embraced, and been embraced by, its denizens, we believe that we bring a new lease on life to the conception of administration in Turkey. Imagine a city that ceaselessly receives migration because of its powerful potential in industry, trade, and services, yet also offers the possibility of a tranquil and peaceful life and fully deserves the characterisation of a “livable city”. That is Izmir, a city that, in a rare combination, wields both characteristics simultaneously. To have served as the mayor of such a city, a city envied by all, for fifteen years is the greatest honour of my life and the greatest legacy that I will be bequeathing to my children and grand-children. 6 T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R As we set out on this road, we had established significant goals regarding the future vision of Izmir. To enhance the “quality of life” while conserving the life style of the city was one. We also set our eyes on “providing sustainable urban development” and added to this: “achieving participatory and democratic local government and developing conviviality in a spirit of solidarity”. I must proudly state that Izmir took great strides in this direction determined many years ago and continues to do so. Needless to say, this was not easy to accomplish. I personally, at least, cannot remember any straight track; we always had to jump over hurdles. But we worked and worked unswervingly, indomitably, with a force that came from the bottom of our hearts... It is an incontrovertible fact that at the point it has arrived, the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality is an immensely important model for local government in Turkey. A role model that holds a wealth of hints, from its manner of connecting to the central government all the way to how a municipality that stands in opposition to the government can at the same time be financially strong. The democratic concept of municipal rule that we have implemented for three consecutive terms has turned into a work called the “Izmir Model” as a result of the collective work of 26 academics for a year and a half. I would like to express my gratitude to all the scholars, the employees of our municipality and others who have put in an effort towards this end, starting with Professor İlhan Tekeli, who undertook the coordination of the project. More than an effort to record for the benefit of future generations some of the achievements realised in this country, the Izmir Model has been in effect a plea. One that appeals for collective production based on collective work and never to leave the shining path of scientific thinking. While looking into the matter of what local government can do, what manner and methods it needs to adopt in order to contribute to the development of cities and to raise the quality of life, this piece of work also questions, in an age where all pontificate on “participatory government” and “participatory democracy”, whether the Mayor of the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality and his administrators conducted their work under the guidance of reason and scientific thinking. It talks about our viewpoint regarding life and nature and the atmosphere and water and the soil. T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R 7 The Izmir Model is more of a new beginning than a conclusion. And a hope for Turkey. I feel proud in declaring once more: on behalf of Izmir, “the city of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk”, we own up our Republic and our future with unwavering conviction. We are proud of this emblematic city of modern Turkey and will protect it like the apple of our eyes. We shall continue to lay brick upon brick for the future of Izmir. And our greatest source of strength will, once again, be Izmir and its denizens. Aziz KOCAOĞLU Mayor of Izmir Metropolitan Municipality I. INTRODUCTION In the first volume of the work on the Izmir Model, conducted as part of the activities of the Izmir Mediterranean Academy1, the Story of the 2004-2018 Period in Municipal Administration in Izmir has been recounted. In this second volume, a Proposal for a Democratic Municipal Model for Izmir is developed, taking its cue from the story told in the first volume. There exist practical and theoretical reasons for the development of such a model for Izmir. The most salient practical reason is that Turkey will hold local elections in 2019. It has been deemed useful in a practical sense to present a democratic local government model on which work was conducted to the political2 public sphere as Turkey goes into new local elections. Periods of electoral campaign are times when the public is open to new suggestions. The fact that such a model has been presented to the attention of the public sphere will help make the debate in the electoral campaign more creative. There are also theoretical reasons why a second volume, proposing a democratic local government model, has been prepared over and beyond the first. Story of the 2004-2018 Period of Municipal Administration in Izmir tells us an experience of long duration. In order for this experience to become an effective beacon in politics, it has to be recast as an administrative model in normative language. For a particular administrative experience to become transferable elsewhere, it has to be developed as a “Model”. To take the empirical fact as the point of departure is both meaningful as a source of inspiration and necessary in order to avoid speculative suggestions. But to be able to go over to a “Model” with normative characteristics and to avoid remaining captive to the purely empirical, one needs to be able to look at the empirical critically as well. 1 The execution of this work was undertaken by the EU Grant Projects Section Director’s Office of the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality. 2 By "aracterising it as “political”, we wish to narrow the concept “public sphere” down to its part where political interaction takes place. T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R 9 Naturally, the new administrative “Model” should not be expected to limit itself to the administrative experience that was originally its source of inspiration. In effect, throughout the Aziz Kocaoğlu period, while the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality was in the hands of the CHP (the Republican People’s Party), the central government was controlled by the AKP (the Justice and Development Party). As a consequence, the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality encountered numerous difficulties and barriers while trying to implement its plans and decisions, as was narrated in detail in the first volume. Under these circumstances, the projected plans could not be fully realised. Furthermore, as a result of life experience accumulated over time, people come to nurture different expectations from local government. Hence, it is to be expected that the new “Models” proposed go beyond the boundaries of the experiences that inspire them. The title of this book, Proposal for a Democratic Municipal Model for Izmir, draws attention to three properties of the “Model”. First, the “Model” to be developed is meant for Izmir. The experience that is the source of inspiration for the model was played out in Izmir. The habits of life adopted by the denizens of Izmir and their political behaviour differ from other regions of Turkey. At bottom, these differences have a positive impact on the performance of the Izmir municipality. If the “Model” to be proposed ignores these differences in the name of a claim for universality, it is bound to suffer substantial losses in quality. . For this reason, the “Model” developed has been conceived on the basis of the natural and social reality of Izmir. However, this does not prevent local governments outside of Izmir from taking this “Model” as a source of inspiration when developing their own “Model”. The second reference in the title is to the importance the “Model” attributes to the democratic nature of municipal rule. The privileged position of Izmir in the context of the history of democracy in Turkey is common knowledge. But the democracy that is mentioned here has a function/meaning that goes beyond the instrumentalised conception proper to representative democracy. The basis for the democratic orientation of the denizens of Izmir derives from their behaviour as active citizens in order to make true their life choices rather than their political-ideological priorities. They refuse a situation where the meaning of their lives is imposed from the outside; they desire the concrete results of a free and mutually respectful discussion to rule their lives. They perceive democracy as opening up for them the possibility of producing meaning while leading their lives, of shaping the community in which they live, of moulding their life spaces. This is very different from an instrumental conception of democracy that serves to capture power on the basis of ideological loyalties. It receives its significance from building life freely. Only when a person’s life is lived in such a democratic locality can it be taken to mean the realisation of the right to a dignified life. The third reference to the “Model” to be found in the title of the book is to the fact that this is a Model for municipal government. The jurisdiction of the 10 T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R Izmir Metropolitan Municipality at present is co-extensive with the boundaries of the administrative unit of the province. Under these circumstances, the local government “Model” to be developed will comprise all of the different urban and rural areas of the province. Since, at the level of development attained by Izmir, the opposition urban-rural has been more or less transcended, this opposition will not occupy an important place among the concepts to be found in the “Model” to be developed. In a certain sense, it is the “Model” of an urban sprawl over rural areas. The “Izmir Democratic Municipal Model” presented in this book will not be a program that brings together the projects proposed directly for implementation in Izmir as a cohesive whole. It will be a summation of upper level choices that will serve to guide the practice of the Izmir municipality. In order for this “Model” to serve as a tool of guidance as expected, choices will be developed at five different levels. At the first and highest level will be the proposal for “A Vision for Izmir”. At the second level, the issue of approaches relating to what kind of local government organisation and administration/governance forms are stipulated for the realisation of the vision for the “Izmir Model”. The third level will concern the fundamental strategies and policies to be followed in the basic areas of duty of the existing local government structure and the area of services and the infrastructure provided. At the fourth level, the basic choices to be made regarding the shaping, designing, monitoring and regulation of the settlement pattern of Izmir will be taken up. At the fifth level proposals will be made as to the formation of a community along the lines of Izmir’s vision concerning the “quality of life” and increasing, for this purpose, the capacity to develop the requisite shared (inter-subjective) judgments. Having determined the scope of the Izmir Model and the levels of the propositions that are going to be part of this scope, two more issues need to be clarified. The first is the question of how the temporal flexibility of this “Model” is going to be assured. The second is the issue of how the general strategy and policy choices will be equipped with the necessary details for the level of implementation and how they will be put in practice. Since the Izmir Model is made up of general choices at a high level of abstraction, it is to be expected that it will have a high level of flexibility that will make it possible for its adaptation to developments experienced worldwide. In a sense it will be a “Model” of quite high resilience. Nonetheless, if such a “Model” is proposed, channels for change need to be kept open. It may be said that there may be two basic causes for change. The first is the failures encountered in practice. The second will be developments in the social perception of “quality of life” and democracy. Of course, the change in the “Model” will materialise within scientific/participatory processes, as has been the case of its preparation. The “Model” that has been developed presents the general choices made. For implementation, projects need to be developed at a level that would be effective in practice and the model would be sufficiently detailed for purposes T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R 11 of implementation. At this level as well, innovative and participatory processes should be devised. It may even be said that if this level of participation and innovation is impossible to attain, this implies that the Izmir Model will not be successful in advancing the “quality of life”. Hence, for the upper level choices of the Izmir Model to attain success, it is necessary that the municipal administration imbue it successfully with democratic processes. While we are advancing a new “Model” of local government for Izmir, the institutional setup that exists in Turkey will be assumed as given. But while developing the model, we will confront restrictions in many areas that derive from this institutional setup. If the analysis remains silent on which element of the institutional setup acts as a barrier to the performance of local government and how that element should be changed, then the “Model” proposed will be condemned to failure from the outset. That is why the Model prepared needs to also include the changes necessary in the institutional setup in critical areas. When the proposals regarding the changes necessary in the institutional setup of local government in Turkey in order to be able to devise a successful type of local democracy are brought together, the demand for local democracy will, in a certain sense, also have been articulated. In that case, the Izmir model to be prepared will have gone beyond being a document for the guidance of the government/governance of the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality to become the voice of the demand for local democracy in Turkey at large. Since, at bottom, this book will be proposing a “‘Model for Local Government’ for Izmir/Turkey”, it is necessary to clarify the underlying approach to the phenomenon of the local. When we speak of local government in the context of Izmir,3 we thereby mean a local that is, at once, counterposed to the global and to Turkey. When one looks at either usage, one sees that the local is defined in opposition to a totality of which it itself is a part. When that totality changes in nature, so does the local itself. Thus: • The local gains its meaning both from an opposition and a relativity, each person finding themselves as part of a locality from birth. They get to know it immediately, by experiencing it, concretely. We start out from the knowledge of the local, climb to the abstract and, making use of the latter, define what is original in the local. This then leads us to say, • We experience the local and grasp it concretely. The local is mostly used in an identical sense with underdevelopment. This cannot be the case with Izmir. Then, • It is necessary to conceive the local not as resistance, but through the optic of the requirements of the New World. 3 On this see İlhan Tekeli: “Dünyaya Yerelden Bakmanın Bilimsel Açılımları Üzerine Bir Tartışma”, İlhan Tekeli: Gündelik Yaşam, Yaşam Kalitesi ve Yerellik Yazıları, İlhan Tekeli Toplu Eserler-12, Tarih Vakfı Yurt Yay., İstanbul, 2009, s. 164-184. 12 T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R Izmir is the local not of what is backward, but of that which is advanced. Accordingly, • In Izmir, the local can be conceived not through its static aspect, but through what is changing, each period has its own local. The local should be conceived not as eternal essences, but as the cumulative outcome of complex and contingent political and historical processes. We know the local through its objects, artefacts, people, and its relations, external and internal. • We cannot grasp the historicity of the local without recognising its inner logics. The inner logic of the local should be reconstructed as a multiplicity, from the viewpoint of its different functions. The recognition that the local possesses a variety of inner logics implies that the local can be reconstructed at different magnitudes and with the assumption of diverse ontological structures. If that is the case then, • The dynamics of evolution cannot be grasped unless the ontology of the totality formed by the various locals, whose inner logics we are familiar with, is itself known. In our day and age, conceptualised as it is through the opposition of the global and the local, it is expected that each local sustain its competitiveness or develop it. This then • Creates the imperative for the formation of a local that can ceaselessly generate its competitiveness and the development of the concept of a learning local. In this context it becomes critically important to understand how every locality functions as a collective learning entity and to put forward proposals as to how this attribute can be enhanced. In this work designed to develop a normative “Model” of local government for Izmir, the local is treated not as a formation that is stagnant, that resists change, that seeks its identity in not changing, but as a social totality that nurtures the ambition to compete in a changing World, which renders the “Model” that aims to be of guidance for such a formation an ambitious one. As the book Izmir Model is seeing the light of day, Turkey is preparing for a new round of local elections. It should therefore be pointed out that the Izmir Model developed in this book does not propose a municipal or electoral platform that can immediately be used by leaders or candidates. But it does draw a conceptual framework for strategies and policies and the fundamental values that they can make use of in drawing up such a platform. Those who wish to develop a municipal or electoral platform by making use of this “Model” will have to develop these platforms themselves. No municipal or electoral platform can be constructed on the basis of abstract principles and abstract concepts alone. T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R 13 One has to go beyond these. While, such platforms need to be grounded in the city where they will be implemented and the time span in which they will be put in practice, they also need to be linked to the project level. II. WHAT VISION DOES THE IZMIR MODEL TAKE AS ITS POINT OF DEPARTURE? II.1. HOW WAS THE IZMIR VISION FORMED? If one’s objective is to develop a “Democratic Municipal Model for Izmir”, the basis for the development of this “Model” ought to be a vision embraced by the denizens of Izmir. The vision indicates how the denizens of Izmir view the future and the kind of understanding that the inhabitants have regarding the direction in which the city should develop. If a democratic society has such a vision, then the separate actions of the free members of the community will contribute in a mutually reinforcing manner to the progress of the community in the desired direction. Izmir does have a vision with these attributes, one that is embraced by the community. For this reason the Izmir Model has set out by valorising and developing this already existing vision. During the first year of Aziz Kocaoğlu’s second term, an Izmir Cultural Workshop, hosting a large list of participants, was convened on 24 October 2009. That workshop developed a vision for Izmir. This vision has since been embraced by the denizens of Izmir. A three-pronged vision was proposed in the process of the evaluation of the conclusions reached at the workshop.4 The three axes were identified as follows: 1. Izmir Should Cast Itself As an Innovative Design City 2. It Should Become an Active Node in the Network of Mediterranean Cities 3. It Should Attribute Priority to Practices of Participatory Governance in the Activities of the Local Government At the workshop, these axes of development were taken up in combination with the much more general objectives of the protection of the unstressed life quality of Izmir and the stepping up of the economic progress of the city. The first element of this vision, the principle of innovative design city, reflected a choice regarding the dynamics of the development and life quality of Izmir. With the second, that is Izmir becoming an active node in the Mediterranean network of cities, a geographic choice was made regarding the economic relations of Izmir with the outside world. This choice also indicated a difference concerning the life style of Izmir. The third element of the vision, participation and governance, showed what kind of local government the denizens of Izmir preferred in order to live a life in dignity. The time that has gone by since 2009 has demonstrated the success of this 4 14 The Izmir Cultural Workshop (24 October 2009), Izmir Metropolitan Municipality, Izmir, 2009. T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R vision. No other vision has been put forward in opposition to this one. Moreover, in 2009, in Izmir local politics, it was common to hear comments on how Izmir was developing at a slower pace than Istanbul. However, now Izmir is receiving a net flow of migration from Istanbul. The “quality of life” of Izmir is now being preferred to Istanbul. The efforts to protect the unstressed life style of Izmir, held in the background in the three-pronged vision, have contributed amply to this achievement. Faced with this situation, during the reformulation of the Vision for Izmir, the need was felt to promote the element “quality of life”, earlier relegated to the background, as the fourth axis of the vision. This element may be formulated as follows: 4. Protection and Enhancement of Izmir’s Unstressed Quality of Life, Not Treating Anyone as the Other, Open to Conviviality and Interaction. Before taking further steps in the development of the Izmir Model, the adequacy of the four-pronged vision for the development of that model ought to be questioned. To conduct such a test, one may question the adequacy of the elements of this vision to guide the social and economic development of Izmir, on the one hand, and to underscore an administrative line that is democratic and respectful towards human dignity, on the other. The Vision for Izmir may be said to comfortably pass this test of adequacy after the addition of the choice of “quality of life” as the fourth axis. When the components of the vision are subjected to analysis, one can see that behind the principles lie values that are embraced by the community. For this reason, still another method to be applied in determining the adequacy of the vision with respect to a settlement should be to question whether it is broad enough to encompass the values embraced by the World community. For a city like Izmir to receive recognition from the World community, its vision needs to possess these characteristics. As will be seen when the Vision for Izmir is taken up in the next chapter, it passes this test since it is based on values embraced universally. II.2. THE FUNDAMENTAL CONCEPTS OF THE VISION Each vision is usually formulated briefly so as to make it memorable and easily reproducible. This is imperative. However, when an action is planned along the lines of this vision, when an attempt is made to establish some link between the vision and the action planned, more needs to be done. Of course, an accumulation of experience and creativity are needed for the passage from the vision to the action. To be able to actively benefit from these qualities, one needs to be deeply familiar with the fundamental concepts of the vision. For this reason, when the work on the Izmir Model began, conceptual research on the principles/values of 1) Quality of Life, 2) Participation and Governance, 3) Innovation and 4) Sustainability was conducted. These four concepts have in T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R 15 recent decades been on the order of the day both globally and hence in Turkey. They have become universal criteria to be fulfilled by good local government.5 This statement, however, reflects only one aspect of reality. There is another aspect of the same reality. Political struggles are being waged internationally and within countries on how the content of these concepts should be envisioned, how they can be implemented and the like. The content of these concepts are in constant flux. Each of the four concepts on which the Vision for Izmir is based can be made to encompass the rest if interpreted sufficiently broadly. The Izmir Model itself interprets the concept “quality of life” in a broad manner. When such a division of labour is established among the four concepts, the other three take on the function of determining the path that leads to the achievement of “quality of life”. Let us then take up one by one these four concepts that will fill the Vision for Izmir with its content. 1. Quality of Life It may be said that every local government/governance entity ultimately should receive/receives its legitimacy from providing “quality of life”.6 Life is a concept that encompasses all the activities of humanity and sustains the continuity of these activities. Agricultural and non-farm production, the totality of consumption, the activities in which people engage in order to develop their capacities, the relations that people set up, the services rendered to the community based on an accommodation that people establish among themselves, reproduction of the species, and many others form the content of life. The word that really establishes the objective is quality. Quality is a judgment passed on the character of this multifaceted thing called life. When one reaches a judgment on quality, two kinds of evaluations are usually at play. The first pertains to the objective conditions that support or provide opportunities for the life activities conducted within the environment where life is carried on, while the second concerns the subjective assessment of those who live in that environment. If one is passing a judgment centred on the individual, subjective criteria gain precedence. But in order to assess the “quality of life” that a locality provides for individuals, if one wishes to pass a judgment regarding the upper scale for measuring the “quality of life”, then one needs to opt for either objective criteria or inter-subjective accommodations. 5 Studies on this topic; Metin Şenbil: “İzmir Yerel Yönetim Modelinin Yaşam Kalitesi Boyutu Üzerine” pp. 52-77; Korel Göymen: “Yönetişim ve Katılım Kavramlarına İlişkin Düşünsel Çerçeve”, pp.. 78-102; Koray Velibeyoğlu: “Yenilikçilik Kavramı ve Yerelde Kullanım Olanakları”, pp. 103-122; Fikret Adaman-Rümeysa Özgen: “İzmir Kenti Bağlamında Sürdürülebilirlik”, pp. 123-146; İlhan Tekeli: “İzmir Yönetişim Modelinin Temel Değerleri/Kavramları Konusundaki Konuşmalara Giriş”, pp. 32-51; İzmir Modeli Çalışmaları Birinci Kitap: Ortak Kavramlar, İzmir Büyükşehir Belediyesi, Izmir, 2018. 6 On this see Metin Şenbil: “İzmir Yerel Yönetim Modelinin Yaşam Kalitesi Boyutu Üzerine”, İzmir Modeli Çalışmaları Birinci Kitap: Ortak Kavramlar, İzmir Büyükşehir Belediyesi, Izmir, 2018, pp. 52-77. 16 T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R The concept “quality of life” assumed its present-day content thanks to the steps taken in the post-World War II period towards the realisation of the right to a life in dignity. In the aftermath of the war, in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights adopted by the United Nations in 1948, the specification of dignity was added to the right to life. The same year, the UN World Health Organisation (WHO) defined the healthy condition of a person in terms of “well-being”. It may be said that the concept “quality of life” gradually took on its present-day meaning starting from these first steps. The recasting of the definition of being healthy as bodily and spiritual “wellbeing” implied a radical change. Whereas previously being healthy was based on a type of negativity in terms of the absence of a disease, the new language now defined healthiness in terms of the positive attributes of persons. It may be said that “well-being” also has an objective and a subjective aspect. This human-centric concept pointed, from the objective side, to the effective functioning of the multiple biological systems of the human being, and, from the subjective side, to people’s satisfaction with their lives. That “well-being” contained a subjective side acted to make it an open-ended concept and rendered it susceptible to further development. This open-ended definition also contributed to the recognition of the fact that “well-being” is a multi-dimensional concept. If people have no job security, if job availability has declined to very low levels, if inequalities in the distribution of income are constantly on the rise, if unease and stress are unremitting, it goes without saying that the subjective side of “well-being” simply cannot be attained in that society. Now a different dimension of the concept, “sociological well-being”, as a condition for “wellbeing” in general, is being toyed with. Over time, other dimensions were added to these two, such as the income and wealth dimension, the education and skills acquisition dimension, the environmental dimension and the like. From a multidimensional concept of “well-being” it was but a short and inevitable step to the concept of “quality of life”, itself multi-dimensional in scope. At present, studies conducted on “quality of life” in different localities have recourse to multidimensional indices for the purpose of measuring “quality of life”, each locality in line with its position and conditions. For instance, the OECD developed an 11-dimensional conceptualisation in 2015. The calculation was based on the following: Housing, Income, Employment, Community Formation, Education, Environment, Health, Civic Engagement, Life Satisfaction, Security, Work and Life Balance. When a study is conducted on the basis of this type of multidimensional concept of “quality of life” in order to determine the situation in a certain locality or city, separate indices are developed concerning each dimension and later these are aggregated by adding them up. What this kind of approach really measures is rather vague and creates uncertainties as to the determination of what is to be given priority and what is strategic with regard to policy making. The fact that there is currently consensus among experts to the effect that T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R 17 “quality of life” can be, under force of circumstance, established in composite manner by adding up the multidimensional variables does not necessarily mean that the problem with these indices has been eliminated. Authorities prefer that “quality of life” be measured externally on the basis of objective indicators. This is both practical and facilitates the defence of administrative decisions relying on instrumental rationality. However, a fundamental problem arises at this point. “Quality of life” possesses both an objective and a subjective aspect. For this reason, it becomes very difficult to defend the measurement of “quality of life” exclusively on the basis of objective indicators, without taking into consideration the subjective assessment of the people of that locality. Even if indicators of a qualitatively different type are used relying on objective and subjective determinations, this will not remove the uncertainties if the ultimate judgment on “quality of life” is reached by adding up these indicators. The policies to be developed and the action plans to be recommended will, of course, be influenced by the various political and ideological tendencies within the community. It may be said that the kind of measurement that is based on the adding up of indicators facilitates the defending of positions of various ideological approaches relating to questions concerned with “quality of life”. In such a situation, the claim that this method provides guidance to action loses much of its clout. It would be good to clarify the contest between the “hedonic” and the “eudaimonic” viewpoints in the area of which variables to use in order to measure “quality of life” and thus form a position.7 The roots of this discussion on well-being and the question of what a good society is goes all the way back to the 4th century before our era. At that time, the philosopher Aristippus defined a good society in “hedonic” terms or, in other words, in terms of momentary bodily pleasure. This inevitably gave precedence to individual interest. This kind of thinking later survived up to the present, after having been taken up by Thomas Hobbes, Jeremy Bentham and economic utilitarianism. In the same century as Aristippus, the philosopher Aristotle defended a “eudaimonic” conception of well-being. He was against blind obedience to one’s desires. He was after a kind of understanding of excellence. He saw happiness in the realisation of people’s true potentialities and in the practice of what is worth doing. This was what was virtuous. This line of thinking has also survived to our day through Erich Fromm and Amartya Sen. It is interesting to note that research in the field of neuro-science has recently shown us that the types of satisfaction provided by the “hedonic” and 7 On this see Carol D. Ryff, Burton H. Singer and Gayle Dienberg Love: “Positive Health: Connecting Well- Being with Biology”, Sc. The Royal Society, published on line, 11 August 2004. Ri"ard M. Ryan and Edward L. Deci: “On Happiness and Human Potentials”; “A Review of Resear" on Hedonic and Eudaimonic Well-Being”, Annu. Rev. Psy"ol. 52, 2001, pp. 141-166. 18 T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R “eudaimonic” conceptions of life correspond to two different points in the brain.8 This biological observation brings us to an interesting juncture. It transpires that we need to embrace both the “hedonic” and the “eudaimonic” conceptions within our understanding of well-being or the good life. Once we define “quality of life” in a multidimensional manner, some of these dimensions will turn out to be “hedonic” and others “eudaimonic”. If the balance between “hedonistic” and “eudaimonic” approaches concerning the functioning of the economy is established in favour of hedonism, the practical outcome will be a high level of consumption. This then leaves us face to face with problems regarding the fourth objective or concept, i.e. “sustainability”. If one is to own “sustainability” in sincere fashion, there is a need not to whip up consumption excessively. If there is a tendency to keep quiet on the effort to increase consumption with the purpose of avoiding an economic crisis, that implies a hypocritical behaviour vis-a-vis the objective of “sustainability”. If one is to evade that kind of hypocrisy, there is a need for the construction of capacity to safeguard the level of “quality of life” based on the logic of adding up the different elements and for raising the share of the satisfaction provided by the performance achieved concomitantly. If we base our definition of “quality of life” solely on objective criteria, thereby neglecting criteria of a subjective nature, then the concept “quality of life” is rendered completely instrumental, making it impossible to relate the concept to happiness, thus basically evacuating it of content. Yet our highest expectation from life is that of the generation of happiness.9 Happiness is a sentiment, an emotion of the human being. It is the supreme level goal that attributes meaning to his or her life. In this capacity, it has the power to guide public policy and, in the private sphere, the principles of morality. Our thoughts and goals affect our sentiment and emotions and thus our happiness. Why do we recognise happiness as the supreme goal? That is because it is the most spontaneous and hence clearest objective. Well-being, autonomy, freedom and the like appear as instruments in relation to happiness. We can almost say that the human being exists or is programmed, as it were, for happiness. However, we cannot say that we have adequate knowledge as to what happiness is and how it is generated. The sentiment of happiness is attributed to the subjective evaluation of each individual. This is of utmost importance. In this way the admission is made that happiness cannot be the subject of paternalism. However, such an assessment does not imply that we should ignore the social aspect of happiness and reduce it to individualism. Life experience usually shows that when the “self-realisation” proposed by individualism materialises, there is an ensuing satisfaction, but that 8 On this see Norman Doidge: Kendini Değiştiren Beyin, Pegasus Yay., İstanbul, Nisan 2012 [The Brain That Changes Itself, New York: Penguin Books, 2007.] 9 On this see Ri"ard Layard: Happiness: Lessons From a new Science, The Penguin Press, New York, 2005. T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R 19 the ambition that accompanies this happiness can become an impediment in the way of the formation of a feeling of happiness. The human being can only exist socially. Because humans are at bottom social beings, we cannot explain happiness on the basis of the emotions that are generated in situations where the human being is assumed to be an atomistic individual. People’s happiness is dependent on the quality of their relationship to others. Hence, if trust has not been achieved between members of a community, happiness cannot come about. Happiness for everyone is conditional upon the importance attributed by each to the well-being of the others in the community, as well as their own well-being. If that is the case, then it should be recognised that the feeling of happiness cannot come about in isolation and that it ought to be nourished by a feeling of camaraderie amongst the members of the community. In other words, happiness is not something to be desired on one’s own. It is imperative that a shared materialisation of the highest level of happiness for all be aspired to. In such circumstances, the well-being attained will become the common good. No community will be able to develop and its members will be happy without the members’ commitment to the common good. For development to be achieved, it is necessary that shared objectives have been established and internalised. If we define the concept “quality of life”, the quintessential notion of a positive orientation in a city, the life that is experienced and the subjective evaluations of the denizens will have been left outside the picture. If we recognise that the existence of the human being is a social one, that happiness cannot be attained on one’s own, that a common good, collectively formed, and the commitment by members of the community to this common good are preconditions for this, then we cannot reduce the concept “quality of life” exclusively to what is objective and exclude life experience itself. It is necessary to relate the definition of “quality of life” to the life experience in that city, to the prerequisite of the presence of a common good formed inter-subjectively, and to the flourishing of discourses relevant to this common good. When this is done, when the scale of the positive orientation is raised from the terrain of the individual to the terrain of the city, then the subjectivity on which the judgment of positivity is based will cede its place to an inter-subjective accommodation. Before concluding our discussion on the concept “quality of life”, the centrepiece of the argument in this study, it would be in order to clarify its relation to the concept “development”. In our analysis so far, we have seen that “quality of life” is multidimensional and that one of the dimensions in question is economic development. The relationship between the concept “quality of life” and economic development is self-evident. The basic concept is “quality of life”. Economic development is one of the factors that contribute to it. Notwithstanding this, many are those who attribute the pride of place to economic development in their thinking under the impact of the economic developmentalism that has achieved a hegemonic position across the world since the 1960s. They contend that economic development should be achieved first and only when a certain 20 T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R level has been attained should considerations on “quality of life” be brought in. Hence, if there is an opposition or a contradiction between the various dimensions of “quality of life” and the economic development dimension itself, then priority will have to be given to economic development and human and environmental dimensions be pushed to the background. At the level that Turkey has reached in terms of economic progress, it is not correct to defend this viewpoint. This study in its entirety puts at its centre “quality of life” as the fundamental concept also because the Izmir Model is being developed for local authorities. The concept of economic development is closely tied the nation-state scale. Models of economic development are constructed in terms of the macroeconomic variables of a nation-state. When economic development is given priority, the variables that can be effective can only be manipulated by central government. If a local authority makes this its central concept, it will have relegated itself to a secondary position. If, on the other hand, you make “quality of life” your central concept, the local authority will have the possibility of intervening over a much broader spectrum of variables. As we shall see in subsequent chapters, there will emerge a differentiation from the notion of economic development at the scale of the nation-state when we are dwelling on the concept of localbased development within the “Izmir Model”. When a local authority chooses “quality of life” as its central concept, it may be said that it will have liberated itself from viewing economic development as an independent variable to see it rather as a dependent variable. 2. Participation and Governance Second among the values embraced by the current literature on local government is the third element of the Izmir Vision, participation and governance.10 It is possible to see this concept as one important dimension of the multidimensional umbrella concept of “quality of life”. The dimension “civic engagement” in the 2015 model of the OECD (Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development) concerns the same values. The discussion to be developed in this section will enhance our perception of what is to be done in order to materialise “quality of life” and save it from being presented mechanically. If “quality of life” is conceived as a goal determined from the outside and the municipal administration as an instrument employed to bring this into being, one may then deem legitimate behaviour on the part of the administration that is incompatible with human dignity. If, on the on the other hand, we do not fail to remember that the concept government/governance that we are here tackling is part and parcel of “quality of life”, it will be impossible to see it as an instrument. We will be forced to see it as part of the goal. This way we will also have clarified why we pass over from government to governance. 10 On this see Korel Göymen: “Yönetişim ve Katılım Kavramlarına İlişkin Düşünsel Çerçeve”, İzmir Modeli Çalışmaları Birinci Kitap: Ortak Kavramlar, İzmir Büyükşehir Belediyesi,, İzmir, 2018, pp. 78-102. T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R 21 The claim regarding instrumental rationality that ruled the public administration scene in the 1960s had its source in the assumption of the invariability of the objective. If such a goal existed, then it would become possible, on the basis of scientific knowledge, to determine the instruments that would make it possible to attain this goal in a manner that could claim to be rational. However, in a democratic society with a web of interactions, goals did not remain constant, but kept varying ceaselessly. Thus, the distinction between ends and means was blurred and both had to be determined simultaneously. Once this kind of awareness emerged, instrumental rationality was ruled out. What can replace it is the concept of communicative rationality,11 advanced by Jürgen Habermas in the 1980s. The notion of communicative rationality developed by Jürgen Habermas finds its basis in the phenomenological conception of science. For him, the world assumes objectivity only when it is recognised as one and the same world by a community of agents that wield a capacity for language and action. Whereas instrumental rationality is materialised when a goal (telos) aimed for is reached, the consummation of communicative rationality comes about as a result of the attainment of communicative accommodation or consensus. The basic means of the provision of inter-subjective consensus is conversation. However, according to Habermas, due to the present colonisation of our life processes by the instrumental rationality of the bureaucracy and the market forces and the fact of human self-deception, the communication established is a deformed one. Hence, in order for the claim to be made that communicative rationality has been consummated, an environment has to be provided for an “ideal conversation”. Because in the light of all this the rationality of the method of administration of representative democracy, owing as it does its legitimacy to electoral majorities, has become indefensible, new concepts have arisen such as “deliberative” or “participatory” democracy, these receiving their legitimacy from the inclusion of people. Within the present-day notion of democracy that finds its legitimacy in inclusion, the existence and advancement of public discussion alone is not sufficient. For legitimacy to be complete in the pluralist democracies of our time, no sectors of society should have been excluded from the public sphere.12 As the conception of democracy that derives its legitimacy from the inclusion of people is strengthened, the concept of government has ceded its place to that of governance, rooted in communicative rationality. This transition may also be regarded as one from the citizen to the network member. This kind of transition implies abandoning the division of labour brought about by a centralised, hierarchical administrative structure that has monopolised all powers and 11 Jürgen Habermas: İletişimsel Eylem Kuramı, trans. Mustafa Tüzel, Kabalcı Yay., İstanbul, 1996, p. 34 [The Theory of Communicative Action, Boston,MA: Beacon Press, 1984]. 12 Murat Kazancı: “Against Habermasian De(A)liberation”: Felsefe ve Sosyal Bilgiler Dergisi, 2014, Fall, No. 18, pp. 173-188. 22 T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R resources in its bosom, creating the conditions for horizontal relations or network relations, where everyone pays respect to each other’s rights, where the members constantly develop their performance based on human rights, where the community moves towards emergent claims that are based on permanent renegotiation, where a new social division of labour brought about by the concept of governance provides for the transition to a more democratic social setup. In this new division of labour, actors (civil society organisations and communities) that can perceive of their needs and priorities, that can make decisions and resort to actions in independent fashion, that have the capacity to orient themselves and others will take a predominant place. The critical concept in the transition to a conception of democracy and governance that is part and parcel of the objective of “quality of life”, a transition that is the result of the inadequacy of looking at democracy and government as an instrument, is “participation”. The members of a society should be included in the political process whenever that is possible. Elections held every four or five years are inadequate in making the participation of citizens in the administration of society real. Democracies that claim to be participatory, while defending the necessity of the active participation of their citizens in ruling and being ruled, dwell on the importance of the internalisation of a political culture that provides the basis for the participation of all citizens in the political process, pointing out that those political processes in which only the elites are active create a permanent democratic deficit. Only through such an experience will citizens be able to develop a consciousness of citizenship and learn how to tolerate differences and how to cope with them. As a matter of fact, in Habermas’s model, participation “is seen not solely as an activity that is possible in a political space of narrow dimensions, but one that may unfold in the social and cultural spheres as well.”13 How this is made possible is shown to us by Emmanuel Levinas.14 He sees the answer to the problem in the fact that although human life is a battleground, the human being is an ethical being. By asking questions and receiving responsible answers, the human being has the capacity to develop morality, or, in other words, the intersubjective sphere. In a certain sense, Levinas is after constructing the “ethics of the ethical”. At bottom he is seeking the meaning of the inter-subjective and its urgency in life. What is central to this questioning is the conception of the other person. This other is someone like me, engages in actions as I do, and leads a conscious life. Levinas sees the conversation with the other as an emotional act. When someone calls out to me, I respond to him or her. He says this response starts the dialogue. In Levinas’ philosophy, the other is entrusted to me, is a 13 Seyla Benhabib: “Models of Public Space: Hannah Arendt, the Liberal Tradition, and Jürgen Habermas”, in Habermas and the Public Sphere, Craig Calhoun (Ed.), Cambridge, Mass.; The MIT Press, 1992, p. 86. 14 Bergo Bettina: “Emmanuel Levinas”: Stanford Encylopedia of Philosophy, Summer 2015 Edition. T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R 23 source of responsibility towards who I need to show the utmost care. This is an asymmetrical responsibility. It shows us the dangers of approaching the other in self-centred fashion. His other is very different from that we know by force of habit in our day and age. As a matter of fact, what Levinas is proposing to us is that we should be building a different kind of world. When I call the other to my inner self, he/she will not invade me, just as I do not intend to invade him/her.15 Once that kind of pacific morality is embraced, power is no longer a position that has been given from outside and captured, but assumes the character of a position that is constantly rebuilt through inter-subjective accommodation or consensus. And once this kind of morality has developed, the provision of the inter-subjective will become a habitus. For a healthy participation to develop, the morality and the language of the public sphere have to distance themselves from the conflictual morality and language of representative democracy.16 For participatory democracy to become effective, there needs to exist a robustly functioning public sphere. If adequate public spaces do not exist for the participation of citizens actively in ruling and being ruled, if the distance between those who rule and those who are ruled is not consciously narrowed down only to be totally eradicated ultimately, the democratic character of politics remains dead letter.17 The public sphere that participatory democracy needs is not limited to the public spaces that are necessary for the functioning of representative democracy. It is necessary to go beyond this and create a multitude of public spaces that would encompass the social, economic, and cultural spheres. Only if the public sphere can be built in all its richness can participatory democracy and governance be established in a successful manner. There are multifaceted positive outcomes expected when defending participatory democracy and governance. The establishment of this kind of governance will save society from the shallowness of confining the progress of society to the imagination of one person or the few and open up the fountains of the rich creativity of a variety of actors. In the face of the clientelism, corruption and the like that derive from the arbitrary use of discretionary powers regarding the method of rule that is legitimised by representative democracy, criteria have been developed such as transparency, accountability, subsidiarity and the like regarding the question of what “good government” is. It may be said that the transition into participatory rule will automatically, as it were, lead to conformation with these criteria. With the progress of governance as against government, the individuals of 15 Ahmet İnam: “Ötekinden Ötedekine: Levinas’dan Levnünnass’a”, December 2004, Ankara. http://www.phil.metu. edu.tr/ahmet-inam/levinas.htm (Access: 11.06.2018). 16 İlhan Tekeli: “Türkiye’nin Habitat.II İstanbul Konferansı Hazırlıklarının Değerlendirilmesi ve Kamu Alanını Kullanma Ahlakı Üzerine”, Habitat.II Konferansı Yazıları, Toplu Konut İdaresi Başkanlığı, Ankara, 1996, p. 145-155. 17 24 Benjamin Barber: Strong Democracy, University of California Press, Berkeley, 1984. T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R the community will not be forced into accepting decisions imposed on them as faits accomplis. Under government, the individual has been alienated in the face of the decisions made, while under governance, faced with decisions in the making of which they have participated, they will see themselves as public subjects and own the new system with a sense of devotion. As the incompatibility between the concept of democracy and the functioning of representative democracy is reinforced, the disadvantages of the persistence of representative democracy grow by leaps and bounds. The most salient result this has created in recent years is the fact that the dominant discourse in the political public sphere of representative democracy has assumed the character of “post-truth”. In a situation where truth is located in scientific knowledge, democratic choice is determined in communication, and the importance of inter-subjective consensus is appreciated, one would expect the institutions of participatory democracy to develop. Yet this is not the path the world has taken; it has persisted inthe practice of representative democracy as the method of determining government and immured democracy in an instrumentalist viewpoint. Humanity cannot defend a post-truth democracy, based on lies and insensitive to human rights. If we have no access to facts and to phenomena, then we cannot trust each other. Without trust, no law. Without law, no democracy. We need to find a way to get rid of this. The mobilisation of the potentials of organs of local governance may be one way of attempting to reduce the impact of post-truth. By its very nature, participation may be seen as an antidote to post-truth. For this, one needs to liberate local public spaces invaded by central politics and central media and brought to a state where they are open to local problems. Under these circumstances local public spaces will be open to participatory projects and creative political practices, which will raise the possibility of local democracy assuming a quality capable of generating happiness and may be able to create powerful devotion to the local. 3. Innovation The concept of innovation,18 the first element of the Izmir Vision and the third of the values embraced by the current literature on local government, is an expression of the way people look at society and the world, the way they perceive and interpret these or of their mentality. It perceives motion and dynamism as a positive value with regard to the community, rather than stagnation. This objective is, at base, related to life style or quality of life. For this reason, it should be remembered that the concept of innovation is one of the dimensions of the concept “quality of life” discussed earlier. The entry point of the concept “innovation” into the social sciences literature 18 See Koray Velibeyoğlu, Presentation on Innovation, 1 December 2017. T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R 25 was through the sphere of economics.19 The first contribution on this score came from Joseph Alois Schumpeter. In the 1930s, he developed an explanation of economic development based on the introduction of new technologies rather than one connected to price competition. He sought the basis of competitiveness not in price but in technology. He distinguishes between those technologies that “create incremental change” and those that “create radical change”. What is of interest to him is technology that “creates radical change”, which has longterm consequences. In Schumpeter’s view “great technological innovations” lead to two different consequences. The first is called creative destruction. A leap forward in a certain sphere of production results in the disappearance of those producers that use old technology and these suffer great losses. Secondly, great innovations lead to creative accumulation. Those who introduce the new technology are able to transform their industry and other industries tied to theirs through rapid accumulation in that industry. In this manner, Schumpeter succeeds in providing an explanation for the long-term transformation of the economy. The idea of the importance of the political economy of technological innovation has resurfaced since the 1980s. Here, the fact that advanced countries, faced with the challenge of competition from developing countries, started to attribute importance to technological innovation and the rise in the prestige of evolutionary economics inspired by the thinking of Joseph Alois Schumpeter have played their part.20 The fact that the turn to innovation was revived by evolutionary economics has made it possible to realise that innovation should be conceived in a non-linear, multidisciplinary manner within a context of network relations. Once the idea that innovation played a central part in the advance of production and productivity was granted, innovation came to be seen as an independent variable that set development in motion. Innovation having become a popular variable of economic policy, international organisations developed an interest in how to define and measure this. The Oslo Manual (2005), developed jointly by the OECD and Eurostat, has currently become the fundamental reference in the field of innovation.21 When work first started on this, definitions focused on manufacturing and production, but the scope was broadened over time. At the point arrived in 2005, a stage was reached where innovation was defined as changes that “comprise technologically implemented new products and 19 On this see Joseph Alois S"umpeter: The Theory of Economic Development, Harvard Economic Studies, Cambridge. Ma., 1934. Joseph Alois S"umpeter: Capitalism, Socialism and Democracy, Harper’s Books, New York, 1942. 20 Ri"ard Nelson-Sidney G. Winter: An Evolutionary Theory of Economic Change, Harvard University Press, Cambridge. Ma., 1982. 21 Oslo Kılavuzu Yenilik Verilerinin Toplanması ve Yorumlanması İçin İlkeler, (OECD ve Eurostat Ortak Yayını 2005), TÜBİTAK, February, 2006. 26 T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R processes (TPP) and significant technological improvements… TPP innovations involve a series of scientific, technological, organizational, financial and commercial activities.”22 This definition is significantly broader than earlier ones. Nonetheless, it is largely limited to the scale of the firm and to market activities. We do not need to limit innovation to the sphere of economics just because the study of innovation was first started in that field. We need to broaden the positive contribution of innovation to development to the cultural, environmental and social spheres. This implies that innovation becomes coextensive with the central concept of this Model, that is, the multidimensional concept of “quality of life”. Hence, the definition of innovation should be broadened to include the designing, organisation and establishment of links to the population in such ways as to increase productivity in processes that exist in all the spheres that concern “quality of life”. In Schumpeter’s time, too, innovation was defined as a process. No doubt this process had been confined to the economic sphere. Within this process, at the beginning, under the impetus of technological change or emerging demands, new ideas are born and if these prove to be successful as a result of a period of incubation and experimentation, they are offered to society at large, whereupon the number of those who imitate or apply the innovation rises rapidly. One need not limit this process to the economy. When innovation is made to include all spheres of life, this process or others similar to it will have to be considered valid in all such spheres. The innovator of Joseph Alois Schumpeter is a single individual. The innovator of our present world is part of a network. Hence the innovator’s relations are reconstructed for the different stages of the process. Innovations implemented in localities have become embedded progressively as a result of the expansion of computer technology and its use and thus have moved towards becoming a dependent variable rather than an independent one in the development of localities. Before the 1980s, when the use of personal computers had not yet spread far, these new technologies were brought to localities from outside; now they are expected to create a direct impact of change and transformation all the way from individuals through organisations to the cityscape. Innovation is considered to be an independent variable of development/change. Second-generation innovation and the development of strategies and policies came about after the 1980s in the wake of the expansion of micro processor technology and the personal computer. This development was experienced in the transfer and spread of information to large groups of people, which then led, with the spread of the internet, to the birth of multicommunication platforms. These provided the basis for the transition from 22 https://ec.europa.eu/eurostat/statistics-explained/index.php/Glossary:Te"nological_innovation. T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R 27 closed platforms to open innovation platforms. In a global environment where an informatics revolution of this kind is unfolding, the first thing local authorities could do for a start was to try to become part of this revolution. In this context, local authorities tried to benefit from these innovations with the purpose of improving the “quality of life”, passing over to governance and contributing to sustainability in order to meet the needs of cities. Parallel to this, it might be added, they developed the environments, infrastructure, services and networks necessary to attract people and organisations that generated innovation. The uneven distribution of innovation that started to spread in the areas of informatics and communication in localities then emerged as a new problem for them. After the 2000s, there has been talk of third generation innovation strategies and policies. There is a new assumption that innovation is no longer something that is imported into a locality, but should be something that emerges from the infrastructure of that locality, its social environment, and its network relations. Innovation is no longer an activity carried out behind closed doors, but something that is developed together in multilateral fashion in open environments. This transformation implies that innovation is not an independent variable within innovation strategies and policies, but is now being taken up as a dependent variable. In other words, “innovation” interpenetrates with the life of the city. For the innovation performance of such a city, now a part of life satisfaction, the city must have covered a certain distance in the journey from government to governance. The first applications of this generation of innovations have entered our lives creating hopes. At this stage, innovation has come to include design. In a certain sense, this has made innovation an organic part of life, no longer perceived as alien to society, something bought from the outside or created by those superior to us. An innovation sharing economy with a high potential of development has started to be applied in all spheres of life. In applications of a sharing economy, people turn the idle capacity left unused because of the conception of private property institutionalised in society into a value-creating form without any additional investment. It eliminates limitations on the use of the the necessary instruments and gadgets tied to possession and makes it dependent on the time that particular instrument is needed. This sharing is now spreading to very diverse areas, such as shared cars, shared instruments and gadgets, shared books, shared energy, shared seeds etc. With new additions with each passing day, shared use is a new field of social innovation. Because cities are places where people are clustered, they have created an environment that facilitates the setting up of sharing schemes. However, conceptions based on private property have become barriers in the way of benefiting from these opportunities. Social innovators find ways to go around this barrier, which has become a source of profligacy. The “Makers Movement” has emerged as a special case of these practices 28 T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R of the sharing economy.23 People who belong to this movement find the meaning of being human in making. In order to realise our integrity, we need to make, create, share, give, learn, participate, and change. Those who take part in the movement attribute a special meaning to making physical objects. They find the meaning of life and the “quality of life” in being a good human being of integrity. We see another echo to this kind of thinking in Fabrication Laboratories (FabLabs) which are mushrooming around the world. If there is a need to encourage creativity in a locality, FabLabs bring together people who are interested in this and, providing them with the necessary instruments and gadgets, make it possible for them to learn everything, to prepare an open design and to develop prototypes. This spreads in line with the need of developing the conception of governance as an important instrument. It may be said that the most recent point to which looking at innovation as a dependent variable has brought us is City Laboratories (CityLabs). These develop as university institutions, but see the city itself as our collective laboratory. The city then forms the collective body of the research. What is expected from this laboratory is to get to know the new problems the city faces in the 21st century and to contribute, through research and design, to the building of a livelier, more livable, more sustainable city. These laboratories do not see private firms or the public sector as customers. For them there can be no one single customer regarding the problems of the city. In each case the customer of the city needs to be rediscovered. These laboratories decide on the solution to the problem and the choice of the customer or interlocutor simultaneously. In these laboratories, research is carried out on green cities, post-suburbanism, spatial justice, new infrastructure, how the city is an object of satisfaction and the like, this way the function of a permanent incubation being fulfilled in the process. There is no need to multiply the examples. Social innovation within the context of the third generation of innovation broadens the range of interlocutors that have new references of sociality, rather than stick with the universe that was, in the past, stuck between the private entrepreneur and the public enterprise. Saving innovation processes from being confined to those who have talent, it opens them up to the participation of the entire people, thus rendering them a part of life rather than being alien to life. The implementation of an innovation in a locality, converted into a dependent variable is no longer a development that diminishes the diversity of that locality, but on the contrary becomes a method through which is generated the difference of that locality, its identity. 4. Sustainability Within their life span, people form a “culture of living” through interaction with nature and later accumulate and advance that culture bequeathing it to future 23 Mark Hat": The Makers Movement Manifesto, McGraw-Hill Education, 2014. T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R 29 generations. The ever-developing culture of humankind increases, on the one hand, its capacity to produce, but, on the other hand, also its power to destroy its environment. But a fundamental trait that distinguishes the human being from other organisms is that of being able to reflect over what they are doing and reordering their behaviour with the aim of evading its adverse consequences. We can situate the development of the environmental movement around the world in this context. By enhancing its sensitivity, humanity has been able to develop the environmentalist movement in order to rein in this destruction and, in certain cases, even reverse it.24 Although the roots of these reactions go all the way back to the 19 th century,25 the formation of a movement had to wait until the second half of the 20th century. First, some books were published that raised alarm on the adverse impact of human activities on nature.26 The last one to come out was the book The Limits to Growth, brought out in 1972 by the Club of Rome, in which “zero growth” was defended.27 The alarm bells that these books rang resulted, in interaction with the 1968 student movement and the movements for disarmament and nuclear disarmament, in the emergence of the environmentalist movement. These developments led to the convening of the United Nations (UN) Stockholm Conference on the “Human Environment” in 1972. The Declaration of the United Nations Conference on the Human Environment, drawn up as a result of this conference, emphasised the imperative of a development that is harmonious with the environment. An action programme was adopted at the conference in order to reach these targets and the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) was established. At the time when the Stockholm Conference gathered, a developmentalist viewpoint was dominant across the world. Environmental policies that ignored development would not be adopted by nation-states. There was a demand for solutions that did not neglect development. As a result, the term “sustainable development” was coined. The content took shape with the publication of the Bruntland Report in 1987, titled Our Common Future.28 In this report, sustainable development was defined as “development that meets the needs of the present without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs”. With this concept of “sustainable development”, humanity has undertaken to find the way of avoiding the destruction of the natural environment without giving up on development. The way proposed was to establish justice between 24 On this see. Fikret Adaman, Presentation, 1 December 2017. On this see David Lowenthal: George Perkins Marsh. Prophet of Conservation, University of Washington Press, Seattle and London, 2000. John Muir: Nature’s Visionary, National Geography Society, Washington D.C., 2000. 25 26 Ra"el Carson: Silent Spring, Hamish Hamilton, London, 1963. Donella H. Meadows, Dennis Meadows, Jorgen Randers, William W. Behrens: Potomac Associates Books, New York, 1972. 27 28 30 World Commission on Environment and Development: Our Common Future, Oxford University Press, Oxford, 1987. T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R generations in the use of resources. Those who prepared the Bruntland Report were aware of the unsatisfactory nature of this principle. That is why they added, underneath the lines that defined sustainability, the idea that respect for justice between generations could not remain aloof to inequalities within the same generation. This report defined “sustainability” as a condition that development had to fulfil. This condition may also be interpreted as an ethics of development. By positing that this ethics should at bottom be grounded on a search for intergenerational justice and thus pushing to the background the search for intragenerational justice, the report created the dynamics of efforts to redefine the content of “sustainable development” on international platforms. In the “sustainability” strategies developed within the functioning of the system of governance across the world at present, it has not been possible to bring together the search for inter-generational equity and that for intra-generational equity. In deliberations at the United Nations, developing nations have pointed out the relationship between environmental questions and poverty, underlining intra-generational equity, and thus treated the proposals of advanced countries on “sustainability” with suspicion. The definition of “sustainable development” presented in the Bruntland Report left the question of the scale at which this definition would be valid open. There is no effort to clarify the question of what actors at various scales should do in order to provide for “sustainability”. Because “sustainability” is defined as an umbrella condition that could encompass differing strategies, it is necessary to admit that this condition may be realised through the intervention of various actors in different components of social life. As a matter of fact, this is precisely the present practice. Two decades after the gathering of the Stockholm Conference, the United Nations convened the Rio de Janeiro Conference on Environment and Development on 3-14 June 1992. This conference, also known as the Earth Summit, was a milestone for the environmental movement. Not only did it bring together many groups focusing on the environment , but it provided the opportunity for the movements of the North and of the South with their differing priorities to redefine environmental questions in the context of development, poverty, and international trade. This conference focused on the “sustainability target”, “climate change”, and “biological diversity”. As a result of the deliberations of the conference, The “Rio Declaration on Environment and Development” was issued, as well as “Agenda 21”, promoted with a view to include actions in order to implement the aims in the Declaration, along with non-binding principles on forest management, and the United Nations Climate T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R 31 Change Framework Convention,29 as well as the Convention on Biological Diversity and the Convention to Combat Desertification, were opened for ratification. In the aftermath of the Rio Conference, under the guidance of the United Nations, the concept “sustainability” became the precondition, as it were, of visions concerning the future of the world. But the “sustainability” target suffered the same fate as all other activities of the United Nations. When a question is taken up at the United Nations, a platform for nation-states, these succeeded to pose comprehensive targets during the deliberations, but then putting forward concerns regarding national interest, they refrained from fulfilling the responsibilities flowing therefrom. The picture presented by nation-states especially on an extremely vital question such as climate change demonstrated that the United Nations was unable to transcend its status as an organisation made up of nation-states to become a global governance organisation. This gap between discourse and action has been a very deeply entrenched reality of the work of the United Nations regarding the planning of actions targeting the environment. The Millennium Development Goals, adopted at the United Nations Millennium Summit in the year 2000, on the threshold of the 21st century, is interesting in terms of the interpretation of developments regarding “sustainability”.30 Only one of the goals, gathered under eight different headings, concerns “environmental sustainability”, the rest being devoted to development. The United Nations is thus focusing on a multidimensional development, “sustainability” being one of these dimensions. The Millennium Development Goals were replaced in 2015 by the Sustainable Development Goals. Under this guise, as well, it is a matter of a multidimensional development, one dimension of which is “sustainability”. The new goals are more comprehensive than the Millennium Development Goals. The new document has assumed the character of a call of universal validity that does not confine itself to developing countries, but also includes advanced countries. In the study that was conducted by the “Open Working Group” founded at the Rio+20 Conference, the “Sustainable Development Goals” have been made into a system of 17 goals and 169 sub-goals deemed to help realise the goals themselves. In order to systematise the measurement of these goals, 230 indicators were selected at the United Nations Statistical Commission at its meeting of March 2016 for the 17 goals.31 The “environmental sustainability goal, taken up as a single variable in the previous work, was broken down 29 Bill McKibben: The End of Nature, An"or Books, New York, drew attention in 1989 to the fact that oceans can no longer absorb carbon dioxide and to global warming. 32 30 Millennium Development Goals: Human Development Report, 2000. 31 United Nations Development Programme: Sustainable Development Goals, 2015. T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R into 6 goals within 17 “Sustainable Development” goals.32 Two of these are “sustainable production and consumption” and “sustainable energy”.. One of the goals was devoted just to protection. These are: “protection of terrestrial ecosystems”, “restoration”, “combating desertification”, “protection of biological diversity”, “sustaining forests”. Under another separate goal, urgent steps for climate change are recommended. Among these six goals, two are on implementation, one on domestic campaigns and the other on the importance of the establishment of global partnerships. At the point where we have arrived today, a multidimensional concept of sustainability has been inserted into a multidimensional definition of development. It is a well-known fact that defining “development” and “sustainability” through multidimensional variables and trying to reach overall results by adding up these variables makes it more difficult to determine strategic policies. Policies developed through indicators on the basis of the adding up algorithm assume that the tendencies of relevant actors in society can all of a sudden, from a position of consumerism, become sensitive to resource conservation. When one takes into consideration the pressure for growth and economic development that derives from the corporate visions of private companies and industry, this assumption does not seem very realistic. There are uncertainties as to how this difference can be eliminated, albeit at the level of discourse. For instance, in the report prepared by the Council of Sustainable Development of the United States National Academy of Science, titled Our Common Journey: A Transition Toward Sustainability,33 it is predicted that the increase in wealth will lead to higher consumption, which, in turn, will create an increased demand for resources. The answer to the question of how, confronted with this demand, relations with nature can be kept sustainable was left open. In this book, the discussion on the fundamental values on which a local government/governance model will be based has taken, as its point of departure, the concept “quality of life” as an umbrella concept. However, in this section, while discussing the formation process of the content of the concept “sustainable development” in a United Nations-centred manner, we have also seen in this context that the concept “development” is also used as an umbrella concept. In order to avoid confusion, we need to shed light on the relative positions of the concept “quality of life” and those of “development” and “sustainability”. Of the three, the most comprehensive one is “quality of life”. “Development” is but one of the many dimensions of “quality of life”. If we see “development” as an umbrella concept standing on its own, the necessity would then arise to take “sustainability” as a condition constraining the form of 32 Inter-Agency and Expert Group: Sustainable Development Goal Indicators Report, Annex IV., 2016. Board on Sustainable Development, National Resear" Council: Our Common Journey, A Transition Toward Sustainability, National Academy Press, Washington D. C., 1999. 33 T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R 33 “development”. But when “quality of life” is accepted as a more comprehensive/ priority concept, “development” becomes a dimension that is needed in order to materialise “quality of life”. “Sustainability”, then, assumes the character of a condition broader in scope, necessary for “quality of life”, alongside being a condition for “development”. Since the various dimensions of “quality of life” overlap with the diverse dimensions of “development”, the difference between the two concepts may be underestimated. This may seem true at first glance, but when one remembers the nature and the forms of measurement of the two, one immediately realises that this kind or reduction is problematic. Having grown within the framework of development economics, the concept “development” is defined and measured on the basis of the objective. On the other hand, as we have already seen, there is a subjective side to “quality of life” that transcends the objective. In reaching judgments on “quality of life”, there is need to open up some space to subjective or inter-subjective variables. In order to explain this, let as compare the two concepts of “sustainable development” and “sustainable quality of life”. In the previous section, we provided a definition of “sustainable development” that relied on objective variables, through the optic of establishing inter-generational justice regarding resource use. When we talk about “sustainable quality of life”, however, a definition of “sustainability” based on resource use will no longer suffice. Within the “quality of life” that we wish to be sustainable, there are those attributes that we have formed through inter-subjective judgments, such as “being a place”. Accordingly, we need to broaden the definition of “sustainability” to add inter-subjective values to which we attribute a positive sign. And this will have brought into play the “preservation of cultural resources” produced in the past as a new dimension for the materialisation of “sustainable quality of life”, as well as the conservation of natural resources. The concept “sustainability”, taken up in detail in this section, is not mentioned explicitly in the Izmir Vision. The reason is that, whether it is linked to “development” or to “quality of life”, “sustainability” defines a condition to be met rather than describe a situation that is to be brought into being. It is assumed that within the concept “quality of life”, this condition is met. However, if there is a wish to make this assumption explicit, this can be achieved by using the concept “Sustainable Quality of Life”. Before going into the detailed recommendations of the Izmir model, we have conducted a detailed discussion on quite fundamental concepts. The fact that such an in-depth analysis has been carried out owes to the initial assumptions regarding the character of the Izmir Model. If you conceive the Izmir Model as a recipe for strategies and policies closed in upon itself, you may not feel the need for the in-depth conceptual analysis provided here. If, on the other hand, you think of the Izmir Model as a flexible framework open to the creativity of those who wish to benefit from it, you realise that the kind of conceptual analysis presented here is imperative. This kind of in-depth analysis will form an invaluable source of 34 T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R inspiration for those who wish to use the Izmir Model creatively. In a certain sense, it may be said that this conceptual analysis should be seen as a necessary, even indispensible, part of the creative use of the Izmir Model. III. WHAT ARE THE FOUR ELEMENTS THAT FORM THE MAIN CORPUS OF THE IZMIR MODEL? The organisational forms to be developed, the strategies and policies to be pursued, and the arrangements to be made in order to put in practice the vision presented in Part Two will form the main corpus of the Izmir Model. The main corpus will be based on four elements. 1. The first element will define the structure, forms of establishing relations, functions, and performance criteria of the local government entity (the Metropolitan Municipality) that will be the main actor in implementing the Model. 2. The second element will develop the strategies and policies that this local government entity described by the first element will pursue regarding its fundamental spheres of duty, the services it provides and the infrastructure. 3. The third element will dwell on the approaches and practices pursued in the designing, regulating and implementation processes that go to shape the settlement pattern. 4. The fourth element will try to establish the strategies, policies, and basic projects that are implemented for the formation of a community that will serve to materialise the attributes concerning “quality of life”. III.1. STRUCTURE, FORMS OF ESTABLISHING RELATIONS, FUNCTIONS, AND PERFORMANCE CRITERIA OF THE MAIN ACTOR, THE LOCAL GOVERNMENT ENTITY (IZMIR METROPOLITAN MUNICIPALITY) There is widespread consensus that in Turkey government has a highly central structure and that therefore there is great loss of efficiency in the provision of public services. Face to this, although certain steps were taken from time to time to decentralise government and empower local government, these steps were reversed only to increase the tutelage of the centre over local government and generate arguments in favour of this tutelage. These arguments were, alternatively, the acceleration of modernisation, nation-building, or serving the needs of security. Whatever the argument presented, the powers of the central government constantly create democracy gaps in the provision of public services. As a result, losses are suffered in terms of “quality of life”. It is time for the amelioration of the democratic quality of local government and its empowerment so as to enhance its capabilities. Naturally, it will be more convincing if this demand is expressed by a municipality that is successful in its practice and has carried this success to the ballot box. For both this reason and the necessity of autonomy in order to enhance “quality of life”, the Izmir Model will be perfect for raising this demand. T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R 35 III.1.1. What Kind of Framework Does the European Charter for Local SelfGovernment Provide? The framework that will show us the way regarding the question of what attributes a democratic municipal structure for Izmir should possess has already been created under the title European Charter for Local Self-Government by the Council of Europe, of which Turkey is a member. This charter was opened for ratification on 15 October 1985. Turkey signed it on 21 November 1988 and brought it into force on 1 April 1993. But even as Turkey accepted the “Local Self-Government Charter”, it established reservations on many articles that prevent the imposition of tutelage by central government over local government, thus trying to sustain the extreme degree of tutelage that central government has over local authorities in Turkey. In practice, central government continued its intense tutelage over local authorities. In the Preamble of the European Charter for Local Self-Government,34 it is stated that due to the principle of democratic rule shared by European Council member states, the right to participate in government can best be realised by local authorities that wield sufficient resources and enjoy ample powers. This is seen as necessary for the creation of a free and peaceful Europe. The section of the charter on general principles states that local authorities should create mechanisms that would make it possible for the people to participate actively in the development of the locality, points out that the autonomy of local government can only flourish in environments where the people are resolved to resist pressures from above, and insists that the rights of local government entities should be protected vis-a-vis superior instances and that the rights of the people should be protected vis-a-vis local authorities. According to the charter, autonomous local government entities shall, within limits to be set by law, possess the right and the means of arranging and administering public affairs under their own responsibility along the interests of the local population. This right shall be exercised by councils that have been formed through free elections held on the basis of secret, equal and general ballot and executive bodies responsible to those councils. In the text of the charter the scope of autonomy has been defined as follows: • The basic powers and responsibilities of local authorities shall be determined and guaranteed through the constitution and statutes. • Local authorities shall have full discretionary powers in areas not limited by law or not designated for other institutions (which means that local authorities are enabled to define new areas of responsibility for themselves). 34 On this see Tahir Muratoğlu: “Avrupa Yerel Yönetimler Özerklik Şartı ve Türk Hukuku”, İstanbul Hukuk Fakültesi Mecmuası, Vol. LXIX, No. 1-2, 2011, pp. 737-776. 36 T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R • The responsibilities undertaken shall be carried out by the local authority closest to the citizen (the subsidiarity principle). • The powers granted to local authorities shall normally be full and exclusive powers. Unless explicitly stated in statutes, these powers cannot be restricted by central or regional powers. • In areas where local authorities are granted powers by the central government, broad discretionary powers shall be recognised for local government entities in the use of these powers. • When central government is making plans or decisions concerning a certain locality, it shall consult the local authority. Local authorities shall be legal persons enjoying the right to start legal proceedings in order to protect their autonomy as defined by the Charter for Local Self-Government. These legal persons shall have the right to associate with others, to join such associations and to cooperate with local authorities of other states. These legal persons shall be able to command fiscal resources that may be used at their discretion, within the framework of economic policy at the national level. No strings shall be attached to the use of grants from the central government to local authorities. The latter shall be entitled to decide on their inner organisational structures themselves. A principle has been adopted that restricts the supervision over local authorities to “supervision regarding lawfulness”. If we make an overall assessment with respect to the European Charter of Local Self-Government, we can say that given the reality of nation-states, the charter defines quite a large sphere of autonomy for local government. However, through its reservations, Turkey has made the Charter “inapplicable in Turkey”. The reservations imposed have aimed to sustain, on the one hand, the intense tutelage of central government over local government and, on the other, the habit of central government to operate faits accomplis in localities. For this reason, despite having signed the European Charter of Local SelfGovernment, Turkey has not been able to achieve autonomy for its municipalities and thus democratisation at large. Accordingly, the first thing to be established while developing the Izmir Model is the necessity of refraining from coming to terms with the intense regime of tutelage posed by the current legislation. For this, the most important step is the elimination of the reservations Turkey has made on the European Charter for Local Self-Government. The Izmir Model proposes a municipal approach that is sensitive to the demands of the city’s denizens, open to their participation, transparent, imposing no faits accomplis on the denizens, along the lines of the vision of Izmir, on which there exists a very widespread consensus. It also proposes a “democratic” municipal structure • Where the municipality carries out its activities within the orbit of smoothly functioning rule of law, protected from administrative tutelage, in a setup in which central government does not make decisions without T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R 37 negotiations with local government and does not create faits accomplis, where the municipality has “administrative autonomy”, • Equipped with the requisite powers in order to generate effective and productive services, wielding sufficient financial resources and human workforce, with advanced communication channels with its denizens and the outside world, strong, • Partisan of “unity and solidarity”, participating in local government unity movements in Turkey and globally, with a commitment to solidarity and an innovative practice. III.1.2. How Was the Structure of the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality Formed? In order to develop the Izmir Model, one has to begin first by describing the structure of the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality, the main actor in the formation and implementation of this model. The present state of that structure has largely emerged from the legal arrangement in article 127 of the 1982 constitution of Turkey concerning local government and the relevant provisions of the municipality and metropolitan municipality laws that were revamped in subsequent years. In order to be able to propose the Izmir Model, we need to familiarise ourselves with this legislation behind the phenomenon of metropolitan municipality. • What Restrictions Does the Constitution Bring? The 1961 constitution treated local government in its article 116. According to the provisions of this article, local authorities were described as “public legal persons that meet local needs, whose general decision-making bodies are elected by popular vote”. Accordingly, the mayor and the council were elected separately. In previous years it had been the municipal council that elected the mayor. The new arrangement, stipulating the election of the mayor by popular vote, granted a more powerful position to the mayor. In other words, the presidential system had been adopted for municipalities. According to the 1961 constitution, the establishment, associations, duties, powers, fiscal and law enforcement aspects of local authorities shall be set in statutes. Revenues in line with duties shall be provided for them. Just because the expression “administrative tutelage” did not appear in that article, one should not think that the autonomy of these municipalities was particularly high. In effect, the tutelage of the central government was embedded in the articles that set the relations between central government and local government in the laws of establishment for municipalities. Nonetheless, the fact that pursuant to article 116 of the constitution, the winning and loss of the status of municipal organ for elected bodies of municipalities was made dependent on decisions of the judiciary may be seen as an advance in terms of autonomy. For in earlier times mayors were dismissed from office on the basis of arbitrary decisions by the central authority. 38 T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R The “tendency to restrict the democratic provisions” of the 1961 constitution displayed by the 1982 constitution, promulgated in the wake of the 12 September 1980 coup, found its expression in article 127 on local government. The definition of local government is similar to that of the 1961 constitution. But when the issues to be legislated in statutes are listed, “tutelage” is also mentioned. This tutelage may be used for the following reasons: the execution of local services in conformity with the principle of the unity of the administration; the establishment of unity in the conduct of public duties; protection of the public interest; and satisfaction of local needs at an adequate level. These reasons are quite abstract and open to arbitrary interpretation and they leave ample ground for intervention into local government by the Minister of the Interior or the administrative authorities that are his extension in the provinces.35 Another important innovation is the paving of the way for the establishment of special forms of administration for large centres of settlement. According to the 1961 constitution, a court decision was necessary to remove an elected officer from office. An addition to article 127 reads: “However, the Minister of the Interior may, as a cautionary measure, remove steering bodies or members of such bodies under investigation or prosecution for a crime related to their duties until firm decision of the courts.” This stepped up the power of repression of the central authority. Another change brought about by the 1982 constitution was to lengthen the time span between elections from four to five years. The present structure of the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality was formed on the basis of the laws promulgated, after the return to civilian rule in Turkey in 1983, in line with the “principles of local government” established in article 127 of the 1982 constitution. These laws created three significant changes. The first was the transition from a single-tier municipal system to a two-tier system, with the creation of a new entity for local government called Metropolitan Municipality, the increase in the resources of local authorities, and the gradual expansion of the spheres of their powers. • How Did the Two-Tier Municipal System Emerge in Turkey? At the end of the 1980s, in cities that grew very rapidly, such as Istanbul and Izmir, many new municipalities were established in squatter areas contiguous to the municipalities. In Istanbul and its environs there emerged 34 such municipalities and in Izmir and its environs 13.36 In these areas serious problems arose in terms of basic infrastructure and the preparation of development plans. Within the compass of the Municipalities Law No. 1580 of the day, what was possible was for these municipalities to get together and form associations of 35 Fatih Kırışık-Özcan Sezer: “Türk Anayasalarında Yerel Yönetimler”, Çağdaş Yerel Yönetimler, Vol. 15, No. 2, April 2006, pp. 5-30. 36 İlhan Tekeli-Yiğit Gülöksüz: “1970’lerin İkinci Yarısında Belediye Sorunları”, Amme İdaresi Dergisi, Vol. 9, No. 2, Ankara, 1976. T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R 39 municipalities with a view to planning. In effect the first such associations had already been established, but results were not forthcoming. The military, having taken power with the coup of 12 September 1980, did not trust politicians and their capacity for coordination among themselves. For this reason, the solution it found to the problems created by the clusters of municipalities that emerged around large cities was a short-cut. It eliminated the peripheral municipalities to amalgamate all of them in a single municipality. The former municipalities were turned into branches of this new municipality. This way problems of coordination seemed to be overcome, but the administration was removed farther from the denizens and magnified its property of creating a democratic deficit. As the 1984 local government elections were approaching, Turgut Özal started to see a solution that would make popular participation possible without creating problems of coordination in a two-tier municipal structure. For this, with a new law, No. 2972, on local elections, passed in November 1983, he opened the way for a “Metropolitan Municipality” to be formed in those municipalities where there existed more than one district within the borders of a municipality. That year this condition applied only in Istanbul, Ankara, and Izmir. A short time before the elections, on 8 March 1984, the establishment, duties, powers, and responsibilities of metropolitan municipalities were determined by Decree Law No. 195. Later, this Decree Law was replaced by the Metropolitan Municipality Law No.3030 of 27 June 1984. According to this new law, a metropolitan municipality would be established in municipalities within the borders of which there were three districts. In 1984 the metropolitan municipalities of Istanbul, Ankara, and Izmir were established. These municipalities would, at bottom, fulfil the duties stipulated by law No. 3030, enjoying the rights, prerogatives, and exemptions that the law on municipalities, No. 1580, and other laws relevant for municipalities provided. In passing over to this two-tiered municipal system, district municipalities were also created, in order to solve problems of coordination and increase efficiency in municipal services, on the one hand, and to provide for participation where these problems did not exist, on the other. In the two-tier municipal system, a division of labour was stipulated between the metropolitan municipality and the district municipalities that reflected this logic. From this point of view, the most important question that awaited a solution was how to prepare the urban/development plan. At that time there were, in Istanbul, Ankara, and Izmir, Metropolitan Planning Directorates under the Ministry of Reconstruction and Settlement. With Law No. 3030 Master Planning Bureaus had been turned over to the metropolitan municipalities that had been established. Among the duties of metropolitan municipalities enumerated in Law No. 3030, there was the following: “to prepare the master plans of the metropolitan area, to have these prepared, and having ratified them to implement them, to ratify the implementation plans that district municipalities shall prepare in accordance with the master plan and supervise the implementation 40 T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R of such plans”. Viewed overall, the impression was born that the metropolitan municipality had been granted mighty powers on urban planning. But in practice, the decisions of the Council of State did not allow the metropolitan municipalities to prepare upper-scale strategic plans. The administrative high court limited the powers of metropolitan municipalities to the preparation of master plans at the 1/5,000 scale.37 Yet the Turgut Özal government, which had passed Law No. 3030, lifted the tutelage of central government over development plan decisions by attributing the power to finalise the development plans exclusively to municipal councils through the Development Law, No. 3194, promulgated on 3 May 1985. But the same law stipulated that metropolitan development plans that concerned more than one municipality would be prepared or commanded by the Ministry of Reconstruction and Settlement.38 Through regulations that it promoted in subsequent years, the Ministry of Reconstruction and Settlement made it clear that it itself was empowered in the area of upper scale Territorial Plans. Thus it may be said that, having lost direct tutelage control over development plans, the central authority tried to regain control over development plans in a roundabout manner through the preparation of upper-scale plans. The Turgut Özal government chose to raise the revenues of metropolitan municipalities at the same time as it increased their powers. According to Law No. 3030, the share of metropolitan municipalities in the total collection of the general revenues of the budget was determined at 3 per cent, with the additional provision that the Council of Ministers was authorised to raise this ratio up to 6 per cent. The Council of Ministers raised this share to 5 per cent as per its decision No. 85/9382 in 1985. When the AKP came to government, it meant to reinforce the power of local government. For this reason it proceeded to change municipal laws. The first significant change regarding the foundation of municipalities was the promulgation of the Metropolitan Municipality Law, No. 5216, on 10 July 2004.39 According to this law, a metropolitan municipality could be established if within the borders of the municipality there were at least three districts or first-tier municipalities and the population was higher than 750 thousand within the borders of the municipality. These borders, in turn, were defined as a circle drawn by a compass, the centre of the circle being the town hall. In cities with a population of up to one million, the radius of the circle had been determined as 20 kilometres, between one million and two million 30 kilometres, and above two 37 Lütfullah Silahtar: “Metropoliten Alanlarda Yasal Süreçler ve Planlama Sorunları”, Metropoliten Alan Yönetiminde Yeni Arayışlar Sempozyumu, İstanbul Büyükşehir Belediyesi, Şehir Plancıları Odası, İstanbul, 2001, pp. 92-95. 38 Yücel Ünal: “Metropoliten Alanlarda Yasal Süreçler ve Planlama Sorunları”, Metropoliten Alan Yönetiminde Yeni Arayışlar Sempozyumu, İstanbul Büyükşehir Belediyesi, Şehir Plancıları Odası, Istanbul, 2001, pp. 102. 39 On this see Nuri Tortop, Burhan Aykaç, Hüseyin Yayman ve M. Akif Özer: Mahalli İdareler, Nobel Yay., Ankara, 2006, pp. 214-231. T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R 41 million 50 kilometres. For this reason this law was ironically called the compass law in subsequent years.40 The decision bodies of a municipality are the municipal council, the municipal commission, and the mayor. The organisational chart includes as permanent staff the secretary general’s office, the departments and the directorates. The establishment, elimination, or unification of service units are subject to the decision of the Metropolitan Municipal Council. The staff is appointed by the mayor. Law No. 5216 stipulates that metropolitan municipalities shall prepare and implement budgets in line with the strategic plans and investment plans. The law has clarified the powers of the metropolitan municipality concerning development. The metropolitan municipality will prepare a master development plan to the scale of 1/5,000-1/25,000 or have it prepared and then having ratified it will implement it, provided it complies with the territorial plan within its borders. The central government is adamant in not letting the task of preparing the environmental territorial plan be part of the powers of the metropolitan municipality. Furthermore, the power to supervise the development practices of district municipalities has been granted to the metropolitan municipality. These municipalities are empowered to establish their geographic information system. Quite a broad sphere of powers has been defined for metropolitan municipalities. Among these are to prepare or have prepared and implement the main transportation plan, to plan the transportation and public transport services and provide for their coordination, to conduct the public transport services within the Metropolitan area, to construct or have constructed, to maintain and repair the squares, boulevards, avenues, and main passages within the orbit of powers of the metropolitan municipality, to construct passenger and cargo terminals, indoor and outdoor parking spaces or have them constructed, to run them or have them run or license them. Apart from these, the metropolitan municipality also has the following responsibilities: in line with the principle of sustainability, to protect the environment, farm land and water basins, to plant trees, to determine places for unsanitary work places, places of entertainment, places for the storage of construction materials, scrap, wood and coal sale and storage areas, and areas for the storage of excavated soil with a view to their impact on public health and the environment, to determine the rules for the transportation of these materials, to prepare the plan for the management of the solid waste of the city or have it prepared, to conduct the services and build the necessary facilities regarding industrial and medical waste, to run these facilities or have them run, to collect the waste from vessels or have it collected and to decontaminate it, to run the 40 Ozan Zengin: “Büyükşehir Belediyesi Sisteminin Dönüşümü Son On yılın Değerlendirilmesi”, Ankara Barosu Dergisi, 2014, No. 2. 42 T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R water and sewerage services, to install the dams and facilities necessary to that end and run them, to reclaim streams, to market source water, to provide for the instalment and running of systems of central heating have all been defined as areas of responsibility. In addition they have responsibilities regarding food: to license and oversee first class unsanitary enterprises, to install and run laboratories in order to analyse foods and beverages, to license and oversee work places in spaces built and run by the metropolitan municipality, to build all types of fruit and vegetable wholesale markets and slaughterhouses or have them built and to run them, to license and oversee private fruit and vegetable wholesale markets and slaughterhouses and supervise them. They have responsibilities in other areas as well: to establish and run healthcare centres, hospitals, all kinds of social and cultural services geared towards the elderly, the disabled, women, youth, and children, to establish social facilities to this end, to open vocational and skills developing training courses, to run these or have them run, to collaborate to this end with educational institutions, public or civil society entities, to determine places for cemeteries, to install and run them or have them run, and to conduct burial services. Metropolitan municipalities are also expected to install social equipment, neighbourhood parks, zoos, animal shelters, libraries, museums, sports, recreation, entertainment facilities or have these installed, to run them or have them run, to support amateur sports clubs, to organise contests of amateur sports, to construct buildings and facilities, when necessary, for healthcare, education, and culture services, to undertake the repair and maintenance of buildings and facilities of public institutions and organisations relevant to such services and conserve them, to undertake the preservation and maintenance of cultural and natural assets, the historical tissue, spaces important from the angle of urban history, to restore those that have been impaired in conformity with the original. Metropolitan municipalities also have the responsibility to conduct, in accordance with plans at the provincial level, the planning and preparation for natural disasters, to extend the necessary support for disasters in other regions, to run the fire protection and emergency aid services, to supervise the buildings in the city from the viewpoint of fires and disasters, to provide licenses when necessary, to evacuate and demolish buildings that carry disaster risks or present a danger from the viewpoint of safety of life or property. As may be seen, Law No. 5216 has defined a very broad area of duties for metropolitan municipalities. Looking at these, one may even say that the state has picked municipalities, and in particular metropolitan municipalities, as the central actor in the provision of “quality of life” to its citizens. In the Law on Metropolitan Municipalities, No. 5216, the duties and the powers of district municipalities have been narrowed down. These are: to T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R 43 prepare the strategic plan, to execute the budget in accordance with that plan, to collect the solid waste and carry it to transfer points, to license unsanitary workplaces excepting those of first class and places of entertainment and recreation and to supervise them, to install parking places, sports, recreation, and entertainment facilities, when these remain outside the purview of the metropolitan municipality, to provide social and cultural services for the elderly, the disabled, children, and youth, to open vocational and skills building training courses, to undertake the construction, maintenance and repair of buildings and facilities used for healthcare, educational and cultural services, to preserve natural assets and the historical tissue, to carry out services relating to the development of spaces and functions that are important for urban history, to conduct burial services. District municipalities shall prepare implementation plans to the scale of 1/1,000 and shall implement them after having them ratified by the metropolitan municipality. It is stipulated that metropolitan municipalities fulfil the duties expected from them in a balanced manner with district municipalities, within the limits of the financial and technical resources at hand. The metropolitan municipality shall delegate whatever duty is deemed appropriate to district municipalities upon the decision taken by the municipal council. On the basis of this law, metropolitan municipalities have been given the task of establishing coordination in the areas of transportation and infrastructure. A Transportation Coordination Centre (UKOME in its Turkish abbreviation) and an Infrastructure Coordination Centre (AYKOME) have been established. The chairpersons of these centres are appointed by the mayor of the metropolitan municipality. The powers of the provincial traffic commission are exercised by UKOME within the frontiers of the metropolitan municipality. The decisions on investments taken by this centre are binding on municipalities and relevant public agencies. • Law No. 5393 Broadens the Scope of Responsibility of Municipalities During its first years in power, the AKP wished to establish a strengthened local government mechanism. Two draft laws were prepared. The first was the draft “Municipalities Law”, to replace Law No. 1580, and the other was the “Law on Metropolitan Municipalities”, to take the place of Law No. 3030. These drafts were passed by parliament as twin complementary laws, numbered 5215 and 5216. However, the President of the Republic vetoed the “Municipalities Law”, no. 5215, and only signed Law No. 5216. Although parliament adopted Law No. 5272 in place of Law No. 5215, this new law was found unconstitutional by the Constitutional Court. A new legal arrangement brought the “Municipalities Law”, No. 5393, passed on 3 July 2005, thus closing the gaps, through its provisions, of Law No.5216. Law No. 5216 is, on its own, inadequate to run metropolitan municipalities. In those areas not taken up by this law, Law No. 5393 shall be implemented. 44 T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R One cannot grasp the administration of the metropolitan municipality without the complementary Law No. 5393. Law No. 1580, which Law No. 5393 replaced, reflected the modernist conception of the 1930s. Behind the orientation of central tutelage that marked this law lay the logic of modernism. At the time of the adoption of Law No. 5393, Turkey was trying to secure accession to the European Union. In this kind of environment, Turkey had become more sensitive to the European Charter for Local Self-Government. The new law attributed, on the one hand, importance to a more rational mode of administration and, on the other, tried to broaden the space for autonomy while sustaining a softened tutelage.41 Among the steps taken to rationalise municipal administration, one finds the raising of the population threshold for the establishment of new municipalities from 2,000 to 5,000, the making of strategic planning mandatory, in addition to which contingency planning was also made compulsory. Furthermore, in order to restrain the populist urge, a new staffing norm policy and a policy making it possible to employ staff on contract were adopted, in addition to which new stringent rules were established in the sphere of borrowing, in particular from abroad. As a reflection of the concerns regarding Europe and the steps taken towards the broadening of autonomy, a decision of the city council was deemed to be sufficient to delimit the municipal frontiers and the definition of denizen was amended. While in Law No. 1580 the status of denizen was defined on the basis of where someone was recorded in the census register, this status was defined through place of residence in Law No. 5393. The precondition of being a Turk in order to enjoy the rights of denizen was eliminated. Municipalities were made to lend a more sensitive ear to the so-called “muhtars”, elected neighbourhood officials. The municipality is now defined as a “public legal person possessing administrative and fiscal autonomy”. Municipalities are henceforth empowered to correspond directly with other agencies without the necessary intermediation of the chief administrative official. The principle of “subsidiarity” was made the basis of the provision of services. The meetings of the municipal council were made more frequent, its revocation rendered more difficult, an honorarium was stipulated for councillors, and the number of elected members sitting on municipal commissions was increased. Mayors were prohibited to take part in leadership positions in their parties and in order to make popular participation possible city councils were established. The condition of the approval of the chief administrative official to finalise the decisions of the municipal council was eliminated and measures were brought to make municipalities more transparent. What is more, discretionary 41 Abdullah Çeleli: “Yerel Özerklik Açısından 5393 sayılı Belediye Kanununun Genel Bir Değerlendirilmesi”, Süleyman Demirel Üniversitesi İktisadi ve İdari Bilimler Fakültesi Dergisi, Vol. 18, No. 1. T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R 45 review was abandoned, with legality becoming the sole criterion for judicial review of municipalities. Flexibility was provided in the organisational chart of municipalities, outside the spheres of the registering function, fiscal services, technical work, and municipal law enforcement. Law No. 5393 broadened the area of responsibility of municipalities. While Law No. 1580 had opted for drawing up an exhaustive list of duties for municipalities; the new law used the approach of “general powers” to determine the areas of responsibility of municipalities.42 Pursuant to article 69 of the “Municipalities Law”, No. 5393, metropolitan municipalities are empowered to generate developed land with infrastructure within the frontiers of the municipality in order to meet the needs of the city in terms of housing, industry and commerce, to build, sell, and lease housing and mass housing, to purchase, expropriate land or to barter plots to this end, to collaborate with relevant public bodies and agencies and banks, develop projects, and establish enterprises for this purpose. Furthermore, it will be possible to develop urban transformation and regeneration projects as per article 73 of Law No. 5393. In expropriations and demolitions to this end, agreement is to be sought. According to Law No. 5770 promulgated on 2 July 2008, the share to be given to metropolitan municipalities out of the General Budget Taxation Income (GBTI) consisted of two parts. The first comprised 5 per cent of the taxes collected within the frontiers of the metropolitan municipality in question. There was a second part: 2.5 percent of all GBTI collected in the country at large was allocated to metropolitan district municipalities. 80 per cent of the sum was allocated on the basis of population size and 20 per cent according to the development index. The calculation was conducted by the Bank of Provinces (İller Bankası). Of the shares that fell to district municipalities within the frontiers of a metropolitan municipality, 30 per cent formed the second component of the share of the metropolitan municipality. The remaining 70 per cent was allocated to district municipalities.43 • Provincial Frontiers Become the Frontiers of Metropolitan Municipalities After having been administered according to Law No. 5216 for a decade, metropolitan municipalities started to be administered on the basis of Law No. 6360. Behind this change, it may be said, lay rising expectations from municipalities in terms of services in the more urbanised regions of the country. It may also be said that the practice of the Istanbul and Kocaeli Metropolitan 42 Kemal Özden-Melek Zorlu: “Yerel Yönetimde Açılım: 1580 Sayılı Belediye Kanunu ile 5393 sayılı Belediye Kanunu Arasındaki Farklar”, Tekman Post, No. 36, 18 October 2013. 43 On this see Zuhal Önez Çetin-Neslihan Yılmaz-Hulusi Eldem: “Büyükşehir Belediyeleri Mali Sisteminin Gelişimi ve 6360 Sayılı Yasanın Gelişime Etkileri: T32 İlleri Örneği”, Yönetim ve Ekonomi Araştırmaları Dergisi, Vol. 14, No. 4, September 2016. 46 T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R Municipalities within the last decade showed the way forward. The last point in the development of the approach to metropolitan municipalities is embodied in Law No. 6360, which was adopted on 12 November 2012 and entered into force after the local elections of 30 March 2014.44 A structural change was effected with this law in the system of local government in Turkey. The condition for the establishment of a metropolitan municipality was redefined as the “population living within the provincial borders exceeding 750 thousand”. On the basis of this new criterion, the number of metropolitan municipalities in Turkey rose to 30. In these municipalities the municipal borders became identical with provincial borders. In those provinces where there was a metropolitan municipality, special provincial administrations were abrogated. With this decision, in regions where three fourths of Turkey’s population lives, those services that had been delegated to local government to fulfil were left for municipalities to provide. In general, in regions where metropolitan municipalities were established, along with high rates of urbanisation, erosion in the urban-rural divide was also a fact. With this new arrangement, there was, on the one hand, a passage to economies of scale in the production of local services and, on the other, a transition from rural standards to urban standards. With the coming into force of Law No. 6360, the number of metropolitan municipalities in Turkey rose from 16 to 30 and the number of metropolitan district municipalities from 143 to 501. Overall, the number of municipalities in the country was brought down from 2,950 to 1,392 and the number of villages from 34,283 to 17,720.45 The new law did not change the division of labour between metropolitan municipalities and district municipalities that was set in Law No. 5216. The only change that came about with Law No. 6360 was this: because large swathes of rural land were brought within the frontiers of metropolitan municipalities, the power was accorded to them and to district municipalities to carry out all kinds of activities and services to support agriculture and animal husbandry. However, the metropolitan municipality took over the functions of the Special Provincial Administration that was abrogated, functions such as fighting snow, the construction of village roads and the like. Taking into consideration the growth in the area and scope of the services to be rendered by metropolitan municipalities, the law stipulated an increase in their share of the General Budget Taxation Income from 5 per cent to 6 per cent. This law increased the share of district municipalities within metropolitan municipalities from 2.5 per cent to 4.5 per cent. Of the total share of district municipalities within the frontiers of a metropolitan municipality or, what is now the same thing, of that province, 30 per cent is allocated to the metropolitan municipality. 44 Hicran Çelikyay: “Değişen Kent Yönetimi ve 6360 Sayılı Büyükşehir Yasası”, Analiz, Number 101, July 2014. To shut down municipalities without asking the people contravenes article 5 of the European Charter of Local Self-Government, whi" Turkey is a signatory to. This is an article that Turkey has not placed a reservation on. 45 T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R 47 With the abrogation of Special Provincial Administrations in provinces where a metropolitan municipality exists, Law No. 6360 established an “Investment Monitoring and Coordination Department”. This department is supposed to ensure that investments and services of all the public bodies and agencies of a province where a metropolitan municipality is established are carried out in efficient fashion and to monitor and coordinate them. Through this unit, the central authority will have conserved the power to influence the course of things through the intervention of provincial governors, the representatives of the central administration at the level of provinces. • How Are the Economic Enterprises of Municipalities Established? In order to grasp fully what the legal framework within which the present-day metropolitan municipality is established, one needs to know how the economic enterprises of municipalities are established. Municipal economic enterprises are established in two different modes. The first type of enterprise is a public legal person that has its independent budget, established on the basis of a special law, such as ESHOT and IZSU in Izmir. The second type is established to provide local services by municipalities or as an enterprise in which the municipality is a shareholder, with the proviso that management is in the hands of the municipality. As per article 70 of Law No. 5393, municipalities are empowered to form companies in the areas where they have duties. Article 71, furthermore, recognises the possibility for a municipality, subject to the permission of the Ministry of the Interior, to establish an enterprise within the budget to effect “services that have exclusive revenues and expenses”. Although they are subject to provisions of private law, municipal enterprises are different from others in that they are subject to supervision by the Court of Audits and they are subject to the Public Tender Law, No. 4734, particularly concerning their purchase transactions. As per article 26 of the law on privatisation, No. 4046, the ability of municipalities to establish companies has been subjected to the permission of the Council of Ministers. The Court of Audits was made responsible in 2010 to supervise selected municipal enterprises. The first supervision started in 2014. Law No. 5216 has brought the possibility to “the secretary general and staff who hold a senior post in the municipality or its subsidiary organisations to serve on the board of directors or the board of audits of these companies”. • How Does the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality Carry Long-Term, Innovative Thinking within This Legal Framework? Up until this section, we have seen how the legislation concerning metropolitan municipalities has evolved in Turkey. Of course, the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality has equally organised itself along the lines of this legal system. Whether it is the areas of duty or powers of decision, this is the legal framework in which it has, under successive mayors, defined its orientation. Because Turkey has placed reservations on the articles of the European Charter of Local SelfGovernment that eliminate tutelage, an autonomous/excellent local government is impossible to attain under this legal framework. 48 T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R From this viewpoint, the Izmir Model finds the legal framework in Turkey wanting. Nevertheless, it does not regard realistic to propose a model of organising and distribution of powers that totally ignores the legal framework that exists in Turkey. Accordingly, the Izmir Model tends towards making a proposal that finds its inspiration in the practice of the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality, which has managed to remain open to participation, innovative thinking, longterm thinking, all the while abiding by the legal framework. When we look at the organisation of the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality from this vantage point, this organisation may be divided into two. In the first layer, there is the formal municipal bureaucracy that has been set up along the lines of the current legislation. It has a hierarchical structure within itself. It produces in routine manner the services necessary for the daily rhythm of Izmir’s life to function smoothly. For the performance level of the municipality to be high in the short run, this part will have to function regularly. The second layer of the organisation of the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality consists of a flexible structure, partially within the bureaucracy, partially outside it, which develops the long-term performance of the municipality and produces thinking open to participation and innovation. As elements of such an organisation in the case of the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality, we can cite Advisors to the Mayor, the Izmir Development Platform, the General Secretariat, the Izmir Mediterranean Academy and the like. The Special Participation Workshops may also be included here. Perhaps many organisations may be susceptible to have organised themselves on the basis of this kind of dual conceptualisation. However, most often these two sectors carry out their work without being influenced by one another. Innovative proposals oriented towards the future are usually shelved before they have an impact on practice. The bureaucracy within the practical work, for its part, mostly remains captive to its own practice. The Izmir experience is different in this respect. There exists a complementarity between the two sectors. These two sectors have been able to coexist without excluding each other. The fact that Izmir has managed to do this owes much to the position of Aziz Kocaoğlu. On the one hand, the fact that a presidential system exists in the Municipality, and, the fact, as we have seen in the first book, that his having mastered his files brings him autonomy vis-a-vis the bureaucracy and that he sees himself as part of the innovative work make such a complementarity possible. On the question of the organisation of municipalities, the Izmir Model recommends, just as thing are in the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality, a flexible structure consisting of two wings and a practice in which each wing finds its own success in that of the other. III.1.3. How Does the Izmir Model Conceptualise Local Government and the Relations between Central Government and Local Government and What Kind of Approach Does It Propose on This Question? T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R 49 To describe the character of the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality cannot, on its own, suffice. In order to complete the description of this organisation, one also needs to depict what kind of relations it establishes with those outside. To describe the relations of the metropolitan municipality, let us begin from its relations with central authorities. In nation-states such as Turkey, the central government has the tendency to establish a high degree of tutelage over local government. As a matter of fact, as we have pointed out before, Turkey, having signed the European Charter of Local Self-Government, placed reservations so as not to implement those articles that stipulate the granting of autonomy to local government vis-a-vis central government. In situations in which central government applies such intense tutelage over local government, complaints usually are centred on the fact that the central bureaucracy is unwieldly and when using powers deriving from tutelage, in its discretionary choices, it will remain distant to the views of the local authority since it is alien to the realities experienced by the local. Under such circumstances, it is easy to answer the question what a local authority should do in order to speed up its business and to increase the weight of its views over the central administration. Under such circumstances, the officials of the local authority will intensify their links with the central officials and try to accelerate the solutions to their problems. However, the study conducted by Ümit Yaldız46 on the relationship between the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality and the central administration clearly displays the fact that this relationship cannot be grasped on the basis of the relations between the central bureaucracy and the local bureaucracy. In the period under consideration, power at the centre is in the hands of the AKP and power in the local authority in the hands of the CHP. Within the political culture dominant in Turkey, bureaucrats cannot exercise their discretionary powers independently of the choices made by the parties in power. Under those circumstances, if power lies in the hands of different parties at the central and local levels, the relationship between the central administration and the local authority is no longer one that is established on the basis of professional skills between bureaucrats who are specialists in their area, but is converted into a relationship defined by electoral expectations. What made this relationship even more of a challenge in the case of Izmir was the fact that the AKP has turned winning elections in Izmir into a special kind of obsession. Having received high rates of the popular vote all around the country, having constantly won the elections in Istanbul and Ankara, the AKP has made the goal of winning Izmir a goal to be attained at all costs. Under such 46 On this see Ümit Yaldız: “İzmir Büyükşehir Belediyesi’nin Merkezi Hükümetle İlişki Kurma Biçimi”, İzmir Modeli Çalışmaları İkinci Kitap: İzmir Büyükşehir Belediyesi’nin Yönetim Stratejileri, İzmir Büyükşehir Belediyesi, İzmir, 2018, pp. 20-62. 50 T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R circumstances, the issues that determined the relationship between the central administration and the local authority, far from being technical considerations, were turned into moves geared towards winning local elections in Izmir. The tactics that the central administration resorted to spread over a very wide spectrum. It chose to use the powers that it wields concerning the approval of plans, projects, and tender decisions in ways that would hamper the success of the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality, by either refusing to approve them or approving them with great delay. This kind of attitude caused considerable damage to the budgetary discipline of the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality. Beyond that, the central administration approved projects granted to various institutions as faits accomplis, without consulting the municipality, and in some cases chose to implement these itself. On the one hand, this situation wrought damage on the discipline in the implementation of the physical plans in the city and, on the other, far from assisting the local authority it turned the central government into a force competing with it within the borders of the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality. This contest has paved the way to the restriction of the performance of the municipality and to efforts aiming to discredit the municipality. This showed itself in the form of an army of inspectors that central government kept permanently at the municipality, which was used to slow down the pace of the functioning of the municipal system, but also putting a large number of senior level bureaucrats of the municipality under custody with a view to prosecute them so as to decrease the performance level of the municipality. Another result of this logic is the fact that although the central administration takes upon itself certain expenses for infrastructure in Istanbul and Ankara, it will not do the same in Izmir and although it allocates certain properties that belong to the Treasury to the Istanbul and Ankara municipalities, it will not do the same for Izmir. The fact that the AKP enters directly into competition with an elected municipality in the latter’s domain of competence in Izmir helps it present its attitude of exclusion towards the municipality as normal. And yet the relationship between central government and local government is not the relationship between two sides that contest an election. If relations of administrations are established on the basis of the logic of elections, then it is no longer a legitimate electoral contest, but simply an abuse of powers. This instrumental logic does not always lead to success. An explanation for this may be found in the strategies that the AKP has implemented in those elections that it has lost. Propaganda to the effect that compared to the rapid development of Istanbul, Izmir has been left behind and that the local authority controlled by the AKP will bring the Istanbul lifestyle to Izmir was not effective and Izmir did not give up on its values in lifestyle. Adjectives that injured the denizens of Izmir were not operational in becoming a mechanism that could create a polarisation among the denizens of Izmir. The share of a lack of familiarisation with the denizens of Izmir is high in the failure of such strategies. What is decisive in the T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R 51 political choices of the denizens of Izmir is not selecting an ideological side, but openness to compromises between subjects in their life choices. When one takes into consideration the broadness of the spectrum of tactics that the central government in power has implemented in order to win the local elections in Izmir, one may even get the impression that the local government would be unable to survive. What occurred was very different. Aziz Kocaoğlu won the elections and sustained his power. The Izmir Model thus bases its proposal regarding the central-local nexus on the practice of the Aziz Kocaoğlu period. However, it should not be surmised that when power is in the same hands centrally and locally no problems will arise. There will be problems under those circumstances as well. But the Izmir Model, starting from this experience, considers that an opposition municipality can succeed irrespective of the adverse interventions of the central government and that the path for this lies in a four-pronged strategy. S.1. After having won the elections, the mayor should be aware that he or she is no longer the mayor of a political party or the voters that voted for him or her, but the entire body of the denizens of the city and, through his or her leadership practice, the participatory mechanism he or she helps to bring about should spread this consciousness to the entire city, making the projects of the municipality the projects of the denizens of Izmir. This strategy will prevent the perception that the blockage implemented by the central administration is no longer a blockage targeting the projects of a political party, but the blockage of the projects of the denizens of Izmir. Naturally, this is a very strong and rightful position. The basic policy that will contribute to the materialisation of S.1, which stipulates that the mayor is not the mayor of a certain party but that of the denizens of Izmir is as follows. S.1.P.1 The metropolitan municipality should establish a coordination board and an opinion platform, composed of opinion leaders of Izmir from trade unions and NGOs, crossing party affiliation transversally, where the fundamental projects and the visions for the future of the city are discussed. The existence of such a platform will, on the one hand, provide for the transparency of the municipality, increase accountability, open municipal activities to participation, and will prevent the shutting up of the central-local nexus to political loyalty. S.2 Even if a municipality is subjected to blockages because it is an opposition force, it should not renounce on its claim to get things done, to produce services. During the election campaign, the mayor, though fully conscious of these adverse conditions, has, nonetheless, promised his or her electorate to get things done. No excuse for not getting a job done can replace the accomplishment of the job or the effort to accomplish it. An opposition municipality that only produces excuses will have made the 52 T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R greatest contribution to those who wish to bring the mayor down in the next elections. The policies that are recommended in order to materialise S.2, which suggests that the municipality refrain from a discourse that takes refuge in excuses while at the same time adopting a discourse that displays a claim to get things done, are presented below. S.2.P.1 When municipalities encounter obstacles set up by the central administration in the way of the completion of projects, they should warn the denizens, but should not present this as an excuse for not getting the job done. The news should be interpreted as the start signal of joining hands to look for ways in order to accomplish the task. S.2.P.2 If municipalities have turned important projects into projects owned by the people, this implies that the blockage applied to this project is no longer simply a problem of politics. This blockage will raise a hue and cry much broader than the reaction of the municipality, one that central government will have to lend an ear to. S.2.P.3 When a municipality is subjected to blockages by the central administration, it will have to take initiatives to clarify the reasons for the blockage to reinforce the perception of its rightfulness in the eyes of the public, by creating new forms of partnership and new solutions, by manifesting its willingness to get things done, all of which will refute the arguments put forward. S.3. The precondition for a local authority to sustain its claim to get things done is that it should have a sturdy financial capacity and a sustainable fiscal structure. Naturally, there is not even need for the central administration to force the hand of a local authority that is financially weak towards its failure, this coming about almost spontaneously. How this strategy can be accomplished will be taken up in section III.1.5, when policies relating to resource generation and fiscal management are developed, so we will not offer policy recommendations in this section. S.4 Should a municipality withdraw inwardly and remain silent in the face of blockages, this would imply bowing before defeat. A municipality that has a claim to get things done should try to raise the political cost of the blockages of the central administration by constant generation of participatory projects, by developing the dreams and demands of the people in relevant areas. In order to materialise this strategic choice, the municipality needs to mobilise participatory and innovative mechanisms and strengthen the bridges built on the basis of the meaningfulness of life. The policy that could be considered to serve this end may be formulated as follows. S.4.P.1. The basic policy that would help accomplish strategy S.4 would be to produce creative projects that would express the demands of the people in the area of enhancing “quality of life” by mobilising the Izmir Mediterranean Academy, design workshops and new participatory mechanisms to be developed. T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R 53 Subject to their passing through the legal decision bodies of the municipality, establishing their connection to the strategic plan and the budget would result in increasing the impact of this policy. This kind of process of developing a plan will have manifold results by way of adding meaning to local politics and the life of denizens. Project and plan development processes that evolve in this manner and enter municipal programmes will put an end to the feeling, on the part of the denizens, of being passive persons, who simply consume processes that are designed by others and will make them active participants. This situation will make it more difficult for arbitrary blockages by central government. Denizens who can dream about the environment they are going to live in, struggling to make this happen will find their lives to be more meaningful, and hence their “quality of life” will rise. III.1.4. What Kind of Relations Should Metropolitan Municipalities Establish with District Municipalities? In determining the policies that a metropolitan municipality should pursue in establishing external relations, it would be insufficient to dwell solely on its relationship with central government. Within the jurisdiction of a metropolitan municipality, there are district municipalities as second-tier local authorities. The jurisdiction of the metropolitan municipality is seamlessly divided between the latter and the district municipalities. The quality of the municipal services that people living within the jurisdiction of the metropolitan municipality can only be high if each of the two municipalities carries out its services satisfactorily. For this reason, when dwelling on the external relations of metropolitan municipalities, the Izmir Model has deemed it necessary to take up the relations to be established with district municipalities as a distinct matter for strategy.47 During the earlier years of the two-tier municipal system in Turkey, the space of metropolitan municipalities formed the multi-focal physical centre of the city. There was a continuity of urban settlement between the district municipalities in this segment. Thus the “quality of life” of the city had to be built in such a manner as to provide continuity. However, on the basis of the legislation in force, the metropolitan municipality sustained relations with each district municipality separately. This prevented the metropolitan municipality and the district municipalities from forming a platform. In such a context, the reproduction of the political culture of casting certain agents as “the other”, quite dominant in the political sphere in Turkey, was made much easier. This character was particularly inappropriate for a city like Izmir, where political choices are made not on the basis of political loyalties, but rather through accomodation or consensus over life practices. By making it possible for the elected leaders of 47 On this see Şevkinaz Gümüşoğlu: “İzmir Büyükşehir Belediyesi’nin İlçe Belediyeleri İle İlişki Kurma Biçimi”, İzmir Modeli Çalışmaları İkinci Kitap: İzmir Büyükşehir Belediyesi’nin Yönetim Stratejileri, İzmir Büyükşehir Belediyesi, Izmir, 2018, pp. 63-96. 54 T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R the municipalities of both tiers to come together on a democratic platform open to interaction, Izmir will have made concrete, through such a mechanism, the distinction of its political culture from the Turkish average. Over time, the two-tier municipal system of Turkey has undergone changes. While one dimension of this change is the further extension of the powers of metropolitan municipalities, another is the overlapping of the borders of the municipality with provincial borders. Henceforth, the settlement of the district municipalities within the jurisdiction of a metropolitan municipality no longer displays continuity. While in one set of districts the settlement does display continuity, in another set settlements are disconnected from each other. The transfer of the functions of the Special Provincial Administrations to metropolitan municipalities and the absence of physical continuity of district settlements, as well as the long distances that separate these from the city centre, all of these together have created the need for a reorganisation of the metropolitan municipality so as to provide efficient services for the new spaces. Taking these developments into consideration, the Izmir Model opts for three strategic choices on the question of the relationship between metropolitan and district municipalities. S.1. Having been established as a powerful entity, the metropolitan municipality has to contribute to the activities of the district municipalities by providing them with vehicles, extending financial support etc., with a view to enhance the “quality of life” of all denizens. A protocol should be drawn up that determines the policy regarding the modalities of this contribution and the mutual responsibilities of the two parties. The existence of such a protocol will render the relation established more transparent and accountable. S.2. The mayors of the metropolitan municipality and the district municipality, who are carrying out activities within the same space, should come together on a monthly basis and hold regular meetings that would provide for the coordination of their activities, which will help the manner of political practice in the city to contribute to the culture of co-existence. The major responsibility for bringing together politicians that come from different parties in order to raise the “quality of life” of the city lies with the mayor of the metropolitan municipality. S.3. In order to achieve its functions that now extend to an extremely large space, the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality, tasked with generating the basic infrastructure and the services related to these, should, with a view to perform these functions in a manner amenable to popular access, develop a supplementary organisation. As a matter of fact, in order to take this step, the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality established, on 27 April 2015, the Directorate of Local Services Fiscal and Administrative Matters, under the purview of the Department of Enterprises, Partnerships and Local Services, with a view to provide coordination T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R 55 to the Directorates of Local Services of 19 districts, outside the 11 central districts. It would be correct to interpret this act as a result of the expansion of the metropolitan municipality to a vast area. No need was felt to develop detailed recommendations in this section concerning policies to be pursued in order to materialise the three strategic choices the Izmir Model proposes with respect to the mode of establishing relations with district municipalities for metropolitan municipalities. III.1.5. Communication Strategies of Metropolitan Municipalities Concerning the Formation of the Public Sphere, Political Interaction, Publicity, and Public Relations Up to this chapter, we have gone over the strategic choices made by the Izmir Model on the questions of the structure of the municipality and the relations of the municipality with central government and district municipalities. Successful communication is a precondition for connecting to society, the development of relations with the denizens in a manner that can contribute to the formation of a wholesome community in the city, and the transcendence of a situation where the denizens are a passive, alienated mass that simply content themselves with the services that are offered to them. In our day and age, a good organisation of communication and the development of a successful communication strategy is, so to speak, a sine qua non of the success of a municipality. The Izmir Model proposes to sum up under four headings the strategic choices that a metropolitan municipality should make in order to develop successful communication.48 S.1.A metropolitan municipality is the top body in a locality that comes to office through elections. It functions as the focus of political communication in the locality. This focus of political communication provides for, on the one hand, the organisation of municipal services and the formation of a community in the city and, on the other, is a spokesperson for the locality in the public spheres of the country and the outside world. As the mayor fulfils this function, they have to serve not the building up of his or her own political leadership, but the development of an identity and integrity for the locality. That is why the communication needs to be calm, rational, and ethical, hence one that can facilitate dialogue between members of society rather than ill-tempered and alienating. The political communication policies that need to be implemented in order to materialise S.1., which proposes that the communication be one that facilitates dialogue in society, are as follows. S.1.P.1. For a type of communication that can contribute to the advance of 48 In developing the proposals in this "apter, we have benefited from the following study: Ümit Atabek, “İzmir Büyükşehir Belediyesi Yerel Yönetim Modeli: Medya İlişkileri, Halkla İlişkiler ve Tanıtım Stratejileri”. İzmir Modeli Çalışmaları İkinci Kitap: İzmir Büyükşehir Belediyesi’nin Yönetim Stratejileri, İzmir Büyükşehir Belediyesi, Izmir, 2017, pp. 97-119. 56 T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R social dialogue to become a reality, a choice will have to be made in favour of an appropriate language. This language should be one that recognises the human dignity of the interlocutor, is respectful towards and trusts the mental capacity of the person(s) being addressed, avoids creating tension, and is open to intersubjective accommodation. Naturally, attaining the goal of changing political language, by causing political culture to change, will contribute significantly to a rise in the “quality of life”. For political communication to create democratic impact, one needs the existence of a public sphere not subject to distortion. In Turkey, however, public spaces may net be said to be very healthy. S.1.P.2. The most significant problem faced by local government in Turkey regarding political communication is that the local public sphere has been subjected to distortion by the central media due to the fact that the it is feeble because central government has extreme powers and because the local media is very weak. When establishing a political communication strategy, local authorities should opt for a communication design that takes into consideration the shortcomings of the local public sphere. Furthermore, municipalities should endeavour to repair the shortcomings of the public sphere by carrying out innovative activities in those sectors of the public sphere that are not under external control. For this purpose, it is necessary to form new channels of activity in social media, to create new public spheres, and keep the society open to the development of new uses of and forms of interaction in public spaces. It goes without saying that the empowerment of the local media should take its place within this quest. S.1.P.3. Local authorities should not confine their political communication to their locality alone. The voice of the locality needs to be heard by the national and the international public spheres. In situations where the local public spheres are invaded by the central media, the communication of local political messages also faces the necessity of being mediated by the national public spheres. Changing the public sphere through which the political message is imparted can be a path through which the shortcomings of the local public sphere can be overcome. S.1.P.4. The metropolitan municipality needs to have a media and publications unit of adequate capacity for the management of political communication. This unit should be equipped with mechanisms that would facilitate receiving support from the outside. S.2. It is an imperative for the metropolitan municipality to publicise its city and the activities of the municipality. For the strengthening of the relations of a city with the external world and the development of tourism, the values and capacities of the city and the performance of the local authority need to be publicised. This is a type of communication that is reminiscent of one-sided marketing. Another need for unidirectional communication for the municipality is to get across its own activities to the denizens. The need for the denizens to T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R 57 be informed about what has been achieved and what will be achieved in their city, necessary for them to both plan their own lives and not to feel alienated from their local government, to become thus a part of a community, requires communication of such quality. The Izmir Model has formulated the following policies needed for the realisation of strategic choice S.2. S.2.P.1. Unidirectional communication, whether it is for publicity or for the dissemination of information, is started by municipalities. Municipalities are public legal persons. Hence they have to shoulder a certain responsibility regarding the reliability of the information. That is why those who prepare the publicity texts of municipalities should meticulously avoid giving these texts a quality that would make them sound like political propaganda or commercial advertisement. S.2.P.2. These unidirectional communication activities will not be effective unless they are of professional quality. They will not reach their target audience. These are costly activities and therefore the price of failed publicity efforts is high. That is why special effort should be put in to ameliorate the quality of design for the sake of increasing productivity. For this, a special unit for publicity should be established within the municipality. This unit should have the necessary equipment and the possibility of having recourse to creative persons or groups outside the municipality should be provided. S.2.P.3. For the unidirectional publicity and information dissemination campaigns guided by the municipality to be effective, a multi-platform communication should be aimed at. S.3. Every municipality needs a permanent and organised “public relations” activity in order to win the understanding, sympathy and confidence of its denizens, to raise the quality of the services it produces, and to ensure that a participatory environment devoted to the city is achieved. This is, at base, a twosided communication. This relationship will, more often than not, be started by the denizens. The swifter and more effective the response, the higher will the confidence of the denizens rise and the more successful public relations will be. If a municipality sustains its success in public relations long enough, it will thereby form an image, thus consolidating its institutional identity. The Izmir Model proposes the following policies in order to materialise the strategic choice articulated in S.3., regarding how municipalities should sustain their public relations. S.3.P.1. Every municipality should have a “public relations” unit of high capacity, employing staff qualified for this area. The permanence of this unit should be assured. For those people who will be recruited, alongside qualification in the area of public relations, importance should also be attributed to their dedication to Izmir and their job. 58 T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R S.3.P.2. The first function expected from the public relations unit of the municipality is to determine the addresses to which complaints are filed, transfer these complaints to the unit responsible for the matter at hand, and shelf the complaint file only after ensuring that the problem has been eliminated and the municipality has responded to the plaintiff. When this is achieved, the quality of the services provided by the municipality will have risen and user satisfaction will have increased. Moreover, for the user to be able, within the limits of their capacity, to trigger the mechanism easily, the path of diversification of application channels should be taken. Channels such as the Internet, a hotline, the post, or personal complaints at the town hall should all be kept open. S.3.P.3. Public relations should not be conceived only in terms of individuals. It would be very beneficial to mobilise the contributions of representatives of groups of denizens to the formation of a community in the city. The public services that these groups will produce as a result of the consensus that they build in their own public spheres will help close democratic deficits. In the communication established with these groups, face to face contact is more effective than relations established through electronic channels. For this reason, municipalities should work towards the formation of organisational forms such as the Neighbourhood Heads (“Muhtar”) Desk, Non-Governmental Organisations Desk, Small Businesses Desk, Trade Unions Desk etc. S.3.P.4. The “public relations” units of municipalities should not limit their activities just to increasing user satisfaction regarding the services of the municipality. A municipality which develops its grand projects through participatory processes and open to practices of governance, not contenting itself with government, will instil a participatory twist into the content of its public relations work. For this every project should be able to develop innovative and participatory practices. S.4. The strategy of a metropolitan municipality cannot make do with the first three strategies. These three strategies must be complemented with a fourth strategy geared to the future. Developments in digital technologies put the municipality in a position where it produces information about the activities of the municipality as well as the performance of the city. These developments have led to a kind of specialisation on the assessment of large sets of data called data mining. Analysis of this information makes the determination of tendencies and making estimations possible. The fact that the activities of the municipality can produce information lays the responsibility of opening and imparting this information to the denizens at its door. Should the municipality, in its public relations work, shoulder this responsibility of the production and dissemination of information, this would lead to public relations assuming a pro-active character. The Izmir Model thus proposes that public relations be developed in pro-active fashion. We have seen the policies recommended to implement strategic choices S.1., S.2., and S.3. When it comes to strategic choice S.4., however, it is still too early T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R 59 to say what policies should be implemented in order to bring alive this dream. III.1.6. Funding and Fiscal Management Policies to Be Pursued by Local Government Among certain municipal administrations in Turkey, it has become commonplace to borrow whenever the opportunity arises, to refrain from paying social security premiums, to raise the municipality’s debt vis-a-vis central government, and then sit and wait for debt forgiveness on the part of central government, all this being pursued as a policy. This kind of fiscal policy devoid of discipline diminishes confidence in the municipality within both business circles and the people and creates opportunities for central government to intervene in the affairs of municipalities, particularly in those where the opposition has a hold on municipal power. In contrast, as we have seen in the first book, during the period of Aziz Kocaoğlu, the opposite path was taken: the municipality pursued a rational fiscal policy and implemented a disciplined budget, which increased the autonomy of the municipality, raised the amount of funding that the municipality can mobilise, in particular for infrastructure projects, and made it possible to use the municipality’s resources more efficiently. For this reason, the Izmir Model proposes to pursue a rational fiscal policy and a performance-based disciplined budget practice. And for this, it underlines the importance of two strategic decisions.49 S.1. For enhancing the resources and the capacity of municipalities, what is needed first is the existence of “sustainable economic development” in that locality. In order to reduce the vulnerability of the economic development visa-vis crises, it is recommended that the economy in that locality should be diversified across all industries and that priority should be given to starting development from the local so as to prevent the growth to be achieved from resulting in an increase in exclusion in social life. Naturally, this development will be aligned with the Izmir Vision: in other words, it will draw its dynamism from its capacity for innovation and design, from its ability to integrate with the outside world. Of course, this kind of development will imply a higher position for Izmir in the international division of labour. S.2. For the metropolitan municipality in Izmir, the Izmir Model puts forward the goal of creating “a sustainable local fiscal structure” that has the capacity to meet its liabilities consistently and in uninterrupted manner. For this to be attained, the municipality will have to, on the one hand, have the capacity to pay for its liabilities even as it avoids raising the level of taxes, and, on the other, it will have to sustain the level and quantity of services and keep the level of dependence on funding resources not under its own control low. Of course, a 49 For proposals of the Izmir Model with respect to fiscal management, listed in this "apter see, Oğuz Esen, “Yerel Kalkınmanın Odağında Mali Yönetim Stratejisi”, İzmir Modeli Çalışmaları İkinci Kitap: İzmir Büyükşehir Belediyesi’nin Yönetim Stratejileri, İzmir Büyükşehir Belediyesi, Izmir, 2018, pp. 120-204. 60 T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R sustainable fiscal structure will be sensitive to the provision of inter-generational justice. S.3. The adoption by local authorities of “a performance-based budgetary practice while paying attention to fiscal discipline” will make it possible to monitor, concerning the services produced, the quality of the services and the productivity in the use of resources for this production and raise the accountability of these organisations. As a result the budget execution rates will also rise. Since the policies to be followed by the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality relative to the development of Izmir will subsequently be taken up in section III.2 below, in this chapter only policies to be pursued in order to implement the strategic proposals S.2. and S.3. will be dealt with. For S.2. to be materialised, that is for a sustainable fiscal structure to be attained, the fiscal policies to be implemented are as follows. S.2.P.1. For mega investments to be made, sufficient funding cannot be achieved through budget surpluses created by municipalities. Only fixed-cost, small projects with a short life cycle can be financed through this method. For infrastructure projects and mega investments, municipalities will have to have recourse to long term borrowing. The implementation of this method means at the same time inter-generational sharing of the cost and the provision of inter-generational justice. S.2.P.2. There are today two methods whereby a municipality can gain access to funding through borrowing abroad. One is to borrow from financial institutions or specialist banks, depending on the matter at hand, and the second is by borrowing directly from capital markets by issuing bonds or the like. When resorting to these methods, municipalities should take into consideration their own capacity, the maturity of the loan, the length of the grace period, and the cost of borrowing. S.2.P.3. The success of a municipality in using foreign funding is predicated upon a high level of reliability the municipality enjoys in international financial circles. That is why the Izmir Model proposes to municipalities to purchase the services of at least two international credit rating agencies for the assessment of their performance.50 The policies relative to the implementation of strategy S.3, which proposes a performance-based budget execution for the purpose of achieving fiscal discipline, are as follows. S.3.P.1.The budgets of metropolitan municipalities should be grounded in 50 When making their assessments on municipalities, credit rating agencies evaluate the structure and performance of the city’s economy, the fiscal structure and the debt burden of the municipality in question, as well as the governmental and governance capacity of the municipality. T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R 61 strategic plans.51 The timescale of the strategic plans should be aligned with electoral time horizons (currently five years) and those who win elections should be able to implement their own programme in the strategic plan. S.3.P.2. In the preparation of the strategic plans, the municipality should not content itself with simply assuring the internal consistency and integrity of the mega investment projects, but ensure that the implementation of all types of plans, from territorial plans to the master development plans, and the strategic approaches to the formation of a community in Izmir should become a part of the strategic plan. S.3.P.3. Because the Izmir Model fundamentally carries a tendency for encouraging participatory government/governance, the budget should permanently be subject to the monitoring and supervision of the denizens of Izmir on the Internet. Channels connecting the budget preparation processes and the results obtained in the participatory administration mechanisms of the municipality should be kept open. S.3.P.4. The superiority of the preparation of a budget grounded in strategy derives from the fact that the budget for each year is based on the perspective provided by a five-year plan. When there exists a five-year strategic plan, whereas the budget prepared for the first year has this kind of time horizon, the budget to be prepared during the last year will not enjoy the same time horizon. In order to eliminate this problem, sliding strategic plans could be prepared and every year a strategic plan and budget could be chosen. S.3.P.5. While adjusting for the balance of their budget with a view to establish fiscal discipline, metropolitan municipalities should take into consideration the fact that in investments that are to be made in order to procure services for which fees are chargeable, funds that come from abroad will be used and that, in the fixing of the fees for these services, the servicing of the debt will play a role. In the provision of services which are free of charge, the municipality should count on its own resources. S.3.P.6. In order to establish fiscal discipline for the budget, attention should be paid to the following: expenses for staff should not be superior to 20 per cent of expenses for activities, investment expenditure should not be less than 40 per cent within overall budgetary expenditures, and the debt service ratio in the loans received from abroad should remain within the 12-15% zone. III.1.7. Human Resources Management of the Izmir Model and the Strategies and Policies It Advocates Concerning the Improvement of the Capacity of the Bureaucracy and Other Employees For the creation of a metropolitan municipality along the lines of the vision 51 Currently all public administrations in Turkey are tasked to make strategic plans, pursuant to the Law on Public Fiscal Administration and Control, No.5018 of 10 December 2003. 62 T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R advanced in the context of the Izmir Model and for equipping this municipality with a capacity adequate for the implementation of the strategies and policies proposed so far, the municipality needs to wield human resources quantitatively and qualitatively adapted to the task. In this chapter, as we determine the strategies and policies for the formation, management and capacity building of human resources,52 the description of the metropolitan municipality by the Izmir Model will have been completed. S.1. The Izmir Model proposes to create an environment of work that is respectful towards the labour and rights of employees, that is based on the principle of merit, in which employees are provided with the prospect of improving themselves, where the path towards career-building is open to employees, where promotions are based on fair evaluation on the basis of the principle of performance. It is expected from those who work in this environment that they take to heart the Izmir Vision, that they develop the awareness they are serving the denizens of Izmir, that they display willingness to work in teams, open to innovation and creativity, that they have institutional loyalty. A municipality that is able to establish a work environment where the parties fulfil their responsibilities in tandem with this labour policy will have opened the way to the realisation of its activities according to its strategic choices. The policies needed to pursue for implementation in practice of strategic choice S.1. of the Izmir Model concerning the formation and use of human resources are as follows. S.1.P.1. An entity specialising in Human Resources Management and Training should be established to ensure the formation and management of the human resources of a metropolitan municipality. Human resources and training has now become a specialised field and a particular area of education. When this unit is being established within the municipality, care should be taken to bring together a well-educated team. S.1.P.2. Technological changes applied and innovations implemented in our day and age result in rapid flux in the practical conduct of each profession. Hence, every institution trains its employees so as to ensure that they acquire the capacity of adaptation to new situations. Institutions wishing to develop their capacity feel the need to pursue a policy of permanent education. Institutions that pursue a policy of permanent education look forward to a continuous improvement supported by cumulative creativity, based on the 52 In the elaboration of these recommendations, we have benefitted from a study by Şevkinaz Gümüşoğlu, “İzmir Büyükşehir Belediyesi’nin İnsan Kaynakları Yönetimi, Bürokrasisinde Kapasite Oluşturma Yaklaşımı”. See İzmir Modeli Çalışmaları İkinci Kitap: İzmir Büyükşehir Belediyesi’nin Yönetim Stratejileri, İzmir Büyükşehir Belediyesi, Izmir, 2018, pp. 206-229. T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R 63 principle of gradual confidence-building rather than sudden leaps in the quality of their human resources. The aim in these institutions is the creation of a process-centred learning organisation. This outcome cannot be attained simply by organising the educational process, but needs to be supported by a policy of rewards. S.1.P.3. An institution that wishes to convert its human resources system into one that is based on performance and merit, without concern for selfinterest, relying on mutual confidence will have to implement the approach of “Competency Management”. For the analysis of the harmony between an institution’s infrastructure and its competencies, a “Package of Available Skills and Technologies” needs to have been set up. The implementation of a Competency Based Performance Policy aims for the determination of goals on the ground of “Rules” and “Processes” and the mutual harmony of all the units. To be able to assure this, a sub-unit on “Organisational Performance” ought to be established within the entity “Human Resources Management and Training” of the municipality. The municipality needs to organise tests, given on a regular basis, for the promotion of its employees when they have been equipped with the necessary competencies. The regular nature of these tests will ensure the equitable nature of promotions within the system. S.2. For the employees of a metropolitan municipality to be more productive, for the denizens of Izmir to be able to benefit from their services more easily, the physical conditions of their work spaces and areas of contact with the people need to be improved and reordered in line with the principles of ergonomics. These spaces should be equipped, depending upon their character, with the tools and gadgets necessary for the job and the digital facilities and channels for social intercourse that would make possible correct and swift communication and interaction. There is no need for detailed policy recommendations here in order to implement strategic choice S.2. concerning the enhancement of physical reordering and equipment necessary for the efficient use of human resources. Hence, we will now pass over to strategic choice S.3. and the policies that are deemed necessary for its implementation. S.3. Human resources management should not content itself with the achievement of efficiency in the conduct of duties taken one by one on an isolated basis. It should strive to attain the totality and sustainability of the institution. For this, an infrastructure should be formed taking into consideration the interwoven web of relations within the organisation and have this internalised through training. S.3.P.1. Awareness on the part of employees working in the different departments of the municipality of the fact that the activities of each part of the system has an impact on the performance of others will improve coordination and raise performance. The clear exposition and traceability of this knowledge is a method through which human resources managers can increase the system’s 64 T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R productivity. For this, process maps and job descriptions that functionalise these maps under the guidance of an umbrella matrix where the relations with stakeholders of the systems related to all the units of the municipality are determined should be transferred to an Electronic Document Management System through a powerful hardware and software technology. III.2. STRATEGIES AND POLICIES RECOMMENDED BY THE IZMIR MODEL FOR IMPLEMENTATION IN PROVIDING SERVICES IN BASIC AREAS OF RESPONSIBILITY AND INFRASTRUCTURE In developing the Izmir Model, we began by describing the local authority, the main actor that is developing and implementing this Model, i.e. the metropolitan municipality, in the areas of its structure, the forms of its relations, and its strategies and policies with respect to its forms of government. We will now, in this section, take up the strategies to be pursued and the policies to be implemented by this local authority thus described in its main areas of responsibility, in its services and infrastructure. As we have already seen, the duties of municipalities cover a vast area. The Model cannot take up all of these in detail. Hence we will proceed selectively and dwell on three areas of particular importance for Izmir. These are as follows: • Sustaining Locally Focused Development • Multifaceted Environmental Concern and Responsibility • Provision of Basic Urban Infrastructure Let us take these up one by one. III.2.1. Sustaining Locally Focused Development At the time he came into office, Aziz Kocaoğlu perceived that Izmir’s level of economic development was beneath the city’s potential. For this reason he gave priority to the economic development of the city. The Izmir local authority made its first strategic choice in this area by opting for “starting development from the local”. The question the mayor asked himself is not “How do I best provide municipal services to this city?” As important is the question “How do I help develop this city?”53 As a matter of fact, this is a question at odds with the approach to developmentalism in Turkey since the 1960s. Starting from that period on, development was seen as a social performance that was to be under the responsibility of the nation state, a performance that would be led through adjusting the policy variables under the control of the central authority. Consequently, in the legislation, only roundabout responsibilities concerning development were stipulated for municipalities. The question that Aziz Kocaoğlu posed himself basically involved a critique regarding the inadequacy of this point of view on development. This critique is based upon the effort to demonstrate to society at large what kinds of adverse results were born and what kinds of 53 On this see the minutes of the interview between Koray Velibeyoğlu and Aziz Kocaoğlu on 14 November 2017. T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R 65 opportunities were missed as a consequence of the centrally focused conception of development and the relegation to second plan of the locally focused concept of development in the light of the practical outcome of the measures taken by making use of the scant opportunities provided by the municipal legislation. At present, when talking about locally focused development in Turkey, the first example that comes to mind is the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality. It should be noted that the term used by the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality is not “local development”, but “development from the local”. When we talk about local development, what is meant is the increase in the value added and the rise in income per capita or even an improvement in welfare in a certain territory. When we talk about “development from the local”, however, an additional choice comes in as to how “local development” shall be exercised. There are two aspects to this choice. First, the effort to base development on “local dynamics” and, secondly, its realisation by “local actors” that “possess local knowledge”. In Izmir, the municipality accepts that the way to making a city livable is predicated, first and foremost, on making the inhabitants of the city viable. The concept “starting development from the local” raises the inclusion of the actors of the locality in the development process to the level of a principle. This attributes to it the quality of a search for a human-centred development. In a globalised world, according to neopositivist/neoliberal economic theory, the sustainability of a productive activity in a certain locality is conditional upon its comparative advantage in competition with other places. As a result of this analysis, carried out under the assumptions that the factors of production, capital and labour, are of a standard quality everywhere, that technology is easily transferrable, that the state of being a resource is determined objectively, and that trade is free, the local actors, local resources, local dynamics, and tacit knowledge of a locality are simply excluded. If the assumptions of the analysis in question are changed, if the existence of tacit knowledge, a conception of resources based on inter-subjective consensus, new trade patterns that are implied by environmental principles such as those that posit that what is produced locally should be consumed locally or that the footprint of production should be diminished are granted, the welfare of the people living in that locality is bound to increase. In a place where such a viewpoint of development from the local flourishes, local government, as a legal person, will become the main actor of development from the local. In this context, the function shouldered by the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality will be that of a catalyst. When we use the word catalyst in order to define the function of the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality, we have thereby borrowed a metaphor from chemistry. In chemistry, a catalyst is defined as a substance that makes possible a chemical reaction or a change in its speed, without itself changing its own molecular structure. What we intend to get across through the use of such a metaphor is that the part played by the municipality in development from the local is to facilitate development without putting itself in the place of the individuals in a society. 66 T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R This role of facilitator manifests itself in three different manners. The first is the building of the basic urban infrastructure and the production of public services in this infrastructure, which are the fundamental duties of the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality. By doing these the municipality is increasing the alternatives of the people living in that city with respect to production and consumption and thereby broadening their freedom to raise their life quality. The second way the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality will act as a facilitator is to help the denizens to improve the capacities they can make use of in production and the third way is to increase their capability through organising. S.1. The Izmir Metropolitan Municipality shall start development from the local. It will do this by taking local assets as its point of departure and will provide opportunities for the innovation and entrepreneurship of its denizens, thereby leading to mobilisation of local dynamics. What the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality has done in order to materialise this strategy will be synthesised here under three headings: • What Is Done in Agriculture for Development from the Local54 • What Is Done in the Non-Farm Sphere for Development from the Local55 • Asset Based Work on Basin Planning56 S.1.1. The Izmir Model attributes priority to what is done in agriculture in beginning development from the local. The functions of pioneer and catalyst undertaken by the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality in the last three terms have resulted in the following: the agricultural sector in Izmir has grown faster than the average for Turkey and has also changed its product mix. Whereas between 1992 and 2003, average annual growth in the agricultural sector was 1.3 % both in Izmir and nationally, in the period 2003-2015, while average growth in the agricultural sector was 2.8 % nationally, it was 6.6 % for Izmir. While the share of plant production in Izmir within overall agricultural production was 71 % in 2002, in 2015 it dropped to 49 %. As for animal husbandry, its share rose in the same time span from 26 % to 46 %. Aquaculture, for its part, rose from 2 % to 4.6 %. With respect to land use, there was an increase in olive and fruit trees, but a decline in vineyards. Of course, what these figures show us is that there was a structural 54 On this see Yaşar Uysal: “Yerel Odaklı Kalkınma Yerel Kalkınmaya Verilen Önem (Tarım)”, İzmir Modeli Çalışmaları Üçüncü Kitap: İzmir Büyükşehir Belediyesi’nin Yerel Kalkınma, Çevre ve Altyapı Sağlamadaki Performansları, İzmir Büyükşehir Belediyesi, Izmir, 2018, pp. 24-96. 55 On this see Yaşar Uysal: “Yerel Kalkınmaya Verilen Önem (Tarım Dışı)”, İzmir Modeli Çalışmaları Üçüncü Kitap:İzmir Büyükşehir Belediyesi’nin Yerel Kalkınma, Çevre ve Altyapı Sağlamadaki Performansları, İzmir Büyükşehir Belediyesi, Izmir, 2018, pp. 99-164. 56 On this see Koray Velibeyoğlu: “Havza Esaslı Çalışmalar”, İzmir Modeli Çalışmaları Üçüncü Kitap: İzmir Büyükşehir Belediyesi’nin Yerel Kalkınma, Çevre ve Altyapı Sağlamadaki Performansları, İzmir Büyükşehir Belediyesi, Izmir, 2018, pp. 165-185. T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R 67 transformation in agriculture in Izmir. During this transformation, the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality affected the life of 37.6 % of the farmers one way or the other, through services or support purchases. Those supported are small farmers. Although the agricultural sector came under the pressure of neoliberal policies after the so-called 24 January 1980 decisions, later, as a result of the reversal in support policy due to populist pressure after the return to civilian politics, the neoliberal orientation suffered considerable erosion in the latter years of the 1990s and Turkey experienced an economic crisis in 2001. In the aftermath of the Economic Stabilisation Programme conducted under Kemal Derviş in order to overcome the crisis, agricultural subsidies as a share of Gross Domestic Product declined from 3.2 % to 0.5 % and the negative rates of interest on agricultural loans turned positive. Agricultural prices and input prices aligned with world prices. In this context, the domestic terms of trade squeezed between low farm produce prices and high input prices led to the downsizing of agricultural land in a race to adaptation to circumstances. Moreover, as a result of the implementation of this programme, rural areas were deprived of the younger population and the share of the elderly already out of agricultural activity grew by leaps and bounds. Parallel to a hemorrhage of population, an improvement in productivity was observed within this transformation. Face to the challenges created by the great transformation in Turkish agriculture, it would not be incorrect to characterise the contribution of the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality to agriculture in Izmir as extending a helping hand to the small producer. For sustaining this transformation that agriculture in Izmir experienced lately in conformity with strategy S.1., the Izmir Model will pursue the following policies. S.1.1.P.1. In order to make use of the high potential of the climate and productive soil conditions of Izmir from the point of view of agricultural activities, the Izmir Model proposes to raise the prestige of agricultural activities. Farmers will acquire an awareness as to their worth. In bringing about this awareness, an important part will be played by the fact that urban dwellers have an increasing share of agricultural activities. S.1.1.P.2. In the wake of the inclusion of both urban and rural areas within the jurisdiction of metropolitan municipalities, the Izmir Model recommends that a powerful Entity for Agricultural Development should be established within the municipality, that it be equipped with a variegated team with experience in guiding agricultural production and that sufficient funding be set aside in the municipal budget. S.1.1.P.3. For those who do farm work to gain higher income, the Izmir Model recommends, on the one hand, an orientation towards a product mix that brings higher value added and, on the other, in order to ensure that a bigger share of the value added remain with the producers, the adoption of a comprehensive policy that takes up the questions of inputs, farmer training, production and marketing 68 T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R as a whole. The critical variable in order to ensure an increase in income in this overall approach is to increase productivity in agriculture. S.1.1.P.4. It is no longer possible for each small farmer to achieve directly on his own the high productivity warranted in our day by the modern agriculture of our times and to ensure that high prices are procured on the market. For this anaemic sector of rural society to survive it needs to organise itself. The Izmir Model recommends that this organising be carried out by means of cooperatives. The historical experience of Izmir in the sphere of cooperatives reinforces the chances of success. S.1.1.P.5. In order to fulfil the conditions required by modern agriculture, the Municipality ought to ensure that the much-needed system of laboratories are established and services rendered to the farmers concerning soil, leaf analysis, advice on fertilisers, measurement of pesticide residue on produce and the like, thereby meeting the needs of the farmer. S.1.1.P.6. In the Izmir Model, it is recommended that in the regions of Izmir where agricultural production is carried out village roads should be paved with asphalt so that the harvested produce may be brought to the market swiftly and without perishing. S.1.1.P.7. The Izmir Model advocates the setting up of the cold chain and the cold storage system in a manner that covers the entire jurisdiction of the municipality in order for the harvested produce to be marketed without perishing and supplied at the best prices possible for such produce. S.1.1.P.8. The Izmir Model proposes that the importance attributed to animal husbandry be sustained, that the part of the production of milk and dairy products that is carried out in rural areas should be integrated with rural tourism. S.1.1.P.9. The Izmir Model sees as imperative both the submission for geographic signs and the organising of events or festivals at harvest times for appropriate products, both to help marketing and for the revival of a feeling of community. S.1.1.P.10. The Izmir Model proposes to extend multifaceted support to small farmers, those who own less than 10 cattle, less than 50 sheep or goats, less than 25 decares of land and who live in villages, engage in production and are registered with the Chamber of Agriculture. The support can take forms such as sheep or goat distribution, sapling distribution, soil analysis, training for production and marketing, encouraging formation of and joining cooperatives so as to channel support, or purchase of products. After having taken up the strategy and policies of the Izmir Model for development from the local in relation to agriculture, we can now proceed to lay out the development from the local strategy for non-farm industries. S.1.2. The Izmir Model recommends that the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality shoulder the function of catalyst in different spheres for development from the T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R 69 local also in non-farm areas. Furthermore, it proposes that within its jurisdiction the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality should be tasked to provide the necessary infrastructure for living and producing, to ensure the planned development of the city, and to form a community for the denizens of the city, thereby raising the “quality of life” and accumulating social capital, leading to an increase in the development dynamics of Izmir. Izmir is among the 130 largest cities of the world. In its variegated urban region, Izmir wields a large manufacturing spectrum, ranging from agribusiness, textiles, clothing, shoe production, chemicals, iron and steel, all the way to the automotive industry and a service industry required by this large aggregation of population and conglomeration of manufacturing industry. Izmir grounds its claim to being a global city from this diversity in its economic structure. While such an economy sustains its competitiveness within the global economy, its integration with the world economy should be advanced and a high “quality of life” ought to be ensured in order to attract skilled labour and entrepreneurs to the city for Izmir to raise its position in the global division of labour. The vision of the Izmir Model, as we have seen earlier, stipulates precisely this kind of development. For Izmir to display this kind of performance, it is very important for the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality to provide the infrastructure, to produce the services, and to create the conditions necessary for economic development. The Izmir Model is, at bottom, being prepared for the fulfilment of these conditions in a satisfactory manner. But the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality does not only content itself with providing the classical municipal services and abandon the field of economic development to entrepreneurs and the business community. The Izmir Metropolitan Municipality considers that the function of catalyst for economic development is indispensible and is trying to fulfil that duty. Should it be necessary to cite examples of such efforts, one could dwell on the creation of the İzmir Ekonomik Kalkınma Koordinasyon Kurulu (İEKKK - the Izmir Economic Development Coordination Board), a platform where visions on the development of Izmir are discussed. The business development of Izmir depends, to a large extent, on the operations of the Izmir Alsancak Port. The central government, however, had pivoted its policy on developing the Çandarlı Port, neglecting the Izmir Alsancak Port. Foreseeing the adverse impact on the economy of Izmir of the loss in importance of the Alsancak Port, the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality played a pioneering role in developing an awareness to this effect among the influential actors of Izmir’s economy. It furthermore developed a project of deepening a canal for the navigation of third generation ships and decided to buy the vessel that would do the excavation. Another instance of the municipality fulfilling the function of catalyst is the Meslek Fabrikası (Vocational Factory) that the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality has put in place. While there is a high level of unemployment among the low-skilled and low-income sectors in Izmir, industrialists suffer from a dearth of skilled labour. In order to find a solution to this problem, the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality has devised and put into 70 T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R practice the project of the Vocational Factory that would, on the one hand, contribute to a fall in unemployment and, on the other, help overcome the bottleneck for human resources faced by industry and productive services by enhancing the skills of human resources. All three examples of the function of catalyst undertaken by the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality are steps towards development. Taking the examples of the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality as its point of departure, the Izmir Model proposes the implementation of the following policies for the materialisation of strategy S.1.2. S.1.2.P.1. Even as the İEKKK (Izmir Economic Development Coordination Board) continues to fulfil the functions of a democratic platform, the Izmir Model also recommends that it simultaneously assume the quality of a local development coalition, reaching conclusions as to what kind of catalyst functions are needed in order to pace up development. The assumption by this board of the role of an incubator of catalytic functions will accelerate Izmir’s development. S.1.2.P.2. If a variety of organisations in Izmir are looking for opportunities to open up to new markets by setting up a new type of relationship among themselves and creating new productive capacities, what is at stake is a kind of developmentalist catalytic function. The Izmir Model, at bottom, encourages this function of catalyst. Within such a dynamics of development, the diversity of Izmir’s economy will be enhanced and its resilience boosted. S.1.2.P.3. What is expected of the İEKKK Izmir Economic Development Coordination Board) is not solely a developmentalist catalytic function. It is, at the same time, a defensive catalytic function. It may be that, as a result of certain dynamics either within Izmir itself or outside, certain goods or services may have lost their competitiveness and entered a period of decline. What is needed is a defensive catalytic function in order to eliminate the process of decline. S.1.2.P.4. Whether it be a defensive or a developmentalist type of catalytic function undertaken by the platform İEKKK (Izmir Economic Development Coordination Board), the Izmir Model will strive to develop a new form of relationship between the various entrepreneurs and corporations of Izmir, whether this be through the formation of cooperatives or new instances of incorporation or a platform for new relations. At times, this function as catalyst will imply designing a new actor for a new function. S.1.2.P.5. Conscious that the most significant bottleneck in providing for development from the local is the supply of skilled labour equipped with the qualifications demanded by the market and possessing an adequate motivation for work, the Izmir Model recommends that the Vocational Factory of the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality be further developed. S.1.2.P.6. Among the policies that the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality will T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R 71 pursue in implementing the strategy of “starting development from the local”, the formation and extension of innovation centres should be prioritised. When such co-working spaces become a reality, the perspective of people learning from each other will improve and a culture of working together will come into being. It is impossible to talk about the sustainability of the development process in a locality where innovation mechanisms have not been reinforced. The third instrument used by the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality concerning development from the local has been the Asset-Based Basin Planning work. S.1.3. In order to vitalise the dynamics of local development, to ensure the integration of all localities to Izmir by making it possible for the values of a locality to be seen from the outside and to reach these values, the Izmir Model proposes a basin level, asset-based, participatory planning. These plans will have a multi-disciplinary character, each in line with its subject matter. In order to implement this strategy, the Izmir Model recommends the following policies. S.1.3.P.1. The jurisdiction of the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality is divided into three basins. These are the Northern Basin, the Peninsula Basin, and the Küçük Menderes Basin. River basins are appropriate spatial units for planning work of high ecological concern. In Izmir, only the Küçük Menderes Basin has the integrity of a river basin. The Northern Basin is formed by the aggregation of certain parts of the Bakırçay and Gediz river basins and corresponds to a geographic entity that is forcibly created by the imperatives of administrative division. For purposes of the ecological/pollution analysis of this area, it would be useful to remember that it is composed of parts of the Bakırçay and Gediz river basins. The geography of the Peninsula does form a certain planning basin for purposes of agriculture and tourism. S.1.3.P.2. Basin plans are based upon information on the assets of the locality, determined as a result of the studies of researchers and of the participatory planning process. This information consists of a wide spectrum of the assets/ values of the basin such as agricultural resources, products, touristic resources, historical heritage, culinary culture, endemic plants, handicrafts and the like. From the point of view of planning, the most critical aspects of this information are the cultures of production and living of those who live in this locality. This information will form the source of the development proposals/projects that will be developed in the locality. S.1.3.P.3. This gathering of information and the concomitant elaboration of recommendations for development will definitely have to unfold within a participatory process. The participatory aspect will have a multitude of functions. Those who possess bookish technical knowledge will fail to include many values among the development recommendations because they cannot access information concerning the locality. Because they will be unable to detect the dedication to certain local activities, they will remain inadequate 72 T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R in mobilising existing potentialities. Approaches based on proposals from the outside will short-circuit local creativities. The probability is high that proposals made without creating awareness in the locals will be faced with resistance. Recalling that behind assets and values in a society an inter-subjective consensus rules will bring to light the importance of the participatory process. S.1.3.P.4. When new recommendations and projects are being developed within a basin level, asset-based development from the local approach, it is beneficial to refrain from attitudes that shut this locality up and isolate it from Izmir. On the contrary, it would be useful to dwell on projects that open it to the outside and increase its integration with society at large. Furthermore, when development projects are the topic, usually it is economic projects that are privileged. The projects/proposals mentioned here will possess a diversity that embraces all spheres of life. For instance, these projects may include the formation of cooperatives for production and marketing, the distribution of sheep, goats or beehives, participation in product markets or sales networks, product festivals, organisation of village festivals, the building of walking trails or bicycle lanes, historic routes, vinery routes, village market routes and the like. For the success of projects that are part of the plan and from which important returns are expected, it is necessary to point out how its relations with networks that the project should link up with are to be established. S.1.3.P.5. The basic reason why positive results are obtained from this project in practice is that executive bodies of the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality such as the Department of Agricultural Services, the Department of Culture and Art, and the Division of Urban Design and Aesthetics undertake important parts in the implementation phase. But in order to increase the efficiency of the basin projects, the support received from international organisations needs to be stepped up and the participation of Izmir-based NGO’s boosted. In the implementation of the project, the diversification of the actors to assume a part should not be regarded as a question of material resources, but as a question of the connecting up of the locality with the outside world. III.2.2. Multifaceted Environmental Awareness and Responsibility The technological level humanity has reached as a result of the cumulative development of cultures while increasing, on the one hand, the capability of the human, has raised, on the other, the destructive power of the human being tremendously. Left to its own, this power comprises a tendency to create havoc on both the natural environment and the built environment. The human being of the modern world, having created this destructive capacity, now tends to reflect on and assess the long term results of his or her actions. For this reason, the contemporary human does not wish to come to terms with the havoc wrought on the natural and built environment, which can at times become a problem of survival for humanity. Long term human reflection has developed the sustainability/protection current, whether the object be the natural or the built environment. T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R 73 In the present time, more than half of the surface of the earth has come directly under the impact of human activities such as agriculture, grazing, industrialisation, urbanisation, networks of transportation and forestry. The part of the earth that has remained in its natural form has now descended to less than 20 %. Studies conducted by the Global Footprint Network shows that since 1970 the annual demand of the humankind for resources has been higher than the rate of renewal of the earth annually. For the sustainability of human activities more than the earth is needed. At present, this sustainability requires 1.6 times the earth. The IPCC (Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change) has stressed that temperature change should not exceed 2 C. If we do not engage in bringing greenhouse gases down to zero in 50 years, it is said, our future is bleak.57 It is not only the global atmosphere that warms up in climate change the acid level rises in oceans and results in the decline of biodiversity. In the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, among the measures to be taken, “decarbonisation” has been singled out. The way the global economy functions, the inadequacies of the United Nations system to regulate multinational companies, all this has brought the global ecological system to a point that could be characterised as the knife’s edge. When we come down from the global scale to the country scale or the local scale, we face many important challenges. Here, we do not need go into those details. The real question we must ask is this: in order to be able to cope with these environmental problems that range from the local to the global, what kind of strategic choices should we make? In order to develop a strategy that can cope with environmental problems, one needs to have some clarity regarding the rationale behind of the sustainability/ protection current. Whether it is sustainability or, beyond that, protection, this has been presented as a duty that human beings should fulfil. This one-sided rationale is an inadequate point of departure for the strategies to be developed. To work for the conservation of the environment and to ensure sustainability is both a right and a duty. To live in relation with a pristine natural environment for which the “sustainability” condition is fulfilled is, first and foremost, a part of our right to a life in dignity. The right to environment is one of the third generation rights based on solidarity. For this group of rights to be enjoyed, individuals have to fulfil their responsibilities/duties. This kind of matching of a right and a duty of course makes it more meaningful than a duty imposed from the outside. The condition of sustainability, developed from within the United Nations system, was developed by taking the allocation of resources required by economic development as its 57 On this see Ümit Erdem: “İzmir Büyükşehir Belediyesi’nin Çevreyi Koruma ve Geliştirme Yaklaşımı”, İzmir Modeli Çalışmaları Üçüncü Kitap: İzmir Büyükşehir Belediyesi’nin Yerel Kalkınma, Çevre ve Altyapı Sağlamadaki Performansları, İzmir Büyükşehir Belediyesi, Izmir, 2018, pp. 186-222. 74 T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R main point of reference. If we recall that the concept of sustainability of the Izmir Model is defined with reference to “quality of life”, then it will become clear that the sustainability invoked here demands a greater dedication and self-sacrifice from individuals in society. In the Izmir Model, when the right/duty duality is the approach to sustainability/protection, it would be more precise to take up the concept of “right” in a manner that is broader than the framework of the United Nations (UN), constrained by human rights, at the level of civil rights stipulated by the Izmir Model. The matching of the broader definition of the right to environment with the responsibility of the individual is very important for the materialisation of the right to environment. Naturally, if human beings can change their behaviour in life aware of environmental problems and act according to a morality of environmental responsibility, it cannot be expected that this will eliminate all environmental problems. This does not imply that human beings must, sooner or later, give in to environmental problems. When they cannot solve problems through individual behaviour, human beings organise, forming, for instance, non-governmental organisations, local authorities and the like and try to solve those problems through the means of such organisations. One should conceive of human responsibilities not only in terms of individual responsibilities, but also together with the responsibilities of public associations and organisations that derive their legitimacy from the choices made by individuals. From within such a perspective, a ranking of responsible actors emerges at different scales, ranging from the individual to the global level. For our analysis here, let us proceed on the basis of a four-tier description consisting of the individual, local government, nation states and the global level. It may be said that there is a separate environmental problem in the solution of which each of these four tiers should specialise. As each lower tier solves the problems at its own level, it should also take into consideration the duties that are incumbent upon it as a result of the solutions to be applied at the tiers above it. In order to render this approach described in quite an abstract manner more comprehensible, it would be in order to provide some examples. Let us start out by an example at the micro level. When we say the micro level, we mean individuals, families, firms, schools and the like. These social units, as they live in society or fulfil their functions, go around the public space, consume, live in a building, consume energy, drive around if they happen to have a car and the like. If this is an individual who has some awareness of their social responsibilities, if they do not dirty the streets, if they sort out their solid waste in a manner amenable to recycling and try to facilitate their future use, if they are aware of environmental problems, if they save on energy by having their house insulated, if they bring down the carbon footprint of society by refraining from conspicuous consumption, they are making a lot of contribution towards themselves living in a better environment while at the same time reducing the burden incumbent upon local government in fulfilling environmental standards. This individual is T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R 75 both fulfilling their own responsibilities at their own scale and, simultaneously, is contributing to the solution of global environmental problems from their own scale. When one takes such a point of view, it is possible to dwell on only the first two scales, that is to say the individual (micro) tier and the local government tier in determining the strategy through which local government will fulfil its functions with respect to the solution of environmental problems. The Izmir Model starts its Environmental Strategy with S.1., from the individual (micro) tier. S.1. The more the individuals or other micro elements within the jurisdiction of a local authority are aware of the environmental problems of the locality, the country and of the entire globe and the more they have internalised morals on this question, the lighter will be the responsibilities of the local authority on this issue. This awareness can be achieved as a result of a common effort of diverse social actors. For this reason, the Izmir Model proposes that municipalities become not only one of the actors that create this awareness, but also the facilitator of this process. For the materialisation of this strategic choice, the Izmir Model proposes the following policies. S.1.P.1. In order to raise the environmental awareness of the denizens of Izmir, the Izmir Model proposes that, as a think tank and a democratic platform, the Izmir Mediterranean Academy broaden its functions and enhance its international relations. S.1.P.2. According to the Izmir Model, the main responsibility for increasing the environmental awareness of the denizens of Izmir and the internalisation of the responsibilities deriving from this will be shouldered by the Unit of Culture and Social Relations (Department). With this purpose participatory events and festivals should be organised in the public space of the city. It will try to instil environmental values in the youth in close cooperation with schools and organise excursions systematically so that they can see what is being done to protect nature. S.1.P.3. It will very beneficial for NGO’s to take an active part in raising the consciousness of the denizens of Izmir regarding the environment and in organising grassroots events to develop the quality of the environment. The Izmir Metropolitan Municipality will try to pave the way for the unfolding of such events. S.1.P.4. Those who live within the jurisdiction of the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality or firms and organisations that function there may not reach the desired outcome concerning the fulfilment of their responsibilities regarding the environment, even when they intend to, for lack of sufficient knowledge as to how to act. For this it is necessary for organisations in charge to regulate the area and issue the relevant regulations. The strategic choices of the Izmir Model for the responsibilities of the second 76 T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R tier actor, the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality are given under S.2. The liabilities of a municipality are, first of all, determined by the legislation on municipalities. Because the Izmir Model defines sustainability with reference to “quality of life”, it also defines the responsibilities of the municipality in a broader framework. S.2. The Izmir Model subsumes the responsibilities of municipalities with respect to the environment in three groups. In the first group, waste production and environmental pollution are taken up in an interconnected manner. The first task of the municipality on this question is to try and reduce waste production and pollution. The second group of responsibilities of municipalities is to clean up the pollution and to dispose of the waste. The third area of responsibility is to increase the satisfaction derived from environmental landscaping and the setting up of a relationship with nature. The Izmir Metropolitan Municipality will have specialised entities in order to cater to all three responsibilities. By defining the general scope of the responsibilities regarding the environment of the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality, in S.2., the Izmir Model has made a strategic choice. However, it is necessary to break down this general choice into separate sub strategies for the three groups. S.2.1. While developing the Izmir Model the fact that the denizens of Izmir do not shut themselves in their homes, but make ample use of the public space was a matter of attention. This implies that in Izmir the standards for cleanliness of the public space need to be held high. The vision of Izmir with respect to “quality of life” makes cleanliness one of the basic performance attributes that the city must achieve. In order to attain this goal, both the denizens and the municipality will have to do their share of the job. If denizens have developed a habit of not dirtying the environment in their daily lives, the burden on the municipality will lessen. However, if the tendency of the denizens to dirty the environment is high, this should not mean that the cleanliness standards of the municipality, in particular in public spaces, can decrease. The division of labour between the metropolitan municipality and the district municipalities, whereby the district municipalities collect the garbage and the metropolitan municipality disposes of solid waste, makes difficult to attain uniformity in service provision at the city level. The policy choices that can be used to attain this goal are as follows. S.2.1.P.1. In the public spaces of Izmir, a cleanliness standard will be implemented that will not leave behind even a speck of dirt. In order to materialise this, the responsibility will be undertaken if necessary by the Metropolitan Municipality, which, to that end, will supply its entity responsible for cleaning with adequate equipment and labour force. The question of solid waste may be related to pollution up to a certain point, but it is really a much more fundamental and structural problem. Solid waste is closely related to health, to image, and to the future of society. One source of the waste is the consumption of individuals/families. The more unneeded T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R 77 consumption rises, the more does the amount of waste increase. When something is being brought home, the bag it is carried in or the package of the product in question creates waste from the initial moment. This substance/ object brought home turns into waste once it decomposes, thus becoming unfit for consumption. By analysing this process of formation of waste, it is possible to find ways of decreasing the quantity of waste. But at bottom, decreasing waste requires decreasing consumption. For something to be seen as worthless garbage depends on the way its possessor uses it. What seems to be garbage to someone may be seen as a resource that may be made use of by some other user. When we succeed in turning over a thing that is seen as worthless by someone to someone else who is interested in it, there will be no garbage left and the question of solid waste will have been solved. In this case, the question of solid waste will have been solved through the approach of zero garbage. S.2.1.P.2. Before beginning to dispose of solid waste, an effort needs to be made to reduce the amount of solid waste. One of the ways that could be resorted to is to develop markets for second hand objects in the city, thereby diminishing the footprint of activities. Another effort in the same direction would be both to reduce the use of plastic bags that take long years to degrade and come up against the habit of using disposable material and encourage the use of cloth bags and market nets in carrying objects home that would make reuse possible. S.2.2. According to the Izmir Model, the fundamental responsibility that municipalities should take on environmental problems is to clean up the pollution or dispose of the waste that individuals create in daily life and industry and services create during their process of production. The more solid, liquid and gaseous waste can be disposed of in a city, the cleaner we can say does the environment in that city remains clean. The Izmir Metropolitan Municipality will have specialised entities to meet its responsibilities in all three areas. To this end, it will set up the necessary infrastructure and run the services. Let us now take up the policy choices in order to materialise the strategic choices in the three environmental pollution/waste areas. S.2.2.P.1. The Izmir Model proposes that the Izmir solid waste management system is established and run in tandem with European Union Standards. To that end: • The development of the production of solid waste within the frontiers of the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality should be estimated and a plan prepared for the collection, storage and recycling of the solid waste. • Within the remit of this plan, requisite tools and instruments should be supplied for the amelioration of solid waste management, facilities should be set up and should be run productively. • New and proper storage spaces should be set aside for the quantity of waste stipulated in the plan, taking the broadening frontiers of the Izmir 78 T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R Metropolitan Municipality into consideration as well. • A sterilisation facility should be set up for medical waste. • For construction and demolition waste, one or more recycling facilities should be set up, taking into consideration transportation distances. Where ever transportation does not prove economical, supervision mechanisms should be established to prevent the dumping of this waste to places other than the earmarked ones. On the question of the disposal and decontamination of liquid waste that results from both domestic use and industrial use Izmir has reached a very advanced stage. This evolution started as a result of the tremendous dimensions pollution reached in the Izmir Bay and the fact that the odour that was disseminated from the Bay became a source of disturbance, whereupon the Büyük Kanal (Grand Canal) project was set in motion. The first tender for the project was held in 1992 and the last stage was completed in 2002. The polluted water flowing into the Bay was discharged by collection through a canal. The decontamination sludge is being shrivelled and biogas obtained and the drying function is completed with the biogas to obtain fertiliser to be used in agriculture. The decontamination index is at European Union standards and in terms of per capita decontamination of waste water and decontamination index at European Union Standards, Izmir has a performance way ahead of other cities in Turkey. Whereas the quantity of waste water decontaminated per capita is 60 cubic meters in Izmir, it is 38 cubic meters in Istanbul and 5 cubic meters in Ankara. In effect, Izmir received in 2017 the “Environmentally Friendly City Award”, organised within the scope of the Mediterranean Action Plan of the United Nations Environment Program.58 S.2.2.P.2. In the disposal of liquid waste, the Izmir Model recommends that the pioneering role played by the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality with IZSU be kept up. It also proposes that this pioneering role be continued also in the field of the separation of rain water and contaminated water and that in the future new steps be taken in the valorisation of rain water. Gaseous waste causes, on the one hand, air pollution and, on the other, climate change. What is relevant for us in this section is air pollution. Housing heating in winter, the chimney gas emission by industry, and the exhaust gases from motor vehicles come together with the pollution caused by the use of heavy fuels by vessels that visit the Izmir Port, a factor specific to Izmir, to pollute the air in Izmir. Turkey took notice of air pollution in the 1970s. At that time, due to the use of local lignite in housing units in winter, cities whose population were growing rapidly were polluted to such a level that the quantities of solid substance particles and sulphur dioxide exceeded 5 or 10 times the standard values set by the 58 “İzmir’e Çevre Dostu Şehir Ödülü”, Hürriyet, 9 Aralık 2017. (Access: 17.07.2018: http://www.hurriyet.com.tr/izmirecevre-dostu-sehir-odulu-40672821) T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R 79 World Health Organisation. The local lignite polluted the air immensely, due to its low-calorie nature, the high ash content and the very high level sulphur. In winter months, especially in regions where a continental climate dominated, the reversal phenomenon prevented this polluted air from rising to the sky and made the atmosphere extremely dangerous for human health. Of course, experts in Turkey knew very well that the solution to the problem of air pollution was predicated upon the use of clean fuels for heating. But Turkey’s economic policy of import substitution did not allow the import of clean fuels. In the 1980s, only after Turkey abandoned its economic policy based on import substitution to pursue an economic development policy geared to exports did the country begin to import, first, high-quality, low ash, and low sulphur coal in order to reduce air pollution. The geographic position of Izmir resulted in a situation where natural gas came to Izmir with a considerable delay. It came in 2011, with a delay of 19 years. By 2014 natural gas had reached every district in Izmir. The transition to natural gas reduced to a great level air pollution relative to the 1970s, but the measurements taken in 2017 showed that in Aliağa, Bornova, Bayraklı, Şirinyer, Gaziemir, and Güzelyalı, on days with adverse weather conditions, air pollution levels exceeded World Health Organization standards. The reason is that not all housing units have been connected to natural gas and, even if they were, especially for poor families natural gas is an expensive commodity and they therefore continue to use low quality coal, leading to the continuation of the problem. The second important source of air pollution in cities is the carbon monoxide pollution that is created by the exhaust gases that motor vehicles all emit into the air. As in the rest of Turkey, so in Izmir, the number of motor vehicles is rapidly on the rise. For the same reason carbon monoxide pollution is increasing as fast. But because measurements are not taken regularly concerning this kind of pollution, this topic is not taken up seriously in the public sphere. But in this field as well, the solution has already been grasped in the form of the transition from cars that still use fossil fuels to the use of electric cars. Having been inspired by this experience, the Izmir Model has cast its strategic choice on air pollution as follows: S.2.2.P.3. According to the Izmir Model, to have a clean city, a policy of clean fuels and a clean power (electric power) use should be pursued. For the power to be clean, the share of renewable energy sources should be high within the energy mix. The strategies/policies of a municipality regarding the environment should not be confined to the reduction and elimination of the production of pollution, or in short, to the suppression of adverse aspects. To provide for the contribution of the protection and improvement of the positive aspects that exist in nature to the enhancement of the quality of life of the denizens is a fundamental duty of local government. In the fulfilment of this function, strategic choice S.2.3. shows us the way forward. S.2.3. According to the Izmir Model, the third area of responsibility for the Izmir 80 T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R Metropolitan Municipality should be through the protection of the environmental landscape and the shaping and development of the channels through which the individual establishes relations with nature and increasing the satisfaction of the individual. The Izmir Model deems necessary the increase in numbers of green areas, recreation areas, parks, as well as their continuous repair and maintenance, for raising the “quality of life” and the solution to environmental problems. To assess the increase in green areas simply in terms of the subjective satisfaction of the denizens is inadequate. It should not be forgotten that these green areas will serve as carbon sinks. The reduction of air pollution will contribute considerably to quality of life by reducing the warming of the air. In this context, the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality, in cooperation with the Landscape Researchers’ Association, has had the “Green Re-Vision: A Framework for Resilient Cities” accepted as a “European Union Grant Project” and has now gone over to its implementation. This project stipulates the shaping of a framework, the raising the technical capacity of relevant groups, the increasing of awareness on the topic of climate change by using the green infrastructure, with the purpose of “creating a city aligned with climate change by using, strengthening and supporting the green infrastructure”.59 S.3. According to the Izmir Model, the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality should not confine its concern for the environment to the environmental problems of the municipality, it should, when developing its policies, work to fulfil its responsibilities at the global level. As a matter of fact, the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality has signed the European Union Mayors’ Convention. Pursuant to this convention, the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality has promised to reduce the emission of carbon dioxide in its jurisdiction by 20 %. Also according to this convention, the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality has prepared the “Izmir Sustainability Action Plan” and has already started to implement this plan. In this context, projects have been undertaken for the construction of solar energy power plants. The implementation of this plan was started by the setting up of a photovoltaic power system to the roof and parking spot of the “Bayraklı Ekrem Akurgal Life Park Sports Hall”. The process of setting up of a Solar Energy Plant at the Seyrek Animal Shelter Campus is also proceeding. Moreover, the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality is conducting feasibility studies regarding the setting up of solar plants at eight different facilities. In order to attain the 20 % reduction in the emission to the atmosphere of carbon, the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality is increasing the share of rail transportation and raising the share of electric buses in its bus fleet. 59 Bu konuda bkz. Meltem Çiçekoğlu-Şafak Tamer: “Sağlık Hizmeti/Sosyal Projeler ve Sosyal Hizmetler”, İzmir Modeli Çalışmaları Beşinci Kitap: İzmir Modeli’nin Komünite, Kamu Alanları ve Yer Oluşturabilme Stratejileri, İzmir Büyükşehir Belediyesi, Izmir, 2018, pp. 18-92. T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R 81 The fulfilment of the global responsibilities of the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality is not confined to the reduction of carbon emission. The Izmir Metropolitan Municipality conducts ex situ and in situ protection in the area of the protection of biodiversity. The “Wildlife Park” that the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality opened in 2011 has been both a successful instance of ex situ protection and continues to make a considerable contribution to the “quality of life” of the denizens of Izmir. Furthermore, regarding the in situ protection that is carried out in the Izmir Kuş Cenneti (Bird Paradise), which is a Ramsar area, the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality shouldered active responsibility together with the Association for the Protection and Improvement of the Izmir Bird Paradise (İZKUŞ). However, since 2017, the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality and İZKUŞ have been excluded from this area by the Ministry for Forestry and Water Management, without the citation of any clear reason. III.2.3. Provision of Fundamental Urban Infrastructure The water, natural gas, telephone, waste water collection and decontamination systems, urban roads, rail and other transportation systems within the city and similar equipment necessary for raising the “quality of life” of the denizens of a city and for the production of the industrial goods and services in the city all come within the general scope of urban infrastructure. The service that is expected most from modern municipalities is usually the building and running of this infrastructure. In effect, the development of urban structure in Turkey has occurred parallel to the establishment of the modern municipality. The inadequacy of the urban infrastructure of a city leads to a low level of efficiency and productivity. The existence of infrastructure and the services made possible through that infrastructure, it may be said, increases the capability and hence the freedom of those living in that city. As the variety of infrastructure offered to the denizens increases in a city, both the hedonic and eudemonic aspects of the “quality of life” improve. Urban infrastructure usually has the characteristic of forming a network. The network character of the social structure at the present time has its basis to a great extent in urban infrastructure. The services provided by urban infrastructure are, in one way or another, paid for by the users. As in all cities, the story of the development of Izmir’s performance also goes hand in hand to a great extent with the development of the infrastructure. In the second half of the 19th century, after the establishment of the Izmir Municipality, on the basis of concessions granted to foreign companies, there began the operation of a tram system, the production of town gas, and the installation of a modern water network. After the foundation of the Republic, under the impact of the world economic crisis, these companies were taken over by the municipality. From this point of view, the most radical step was taken in 1943, when ESHOT (Directorate General for Electricity, Water, Buses and Trams) was established. By bringing under one roof all urban infrastructure services, a 82 T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R powerful organisation was created. The gathering of all services within a single organisation created the possibility of cross subsidies in the setting of the prices of these services and thus created the possibility of protection extended to denizens from the lower income group. As a result of the developments in the supply of infrastructure the necessity arose of dividing up the organisations that delivered the services and left ESHOT one by one to form each a new organisation. Today ESHOT only runs the municipal bus system. Until the post-World War II period, electric power generation was done by autoproducers. Under these circumstances, each municipality was able to undertake both the generation and the distribution of power within its frontiers. Thus power generation remained a municipal function. Post-war hydroelectric and thermal power plants extended power generation to the face of the entire country and when the power generated started to be transmitted through interconnected systems, this activity no longer could remain as a municipal one. It was now organised at the level of the entire country. ESHOT lost its functions one by one, for this reason and others. At present within the frontiers of the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality, urban infrastructure services are provided by the following organisations: IZSU for water and sewerage; ESHOT, IZULAŞ, IZBAN, Izmir Metro Inc. and Izmir Marine Enterprise Inc. for urban transportation; Gediz Electric Power Distribution Inc. (GEDIZ Inc.) for power distribution; and Izmir Natural Gas Distribution Inc. (IZMIRGAZ) for natural gas. In this chapter we will elaborate on the strategic choices the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality will pursue regarding urban infrastructure services and dwell on the potable water supply activities of IZSU and urban mass transport activities, whereas no recommendations will be made concerning the distribution of electric power and natural gas over which the municipality has no jurisdiction. III.2.3.1. Provision of Potable Water for Izmir by IZSU The Directorate General of Water and Sewerage Administration (IZSU) of the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality has undertaken the administration/ governance of water for non-farm use by people within the frontiers of the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality. Along round the clock delivery to denizens of water of quality that complies with the standard set by the Regulation of Waters for Human Consumption issued by the Ministry of Health, IZSU also undertakes the sewerage, rain water channel and stream improvement activities for the purpose of protecting the city against flooding and the disposal of waste waters. In addition, it also decontaminates domestic and industrial waste waters.60 IZSU was formed at a time when water and sewerage administrations were being restructured in Turkey on the prompting of the World Bank and it started 60 On this see Gökdeniz Neşer: “İzmir Büyükşehir Belediyesi’nin İzmir’in İçme Suyu Yönetimi”, İzmir Modeli Çalışmaları Üçüncü Kitap: İzmir Büyükşehir Belediyesi’nin Yerel Kalkınma, Çevre ve Altyapı Sağlamadaki Performansları, İzmir Büyükşehir Belediyesi, Izmir, 2018, pp. 256-291. T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R 83 to function on 1 April 1987. The water and sewerage services in Izmir are generated by the public sector and the pricing of potable water is the fee charged for the service. In Çeşme and Alaçatı, on the other hand, these services were privatised by turning them over to ÇALBİR (the Association for the Construction and Operation of Çeşme and Alaçatı Environmental Protection Infrastructure Facilities), established in 1998 and the Alaçatı Çeşme Water Enterprises Industrial and Commercial Corporation was founded. Upon the failure of this attempt, there is now a consensus in Izmir concerning the superiority of the provision of these services by the public sector. The Izmir Metropolitan Municipality, in its present-day activities and future plans, supplies this service according to the Master Plan for the Izmir Potable Water Project (2016). In this plan, the territory that IZSU serves has been divided into three areas. On the basis of resource assessment through basin-based evaluations a resource-use equilibrium has been established. In Izmir, 55.7 % of potable water comes from ground water (wells). In the wake of the detection of an increase in arsenic concentration generated by a long drought in 2008, the Çullu, Menemen, and Halkapınar Decontamination Facilities were installed so as to eliminate this problem. The distribution network was renovated to a significant extent, thereby reducing water leakages. IZSU supplies water perfectly complying with sanitary standards. However, cultural habits in Turkey push people to demand more. People look for a special flavour in water. In effect, a large and profitable industry has risen up distributing water in bottles and demijohns as a response to this demand. IZSU has recognised the meeting of the demand for tasty water at a low price as a duty and installed filling facilities in Izmir (the Homeros Valley), Bademli, and Doğançay and started to sell the denizens of Izmir tasty water at a low price. IZSU manages the water and sewerage system of Izmir with great attention to technological developments and scientific improvements. In this context, it owns a laboratory that is equipped with technology and information for water analysis across all parameters and has been accredited internationally. It is increasing the share of renewable energy in its facilities. It uses the Supervisory Control and Data Acquisition (SCADA) system in water distribution. The whole system is supervised at the centre in Halkapınar. A Geographic Infrastructure Information system is used. The Izmir Model, benefitting from the IZSU experience, proposes three strategic choices, S.1., S.2., and S.3., for the supply of water to Izmir S.1. The Izmir Model proposes the continuation, in the near future, of the IZSU approach that strives to valorise the water resources of Izmir and to transmit the clean water to the denizens by using advanced technological methods, increasing the alertness to meeting the demands of the people concerning breakdowns. S.2. Paying attention to the importance of the interdependence of water 84 T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R and energy, the most vulnerable resources in the face of climate change, will minimise the environmental impact born of the supply, distribution, and refining of water and the costs to the consumers. S.2.P.1. The Izmir Model proposes that the above-mentioned interdependence be taken into consideration in water projects and, in this context, prospective projects be reviewed on the basis of criteria such as “the water obtained should not be less than the water that will generate the energy necessary for obtaining that water”. S.2.P.2. In order to increase the yield from the interdependence of water and energy, infrastructure investment that would develop alternatives such as the reuse of water or harvesting rain water in order to benefit maximally from water system based renewable energy resources (energy that has its source in the flow within the pipe, energy that has its source in the heat in sea discharge areas and/or concentration gradient, energy generation from differences in salinity etc.) should be brought on the agenda. In coming years, the climate change that our planet is going through because of greenhouse gases will have a big impact on Izmir and water resources will diminish. In the area of water management, it will be necessary to pass over to a much more comprehensive system of basin management depending on the provision and distribution of water. In this situation, strategic choice S.3. may be proposed for the longer term. S.3. In the long run, IZSU should be restructured so as to pass over to basin management. When one talks of basin management, this comprises a full range of activities that extend all the way to and beyond the refining of the used water in order to reinsert it into the system after the transmission to the user of the water refined at its source. It covers an entire aquatic ecology, consisting of streams, wetlands and the sea (the Bay of Izmir). In order to manage an area of this character the system must be protected in its totality and monitored and the changes that occur must be scientifically represented. Only on the basis of this knowledge can measures be taken to rehabilitate and ameliorate the system. In the basin management approach ground water will be treated as equally significant to surface water. Policies that may be pursued to materialise strategic choice S.2. are not taken up here. It is too early to make proposals of this kind. But what Aziz Kocaoğlu calls the “return”, that is to say the quest for a “Bay for swimming”, may be seen as the beginning of a transformation that IZSU should undergo. And this comment now brings us to the subject of the Bay. III.2.3.2. Protecting and Improving the Izmir Bay and Bringing It back into the Life of the City The relationship between Izmir and its 972 square kilometre Bay is a profound existential relationship. The city of Izmir receives its economic dynamism as much from its magnificent Bay opening to the Mediterranean as its hinterland T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R 85 that sweeps over the Aegean region. The Alsancak Port, situated at the innermost part of the Inner Bay is one of the most important channels of the bustling trade of the city. The Izmir Bay owes its significance in the lives of the denizens of Izmir not only to its economic contribution, but also to the fact that it contributes so much to the unstressed way of life of the inhabitants. Those who live in Izmir, a city that surrounds the Inner Bay like an amphitheatre, increase their life satisfaction by looking at the sea day in day out, by travelling on the sea, and, in the near future, by swimming in the Bay and avoid the burdens of a life full of stress. The relationship between Izmir and the Bay is much more complex than the relationship between any settlement on the coastline and the sea. The coast does not extend in a linear manner. As it curls and closes upon itself, it creates a non-convex position (the Bay). Someone who stands on a coastline where there is convexity will see a horizon in infinity. This horizon is dark, especially at night. But when you go and look afar from the coast of a Bay like Izmir’s, you will see the other shore. The night is bright, bringing hope. Furthermore, because of the currents and counter currents, one needs to interfere in order to provide for the sustainability of the Bay. If you fancy something for Izmir, you need to fancy it together with a dream concerning the Bay. Because of the big opportunities that the Izmir Bay offers and because of the special measures that need to be adopted for its sustainability, the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality attributes great importance to the realisation of the vision contained in the “Izmir Great Bay Project”. If a multitude of streams carry alluvial deposit to a bay from its hinterland, then there will be a danger of filling. The Izmir Bay had faced this danger: because of the alluvial deposit brought in by the Gediz River, the northern part of the Bay had experienced a process of rapid shallowing. Thereupon, the river bed was diverted in 1886, directing it toward the west from Menemen on. Although this change in the direction of flow did slow down the shallowing of the Bay, this nonetheless continued because of the ongoing flow of 16 different streams into the Inner and Middle Bays. A threshold that formed between the Middle Bay and the Inner Bay has started to delay the renewal of the waters of the Inner Bay. This is causing eutrophication in the Inner Bay. Whereas until the 1960s the bottom of the Bay was covered with sand, by the 1980s it was saturated by hydrogen sulphur and methane gases and covered with a thick organic sludge. Parallel to the rapid increase of the population of the city and the development of industry, the amount of domestic and industrial waste that was dumped into the Bay increased a lot and the number of living beings that could survive, especially in the innermost part, started to dwindle. The fate of the Izmir Bay started to change with the implementation of the Grand Canal Project and the beginning of the work of the refining facilities. The Izmir Metropolitan Municipality constructed refineries in Urla, Foça, Seferihisar, Bayındır, Doğan Bey, Torbalı, Ayrancılar Yazıbaşı, and in Gümüşdere Özdere and 86 T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R is trying to prevent the discharge of waste water into the sea. As a result of these developments, the sea water has been cleansed in the Bay and organic life is undergoing a revival. The Izmir Model, for its part, inspired by the story of the Izmir Bay, is making strategic choices in three areas concerning the Bay and developing policies.61 These are: • Improvement of the Sustainability of the Bay • Valorisation of the Resources of the Bay • Increasing the Enjoyment of the Bay by the Denizens Let us take up these strategic choices one by one. S.1. The Izmir Model proposes the opening of a circulation channel for the amelioration of the current circulation within the Bay in order to ensure the sustainability of the Izmir Bay and an approach channel for the port for the access of Panamax and Post-Panamax vessels to the Alsancak Port. For this purpose, the municipality should be provided with the necessary equipment and vessels. If the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality aims to increase the navigation capacity of the Bay and sustain the health of the ecological system, it cannot content itself with creating capacity for dredging and excavate the channels in question. It needs to establish a system of uninterrupted monitoring of the properties of the Bay, thus making it possible to be informed of developments there at all times. In that sense the first policy to be pursued in order to implement S.1. may be formulated as follows: S.1.P.1. Install meteo-oceanographic observation stations and develop mathematical modelling for the flow regime and the water circulation based on real time data. The Izmir Metropolitan Municipality is already implementing this policy. In effect, four observation stations have been installed in the Bay and the Institute of Marine Sciences and Technology of Dokuz Eylül University has been commissioned for the modelling work. The Izmir Metropolitan Municipality has had the Izmir Bay and Port Rehabilitation Project prepared.62 In this project dredging is stipulated in four areas. These consist of the Flow Improvement Channel in the north of the Bay, the Port Approach Channel, the Port Basin and Manoeuvre Circle and the Section II Container Terminal. Total dredging area reaches 942 hectares. 61 On this see Güzel Yücel Gier-Gökdeniz Neşer: “Körfezi Yeniden Canlandırma İzmir İçin Yeniden İşlevlendirme Projesi”, İzmir Modeli Çalışmaları Üçüncü Kitap: İzmir Büyükşehir Belediyesi’nin Yerel Kalkınma, Çevre ve Altyapı Sağlamadaki Performansları, İzmir Büyükşehir Belediyesi, Izmir, 2018, pp. 292-321. 62 “İzmir Körfezi Batimetrik ve Sismik Özelliklerinin Ortaya Çıkarılması İle Körfezin Akıntı Sisteminin İncelemesi ve Modellenmesi Projesi”, Deniz Bilimleri ve Teknoloji Enstitüsü, 2016. T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R 87 The materials that will be brought out as a result of the dredging are planned for use on the two “Wildlife Islands” to be installed off the Gediz Delta and in the Second Container area within the Bay. The islands have been tested by modelling for the absence of an adverse impact on the flows of the Bay. With the implementation of this project the circulation in the Bay will improve by 40 %. For this project to be put into effect, the state railway administration (TCDD), who are the operators of the Alsancak Port, should get moving. However, the central government has not extended a helping hand on this score. Furthermore, it is estimated that the islands and viaducts stipulated in the Bay transit project of the government will reduce the improvement to be brought about by the municipal project for flows to 10 %. If the municipal project does not see the light of day, the delay in the renewal of the waters of the Bay will worsen. Face to this situation, the Izmir Model proposes a second policy in order to materialise S.1. S.1.P.2. The Izmir Model will propose that the dredging equipment and the vessels be brought under the roof of IZSU in order to raise the quantity of oxygen in the waters of the Inner Bay, by increasing the flow circulation of the Bay. When the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality has put this into effect, the dream of the denizens of Izmir of swimming in the bay will have been realised. The resources/values of an Izmir Bay that has been decontaminated and whose level of oxygen has been raised will have been enhanced even more. The strategic choices of the Izmir Model on the question of the valorisation of these resources are put forth in S.2. S.2. Because it is a point of transit between wetlands, land and marine ecosystems, the Bay wields a critical significance concerning the protection of biodiversity on our planet. The Izmir Model thus sees the protection of the lagoons/fisheries, of the special conservation area for seals, of Tuzla, of the Bird Paradise, and of the Gediz Delta as a responsibility of Turkey/the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality to the world at large. The incubator for all these biological environments is the Gediz Delta. This delta measures 40 thousand hectares. Of this, an area of 20,400 hectares is wetlands. This area was named the Bird Paradise in 1980 and declared an “Area of Protection of Wildlife”. Later in 1998, it was accorded the status of “First Degree Natural Site” and included in the Ramsar Convention. Its inclusion in Ramsar may be interpreted as the admission of the fact that it belongs more to birds than to us. On this score, the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality has acted in a most responsible manner and prepared a management plan together with Ege University and the Association for the Protection and Improvement of the Izmir Bird Paradise (IZKUŞ), an NGO.63 Around 288 bird species have been 63 T.C. Çevre ve Orman Bakanlığı Doğa Koruma ve Milli Parklar Genel Müdürlüğü, Gediz Deltası Yönetim Planı, Mar" 2007. 88 T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R identified. However, the Ministry for Forestry and Waters has taken over this area and evicted the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality and IZKUŞ from it in 2017. The owning of such a wetlands area by local government and a local NGO is an ideal situation. It is thus incomprehensible why such a possessive attitude has been taken by central government. On the basis of all that has occurred, the Izmir Model proposes two policies.64 S.2.P.1. Alongside the protection of the aquatic areas of the Bay, arrangements should be made in the avian area in such a manner as to revive the interest of the inhabitants of the city and this formation should be integrated into the tourism activities of the city. S.2.P.2. The government’s approach of exclusion of local government and local NGO’s on the question of the protection of aquatic areas will prove inadequate for the ownership and the internalisation of the protection by society at large. 50 % of the fish caught commercially in the Aegean Sea spawn in the Izmir Bay. For that reason, lagoons/fisheries are of special importance. The Izmir Metropolitan Municipality has revived the Çakalburnu Fishery in the south of the Bay, where the flow of fresh water was interrupted, by bringing water from the Ilıca Brook.65 It has also dredged and deepened the Homo (sometimes named Homa) Fishery in the northern part of the Bay, thus making possible the hatching of fish here. As for the banks of the Ragıp Paşa Fishery, these have been brought down so as to increase the flows of the Bay. Fish can be caught in 88.5 % of the area of the Bay. The area reserved for fish farming, on the other hand, is 1.3 thousandths.66 But the fish bred in this small area now dominates the fishing industry in Izmir. Fishing is carried out to a great extent through cooperatives and by using fishing ports. Of the 37 Fisheries Cooperatives to be found in Izmir, 19 are situated within the Bay. 225 fish species have been identified in and around the Izmir Bay.67 According to data from 2015, while the share of fish caught in Izmir is 4 %, the share of fish farmed has reached 96 %. Regarding fish farming, Izmir ranks second in Turkey. This year there were 69 fish farming businesses in Izmir. A great part of these businesses are based on the shores of the Peninsula. There are four fish farms and one mussel breeding enterprise in the Bay. The 64 See the transcription of the intervention by Gökdeniz Neşer ve Güzel Yücel Gier at the Workshop Revival and Refunctioning of the Bay, held on 16 September 2017. 65 In the resear" conducted at Çakalburnu, oxygen values have been found to be 0.5mg/l in summer. In order to improve this water quality, of dangerous dimensions for aquatic organisms, supplements of clean and fresh water is necessary. TÜBİTAK, 2017, Çakalburnu (İzmir Körfezi) Virüs ve Pikoplankton Bolluk-Biyokütlelerinin Mevsimsel Değişikliklerinin ve Besin Zinciri ile İlişkisinin Araştırılması, (Project Report No. 115Y406). 66 Güzel Yücel Gier-Yalçın Arısoy-İdil Erden Pazı: “A Spatial Analysis of Fish Farming in the Context of ICZM in the Bay of Izmir, Turkey”, Coastal Management, 38, pp. 399-411. 67 H. Tuncay Kınacıgil-Zafer Tosunoğlu-Şükran Çaklı-Erhan Bey-Hakan Öztürk, İzmir Balıkçılığı, İzmir Büyükşehir Belediyesi, 2017, 304 pp. T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R 89 concentration of fish farming in Izmir has attracted feed manufacturers and feed machinery makers to Izmir as well. But these farms draw a lot of criticism because they make no contribution to development from the local and cause a lot of adverse impact on the environment. Taking these observations as its point of departure, the Izmir Model proposes two policies on fishing. S.2.P.3. In order to prevent the pollution that the activities of the fishing farms on the shores of the Peninsula cause and to avoid adverse effects on touristic activities, the Izmir Model proposes that the contradictions between these businesses and the coastline communities be solved by removing the farms to determinate places on the northern and southern shores of the Peninsula. But it also advocates the development of fish farming, which has become an important branch of economic activity. S.2.P.4. Marine fishing is an activity that corresponds perfectly to the concept of development from the local of the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality. For this reason, the Izmir Model proposes to this end, on the one hand, the improvement of lagoons to increase the fish population and, on the other, the raising of the skills of fishermen through courses to be organised at the Vocational Factory. The possibility of the denizens of Izmir to benefit from the Izmir Bay comes about as a result of the increase in “quality of life” created by the use of the coastline in and around settlements. The “Project to Strenghten the Relation of the Denizens of Izmir to the Sea” (IZMIR-DENİZ) that the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality implemented on the basis of participatory processes over a 40-kilometre strip along the coastline stretching from Mavi Şehir to İnciraltı offers a very successful instance of this. Accordingly, the third strategic choice is: S.3. In order to increase the level of benefit the denizens of Izmir can draw from the Bay, the Izmir Model proposes the implementation of the IZMIR-DENİZ project approach by the municipalities of all the settlements. At present, in all localities where coastal planning is done, the tendency is that the route of “Coastal Region Management” is chosen with the participation of a multitude of actors. The reason why the Izmir Model proposes not this method but the preponderance of the municipality is that, given the approach of the present central government to control everything as a token of its power, it would be impossible to reach the desired goal with the application of “Coastal Region Management”. III.2.3.3. Providing the Urban Transportation Infrastructure and Operating It For cities of our times to continue functioning and realise their performance, people have to leave their home every day, and need to commute to their work, school and activities to renew themselves and return home, depending on the rhythm of daily life. This creates a demand for urban transportation, to be met at certain hours. Under these circumstances, the question of urban transportation 90 T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R is defined as the satisfaction of this demand without unnecessary difficulties for people and excessive loss of time. In order for the Izmir Model to formulate its strategic choices on this demand/ question without a drop in the “quality of life”, in grounding the question of urban transportation, we need to take the concepts of “accessibility” and “mobility” as our point of departure.68 “Accessibility” is a characteristic that is peculiar to the city. It expresses the possibility of reaching a destination for inhabitants when they wish to attend an activity or simply go somewhere. A high level of “accessibility” is predicated upon a high level of development of the road system/infrastructure. Under these circumstances, raising accessibility becomes at base the responsibility of the relevant administration/municipality. “Mobility” is usually defined as the possession by people and objects of the capacity to change or have others change places. As such, mobility is a capacity relating to human beings. For this reason, it depends, on the one hand, on the person’s health condition and, on the other, on the possession of tools and instruments the person can use in increasing their capacity. The fact that “mobility” is a capacity that is tied to the person does not imply that public authorities cannot do anything about it. Raising the “quality of life” requires an increase in both accessibility and mobility. It is clear that the responsibility for increasing accessibility lies with the public administration. But we need more of an explanation as to how to increase the mobility of the individual. There are responsibilities that have to be shouldered by local government in order to raise the mobility of the individual. For instance, in order to raise the mobility of the disabled, urban roads have to be redesigned in conformity with the needs of those with disabilities and remade. Moreover, in order to raise the mobility of the individual, local authorities form public enterprises of mass transport in order to provide means to raise the mobility of the individual. But the individual is not dependent totally on the services to be provided by local government in order to raise their mobility. The individual himself or herself is able to raise his or her own mobility to a great extent by purchasing a car. Of course, for cars to be effectively used in city centres, the question of car parking spots must have been solved. For instance, the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality serves the denizens with different types of instruments like buses, electric trains, the metro, trams, boats and others. In this kind of transportation with multiple alternatives for multiplicity not to become an obstacle, a single card system (İzmirim Kart-My Izmir Card) has been devised. 68 On this see Metin Şenbil: “Kent İçi Ulaşımda Atılan Adımlar”, İzmir Modeli Çalışmaları Üçüncü Kitap: İzmir Büyükşehir Belediyesi’nin Yerel Kalkınma, Çevre ve Altyapı Sağlamadaki Performansları, İzmir Büyükşehir Belediyesi, Izmir, 2018, pp. 322-371. T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R 91 In order to be able to generate recommendations as to how the urban transportation question should be solved in a certain city, one should have identified beforehand what kinds of blockages there exist and what the solutions are in the area of urban transportation. It may be said that if the demand for travel created by the structure and spatial distribution of the city and the accessibility infrastructure is met without a significant degree of traffic congestion, then the solution has been found. Given that, the indicator of whether the problem has been solved or not becomes whether there is traffic congestion or not. Once the problem is defined in this manner, the question of urban transportation has been transformed into a kind of traffic circulation problem. In order to solve the problem of traffic congestion, public authorities may need to resort to a multitude of interventions at many different levels. These may be listed as traffic rules, capacity enhancement in road designing, signalisation, institutional arrangements regarding life patterns that spread the peak demand for travel over time by changing the times that travel is demanded, arrangements with respect to vehicles used to increase mobility and the like. In short, it may be said that the solution is conditional upon the harmonisation between the accessibility structure of the city and the capacities for mobility. On the basis of this general perspective, let us look at the story of the efforts of local authorities in trying to solve the problem of urban transportation for Izmir.69 The port and dock project of Izmir coincides in time with the establishment of the Izmir municipality. The transformation of Izmir from a city where urban transportation was based on the mobility of pedestrians and animals to one in which mass transport services were provided by concessionary companies came about after the establishment of the modern municipality. The construction of the port, started in 1868, was to a great extent completed by 1875. From 1880 on, a horse-driven tram system started to run between Sarıkışla and Punta. The fact that the tram was running implied that an increase had begun in the mobility of the inhabitants of Izmir. But the construction of the dock set off also a development in the accessibility of the city. The development of the accessibility infrastructure of the city continued with the opening of the road from Sarıkışla to Göztepe. The fact that Hamidiye boats started to run in the Bay in 1884 and that a horse-driven tram service was established between Konak and Göztepe the same year continued to enhance the mobility infrastructure of the denizens. In the first years of the Republic, the character of urban transportation did not change. The Konak-Güzelyalı tram was transformed into an electric tram in 69 On this see Metin Şenbil: “Kent İçi Ulaşımda Atılan Adımlar”, İzmir Modeli Çalışmaları Üçüncü Kitap: İzmir Büyükşehir Belediyesi’nin Yerel Kalkınma, Çevre ve Altyapı Sağlamadaki Performansları, İzmir Büyükşehir Belediyesi, Izmir, 2018, pp. 322-371. 92 T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R 1928, the Alsancak and Karşıyaka tram was eliminated, and from 1938 on the Izmir Municipality urban bus enterprise began functioning. With the removal of the horse-driven tram, organic energy ceded its place to inorganic energy in urban transportation. In this city, there is no problem that can be called traffic congestion. The character of the urban transportation system in Turkey remained like this until the Second World War. From then on, the story changes its course. A rapid urbanisation has now started in Turkey. The increase in the resources of the municipality is inadequate to build the infrastructure and to provide the services required by this urbanization. Under these circumstances, Turkey had to look for ways to cheapen its urbanisation. The municipality cannot find the means to invest sufficiently in public transport systems in order to meet the demands of the inhabitants for public transport. The nation found the solution first in the taxi-in-common (the so-called “dolmuş”) and then in the minibus. Since the public authorities were not able to supply public transport systems, the demands of individuals to enhance their capacity for mobility were satisfied through the urban transportation services thanks to the organising of small entrepreneurs running taxis-in-common and minibuses. As a result in Izmir as well “dolmuş” and minibus lines developed in this period. In this period, in order to develop public transportation, the only tram line was eliminated and, from1954 on, trolley lines were established in a considerable part of the city centre. Of course trolleys have a much longer life span than buses since they run with electric engines. Moreover, because they do not use fossil fuels, their carbon footprint is small or inexistent. Izmir persisted in using trolleys rather than buses whenever possible and purchased the trolleys Istanbul discarded in 1984. However, this resistance did not last long, as in 1992 the last trolley line was eliminated. In the years during which there was an inadequacy in the development of public transport in Izmir, the ownership of private passenger vehicles started to rise. To raise their mobility, the high-income layers of the city found the way out in the ownership of private cars. Even before the number of private cars reached a very high level, traffic jams started to occur. The way out found for this situation in the 1960s was to open new roads, to raise the capacity of old roads by paving them with asphalt, and to increase the accessibility of the city by developing the roads when the opportunity offered itself. This orientation was not seen only in urban space. Interurban roads were another instance of the same tendency. This had its impact on the form of cities. The foremost example of this was the construction of the Izmir-Çeşme motorway. In these times there was not yet an emphasis on mass transport systems as the solution. The perception of politics that the way out was the development of the accessibility infrastructure created an environment favourable to the manufacturing of cars in Turkey. The constant development of car manufacturing in Turkey after the 1970s facilitated the spread of private car ownership to T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R 93 the middle classes. The more people looked for ways to solve the problem of enhancing the capacity for mobility in car ownership, the more traffic congestion problems increased concomitantly. The breaking point came in the 1990s. Izmir had had a Transportation Master Plan prepared by a German firm in 1989. This plan proposed a 50-kilometrelong metro system for Izmir. In 1993 a tender was organised for the metro between Üçyol-Konak-Çankaya-Basmane. This section of the metro came into operation in the year 2000. Later this line was extended to Fahrettin Altay and Ege University and Evka-3. By the year 2012, the length of the Izmir metro had reached 20 kilometres. The development of the metro raised the mobility capacity of Izmir and did not leave a carbon footprint since it used electric energy. Moreover, it raised the accessibility infrastructure without creating an additional burden on the streets of the city. The importance attributed to the rail mass transport system working on electric energy and its growth towards other destinations raised its share in the number of urban trips. A protocol was signed between the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality and the TCDD (the public entity that runs interurban trains) in 2005, with the prospect of running rapid electric trains in the suburban area of Izmir. And in 2007, IZBAN (Izmir Suburban Transportation Inc.) was created with 50 % participation by the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality and the TCDD each. IZBAN started to run trains between Halkapınar and Cumaovası in 2010.70 This line was extended to serve between Aliağa and Selçuk by 2017. This 136-kilometre-long train line affects considerably the daily life and the pattern of spatial dispersal of the city. The rapid train and the metro were now connected to each other at the station Hilal. The Transportation Master Plan that the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality brought into effect in 2009, pursuant to Law No. 5216, added a light rail system, a tram line, to this dual rail system. This proposed the operation of two tram lines, one between Ataşehir and Alaybey and the other between Fahrettin Altay and Halkapınar along an overall distance of 21.66 kilometres. The AteşehirHalkapınar line started carrying passengers on 11 April 2017 and the Fahrettin Altay-Halkapınar line on 24 March 2018. With the activation of these lines, a complementarity has been established between them and the Metro and İZBAN. While developing the rail mass transport system, the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality had 15 new and rapid boats built and increased the number of piers, building one each at Foça, Mordoğan, Urla and Güzelbahçe, thus trying, on the one hand, to increase the share of marine transportation in mass transport and spreading, on the other, marine transportation to the entire bay. Despite this development, the share of marine transportation in mass transport has not increased significantly. 70 This initiative received the “Best Cooperation Award” of the International Association of Public Transport (UITP) in 2013. 94 T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R As a result of these developments, a mass transport system, including a rail transportation system and a marine transportation system, covering the entire jurisdiction of the municipality had come into being. The Directorate General of ESHOT is responsible for operating this system in a manner that will create passenger satisfaction. Through the IZUM (Izmir Transportation Centre), ESHOT monitors the activities of the entire fleet from a single centre to supply information to denizens waiting at stations concerning when the next bus will arrive, facilitates the use of the system by the user through its “My Izmir Card”, and controls the revenue flow of the system. From August 2017 on, the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality has added 20 electrically operated buses manufactured in Turkey to its fleet. This way it has made the choice of increasing the number of electric buses within the fleet. Despite the efforts of the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality to supply a mass transport service that pays attention to the comfort of the user, the tendency on the part of the denizens to use private cars to increase their mobility capacity preserves its significance. Under these circumstances, the traffic circulation problem continues to stand at the head of the problems that are the object of complaints in the city. Remembering the importance of life outside the home within the life pattern of Izmir, one must also dwell on the importance of pedestrian circulation and cycling. Within the context of the IZMİR-DENİZ project, the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality has developed an uninterrupted system of pedestrian tracks and cycling lanes on the shore of the Bay. In 2014, it started to operate the BISIM (Smart Bicycle Rental System). It is possible to make payments in this system through the use of credit cards and the Bisim card, as well as the “My Izmir Card”. At bottom this is a system devised for promenade and works successfully and has become a part of the EuroVelo. In 2017, Izmir became the city that pedalled the most in the contest “European Cycling Challenge”. Taking into consideration the urban transportation experience of the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality especially since the 1990s, the Izmir Model presents its strategic choices in urban transportation as follows. S.1. The solution to the question of urban transportation should not be taken up independently of the land use planning of the city. Land use plans should be prepared so as to minimise the use of vehicles for travel in the city. For this reason, the legends prepared for land use should lend possibility to mixed uses. These composite uses will minimise the demand for vehicle transportation for travel and the complementarity between different land uses will raise the share of pedestrian circulation. S.2. The most economical way in which a city administration can raise the mobility of people under its jurisdiction without creating immense traffic problems is the creation of a multi modal public transportation system. S.3. For mass transport systems to be effective and not fall prey to the T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R 95 mobility provided by private car use, it is necessary to provide the service in a customer satisfaction focused, comfortable, economical, safe, sufficiently frequent and foreseeable manner. S.4. Specifically in Izmir, the share of marine transportation within mass transport should be raised to the maximum level possible. By avoiding the stress that other kinds of urban transportation create, these trips will contribute more to the quality of life of the denizens. S.5. The Izmir Model recommends the use of vehicles running on electric power in the generation of the mass transport services, with a view to diminish the costs of the trip and to avoid a carbon footprint as a result. S.6. It has not been possible to avoid the use of private cars by the denizens of Izmir in their effort to raise their mobility capacity. The private car is preferred because it leaves the mobility capacity of the individual entirely to their own decision. This preference is affected only by high costs or the high loss of time due to traffic congestion. For an adequate service to be provided by the accessibility infrastructure in a city without creating traffic problems when meeting the demand for urban transportation, owners of private cars need to be convinced to use means of mass transport rather than their own car when travelling to the city centre. For this, a cost should be imposed on private cars that enter the city through pricing and the quantity and the price of parking spaces supplied in the city centre should be supervised. S.7. The Izmir Model proposes the encouragement of pedestrian circulation and cycling in the city. S.8. The Izmir Model considers the application by municipalities of measures to facilitate the participation of the disabled in the life of the community in the development of accessibility infrastructure in the city as a condition of the right of the people to a life in dignity. S.9. The Izmir Model underlines the importance of the direction of transportation from a single centre in the provision of these services to the user, despite the fact that there may exist a multi-modal mass transport provided and even as a specialised organisational system may be established along the lines of the vehicles used in the generation of these services. III.3. CONCEPTION FOR SHAPING SETTLEMENTS IN THE IZMIR MODEL; APPROACHES AND PRACTICES PURSUED IN REGULATING AND IMPLEMENTING The third sub-element of the Izmir Model will dwell on what is to be done in order to ensure that the spatial formation of the city of Izmir provide the “quality of life” stipulated in the Izmir Vision. Before proposing such a model, one has to make clear determinations regarding the situation in which the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality as a settlement finds itself in. With the promulgation of Law No. 6360 on 12 November 2012, which rendered the frontiers of metropolitan municipalities identical with the frontiers of provinces, bringing important changes to the representation in space of cities 96 T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R and consequently of municipalities, transforming a settlement in such space from a metropolis with a single focal point into a multi-focal urban region, a need has arisen to proceed towards new kinds of conceptions in planning so as to improve the “quality of life”. Before making a proposal as to what kind of planning should be developed in this area, one should also dwell on the originalities of the geometry of a local government jurisdiction that covers the province of Izmir. The province of Izmir has a non-convex geometry. In order to explain what we mean by non-convex, let us give an example. Imagine we draw a line that connects Bergama and Ödemiş. This line will not remain within the frontiers of the province, but will pass through the central district of the province of Manisa and the industrial conglomeration there. This is a characteristic of a non-convex form. If a line that connects two points within the province remains at no point outside the frontiers of a province, then the shape of that province is convex. Because the province of Izmir has a non-convex geometry, if we wish to analyse the spatial spread of the growth of the province, the description of the spatial differentiation of this growth will not remain within the frontiers of the province, but will have to spill over within the frontiers of the province of Manisa. Of course, grasping the spatial dynamics of the economic growth of Izmir without the distortion of provincial frontiers will have significant consequences for the design of the upper scale land use plan of Izmir. Another discussion on convexity regarding the shape of Izmir may be conducted with respect to the fact that a line connecting Karaburun and Foça includes the Izmir Bay, one of the longest bays of the Mediterranean where it mingles with the land mass. If the shape of Izmir were to be defined solely on the basis of its land mass, here again we have a non-convex form. When it is a question of a province whose coastline is convex, the relevant literature accepts an arrangement that only pays attention to the land-sea distinction as adequate. However, when it is matter of a non-convex geography, or, in other words, when a bay intrudes within the land mass, the distinction between sea and coastline and land mass becomes insufficient. As we have already pointed out, the phenomenon of bay has its own peculiarities. No planning can be realistic if the problems arising from the existence of the bay are ignored. Hence, for such a province of non-convex shape, the land use planning must betreated in a holistic manner that takes into consideration the land space and the Bay. In order to be able to propose a system for the planning/design of the area that falls under the jurisdiction of the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality and the supervision of its implementation, we need to know what kind of dynamics are operational in the space in question. The shaping of the physical structure of the spaces of the Izmir locality can be grasped through two mechanisms of transformation and one mechanism of resistance. The mechanisms in question are as follows: T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R 97 • The first is that the vacant and agricultural areas around the multifocal built spaces in the centre of Izmir are expanding as built spaces. Behind the transformation of the metropolis with a single focus of industrial society to a multi-focal urban region during the transition to information society there are domestic and external causes. On the one hand, the globalisation of the world economy forces local economies to bring together many urban clusters in order to create the scales necessary for attaining international competitiveness. This has led to the reordering of the relations of production, consumption and circulation at the transnational scale. On the other hand, this reshaped urban region, as a self-regulating system, has created expansionary dynamics in physical space and rendered the frontiers of the city vague. • The second is that the process of coastal development on the 626-kilometre long shoreline of Izmir as a result of summer housing and tourism facilities has expanded throughout the entire coastline, increasing the depth of settlement on the coast. • Areas outside these transformed spaces form a resistance against the transformation institutionally as biodiversity protection areas and forests or economically as agricultural land that has passed over to intensive cultivation. • The IZBAN rapid transportation railroad line that extends from Aliağa to Torbalı is reshaping this fundamental dynamics by changing the accessibility matrix in the space of Izmir. In the sphere of jurisdiction of the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality, under the impact of this kind of dynamics, the aim is to prevent the destruction of environmental values and agricultural resources by controlling the shape of the settlements, to offer the inhabitants an environment of settlement and life that is accessible, readable, where mobility is easy, where the diversity that exists expands the spectrum of choices for the people, and where the quality of life is high, to reduce the footprint of these settlements on the environment, to make it possible for the denizens of Izmir to perceive of the settlements they live in as places by attributing a meaning to them, to work for an urbanisation that is shut to speculation, all this through planning/design activities. In order to attain these goals, the Izmir Model proposes a multi-scale, cascaded planning system. Such a system: Will be used to form a long-term spatial development rationale for Izmir in line with its Vision. Will try to protect the directing role of the upper frameworks in the materialisation of the lower pieces. Will keep the channels of participation open for all who are affected by these decisions at each and every step. Special attention is being paid to avoid the freezing and rigidifying of plan 98 T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R decisions, but rather conserving their flexibility before implementation has begun. Plans that have been frozen years back make it difficult to benefit from opportunities and technologies that arise before implementation starts. This flexibility will increase the resilience of the planning system. For the sustainable and developing quality of life of Izmir to become materialised, given its dynamics of spatial formation, the Izmir Model has conceived a six-pronged planning system. These may be enumerated as: 1. Mechanisms of Preparation and Implementation of an Environmental Plan to the scale of 1/100,000 for Izmir (Land + Bay) 2. Development Management for the Multi-Focal Settlement of Izmir 3. Participatory Urban Design Projects 4. Green Vision for the City/Province and Landscape Plans 5. Projects of Urban Transformation 6. Design Guides These elements will bring about a multi-scale planning system with the attributes described above. Let us take up these six elements one by one. III.3.1. Mechanisms for the Preparation and Implementation of an Territorial Plan to the Scale of 1/100,000 for Izmir (Land + Bay) The most upper scale plan that the Izmir Model proposes is the territorial plan to the scale of 1/100,000. The goal in preparing such a plan is to draw up a framework that can direct spatial dynamics within a long-term perspective. The drawing up of such a framework will, on the one hand, create the grounds for negotiation with central government regarding the faits accomplis it creates for Izmir and, on the other, will form an upper framework for the lower scale development plans or urban design projects that will be prepared for Izmir. Moreover, it will act as an appropriate framework for discussion for the research to be conducted on the spatial consequences of its inner dynamics. For the territorial plan to meet the expectation from itself of supervising the spatial development of Izmir, it needs to have made at bottom two decisions. The first is that it should include the decisions on the differentiation in land use in the space managed by the Izmir local authority.71 The land use legend of the plan prepared at this scale should be appropriate for this scale. The legends for land use of this scale should be not defined in great detail as in the case of scale 1/5,000, as stipulated by the Athens Charter, on the basis of the assumption that each land use is different from one another. At this scale, within the totality of the life process, a land use legend that expresses mixed use should be employed. Spaces that may find their place in such a 71 On this see İlhan Tekeli: İzmir İli/Kenti İçin Bir Tarımsal Gelişme ve Yerleşme Stratejisi, İzmir Med,terranean Academy, İzmir, 2017. T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R 99 legend, living spaces, business spaces, industrial spaces, logistics spaces, mass housing spaces, grand public use spaces, wetlands, forest spaces, pasture and grazing areas may all be defined as uses which are open to mixed uses within the flow of life. If a use in a place that appears on the plan to scale 1/100,000 carries within itself the propensity of being transformed into another use, to define these distinctively will augment considerably the functionality of the plan prepared for the supervision of Izmir’s development. The values that will guide the decisions regarding land use will be oriented toward raising the “quality of life” in Izmir. With respect to the built areas of the city, these values may be enumerated as providing for the preservation of the functioning of the system, reducing in this context the effects of traffic congestion, creating public spaces and making them part of people’s lives, ensuring that the diverse areas of land use each gains the character of a place, protecting the historic legacy, regenerating historical sites of urban decay without gentrifying them and the like. In the planning of areas of non-built environment, efforts will be concentrated on keeping the use of resources at the sustainable level, preserving biodiversity, viewing the enhancement of the relations of the denizens of Izmir with nature as a positive element of the “quality of life” and similar values. As land use planning rearranges the surfaces of rent, the plan will have to develop an equitable viewpoint concerning rent. The environmental plan to be prepared cannot be contented with decisions on land use alone. These decisions must be complemented by the proposal of a system of networks and nodes regarding infrastructure. The rhythm of daily life will be determined by these focal structures even more than land use. These focal points of relative centrality, coming together with decisions regarding land use, will determine the formation of rent surfaces in settlement spaces and shed light on the intensity of built structures as well. In Turkey, it is the Ministry of Environment and Urbanism that prepares Territorial Plans or has them prepared. This forces localities to face the faits accomplis of central government. The sole mechanism for imposing faits accomplis concerning local planning is not the territorial plan. Many central institutions have been equipped with powers to engage in implementation without negotiations with the local.72 It is not possible, under these circumstances, for local government to conduct effective planning. That is why the environmental plan to the scale of 1/100,000 should be carried out either by the local authority or jointly by local and central government in cooperation and bilateral negotiations. If local authorities have not been saved from the faits accomplis imposed by central government without previous negotiations, one cannot talk of a sound democracy at the local level. 72 On this see Feridun Duyguluer: Turkish Spatial Planning Practice in the Neoliberal Era: Over-Fragmentation, Master’s Degree Dissertation, METU, September 2012. 100 T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R Metropolitan municipalities have taken upon themselves the preparation of territorial plans with the purpose of keeping the growth of their cities under control. But the Council of State has, through its decisions, persistently denied the exercise of territorial plans to metropolitan municipalities to keep them under central government monopoly. Despite this, we are including the territorial plan to the scale of 1/100,000 because we view this as necessary within the Izmir Model. In the opinion of the Izmir Model, this obstacle imposed on the preparation of territorial plans by local government is unwarranted and misguided. III.3.2. Development Management for the Multi-Focal Settlement of Izmir When Turkey initiated the two-tier local government model, the power to prepare and implement development plans was divided between the two tiers of municipalities within the framework of municipal and development laws. The power to prepare master plans to the scale of 1/5,000 was granted to metropolitan municipalities and that of preparing implementation plans to the scale of 1/1,000 to district municipalities. To constrain the management of a metropolis like Izmir, one of the 130 largest cities in the world, to a master development plan of 1/5,000 is unthinkable. In order to think on a city of these proportions and design it, you need an upper scale plan. In effect, for this purpose, the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality prepared environmental plans to the scale of 1/25,000 in 1989, 2007 and 2009. But these were nullified by the Council of State. However, the 1/25,000 plans the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality prepared in 2012 and 2017 were not cancelled. For Law No. 5126 empowered metropolitan municipalities to prepare 1/5,000 and 1/25,000 plans provided they comply with the territorial plan within their own frontiers. It is interesting to note that the power accorded to the municipality is only to prepare a plan to the scale of 1/25,000. The power to prepare the Territorial Plan was spared from the metropolitan municipality. What can be prepared is a master plan to the scale of 1/25,000. Yet what the municipality needs goes beyond this.73 According to the development legislation in force in Turkey, for a parcel of agricultural land to be converted into a plot and then to construct a building on that plot of land that would be recognised as legal construction, the master development plan and the implementation plan must have been previously made. The Izmir Metropolitan Municipality, with the purpose of bringing under control the processes of construction within the city, prepares the master development plans to the scale of 1/25,000 and 1/5,000 and leaves the preparation of the 1/1,000 implementation plans to the district municipalities. Of course, for these plans to be successful, they should be adapted to the modes of building supply in the city. 73 Tanyel Özelçi Eceral: “İzmir Yerel Yönetim Modeli: İzmir Büyükşehir Belediyesi İmar Uygulamaları”, İzmir Modeli Çalışmaları Dördüncü Kitap: İzmir Büyükşehir Belediyesi’nin Fiziki Planlama Yaklaşımları, İzmir Büyükşehir Belediyesi, Izmir, 2018, pp. 18-55. T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R 101 While the mode of building supply was the building of a single structure on a single plot of land prior to 1980, the characteristics of the master development plan and the implementation master plan prepared display a considerable modification at a time when mass housing, industrial zones, city hospitals, university campuses, in other words full chunks of the city have become the dominant form around 2015. The understanding that was valid when the growth of the city was based on the addition of single buildings was to ensure that the master development plan and the implementation master plan were prepared simultaneously, to build single buildings on the fragmented property and then to await the realisation of the plan over time. The only instrument that the municipality disposed of to supervise the spread of this development was to control the tempo of the preparation of the implementation plans. At present when the city is being constructed in big chunks, where the pieces of the city are constructed is determined by the land that these actors are able to find, whether these are public or private actors. Under these circumstances, master plans need to be more flexible and negotiable than the master plans of the previous period. And implementation plans need to be prepared after the users have been determined. The change in the current nature of the content of master development plans and implementation plans relative to the pre-1980 period does not have its sole source in the mutation in construction processes. There are various reasons why the master development plans of the past are no longer adequate and new types of development plans are necessary. One source is the protection decisions made by heritage protection boards. Once such a decision is made, the need to draw up development plans for protection arises anew. Another need is born of the fact that in certain regions development implementation plans do not permit the required design quality to be achieved or, in other words, they prove to be inadequate. The Izmir-Deniz project was born of this kind of need. The need to prepare a different 1/5,000 scale plan, on the other hand, emerges as a result of urban transformation projects. The proposals regarding “Master and Implementation Plans” of the Izmir Model, which takes the experience of the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality as its point of departure, are listed below. • The Master Development Plan to the scale of 1/25,000 will comprise the decisions concerning what type of Master Development Plan will be prepared in different regions and the basic infrastructure network in the area of jurisdiction of the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality. Different methodologies will be followed in preparing the different types of “Master Development Plans” in the mosaic. • The following may be enumerated as different types of “Master Development Plan”: 102 T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R 1) The Master Plan type to the scale of 1/5,000 prepared for cities in the multi-focal urban centre where settlement is continuous and which is growing with the construction of single buildings, 2) The Master Development Plan to the scale of 1/5,000 that is more flexible to be prepared for those parts of the city where there is discontinuity with swathes of non-built environment in situations where the city is growing by leaps and bounds due to the decentralisation of the city centre, 3) Development plans that aim for protection, 4) Master Development Plans for areas of urban transformation, 5) 1/5,000 plans that regulate urban design applications, and others. • The first type of Master Development Plan will be prepared simultaneously with implementation plans. There need be no hurry in preparing the implementation plans of the other Master Development Plans. These should be prepared at the closest moment to the implementation itself. This way some control may be attained over the spatial growth of the city. Now that we have seen what kind of planning system the Izmir Model has in store, let us take up one by one the need for different types of Master Development Plans, starting from “Urban Transformation”. III.3.3. Participatory Urban Design Projects We have seen in the first book (ben buraya ilk kitabı dipnot olarak eklerim) that the İzmir-Deniz, İzmir-Tarih ve Kültürpark projects were conducted as participatory design projects.74 These projects emerged as an innovative way given the powers and possibilities of the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality upon the realisation that traditional approaches to development plans remained inadequate for obtaining the results desired. That is why this type of plan is being taken up as a different category within the Izmir Model. All three projects have a common trait. These areas are settled areas of the city. There are already plans made for these and there exist residents. But because of the life dynamics of the city and because of new expectations that have arisen, municipalities wish to implement comprehensive projects in these areas. In order to be able to implement this operation, there is a need for preparing new plans/projects for guidance. The Izmir-Deniz project was promoted during the second term of Aziz Kocaoğlu, in the wake of the 2009 Kültür Çalıştayı (Cultural Workhop). The 74 On this see Adnan Kaplan: “Katılımcı Süreçlerle Geliştirilen Büyük Tasarım Projelerinin Gerçekleştirilmesi Özel Örgütlenmelere Gidilmesi”, İzmir Modeli Çalışmaları Dördüncü Kitap: İzmir Büyükşehir Belediyesi’nin Fiziki Planlama Yaklaşımları, İzmir Büyükşehir Belediyesi, Izmir, 2018, pp. 103-131. T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R 103 studies carried out in this period led to the realisation that in order to preserve and improve Izmir’s unstressed “quality of life”, it was necessary to enhance the relation of Izmir’s denizens with the sea. When, as a result of this, the planning of the 40-kilometre coastline from Mavi Kent to İnciraltı, the effort to turn the Inner Bay into a platform for spectacles, and the creation of excursion terraces on the hills surrounding the Bay were accepted as a vision for Izmir, the need to prepare plans/projects that would materialise this vision became necessary. This then set off the development of the Izmir-Deniz project. After some progress in the Izmir-Deniz project, the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality started the Izmir-Tarih Project (Izmir-History Project). The 248-ha area in the centre of Izmir that extends from Kemeraltı and Agora all the way to Kadifekale had been declared a heritage area and “Preservation Development Plans” for these areas had been prepared. The fact that these plans had been prepared did not protect the historical tissue, but on the contrary accelerated the transformation of this area into an urban decay zone. The existence of these Preservation Development Plans was simply not able to prevent this transformation. Other things had to be done and this historic area had to be revived at the same time as it was being protected. The Izmir Metropolitan Municipality wishes to own Izmir’s history and the strengthening of the relation of Izmir’s denizens with history. It will invest in this. For the materialisation of this, new plans/projects need to be prepared. This has provided the basis for the Izmir-Tarih project. As the Izmir-Tarih project was developing, the Kültürpark project came on the agenda of the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality. As a result of the transformation of the commercial fair industry around the world, the need for a restructuring of the Izmir International Fair and Kültürpark, a hallmark of the city of Izmir, emerged. Since international fairs started to lose their importance worldwide in favour of specialised fairs, the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality implemented the Izmir-Fuar Project (Izmir-Fair Project) in order to protect the pioneering role Izmir plays in the fair industry, which created the need for the rearrangement of the highly worn down Kültürpark. The Izmir Metropolitan Municipality wishes to undertake the revival of Kültürpark. That is why this area needs new planning. The Izmir Metropolitan Municipality has thus started a new planning process for Kültürpark. The existing planning practices remain inadequate in handling these issues. One needs to be able to propose a new planning approach that would be valid under these circumstances. These three projects have common properties. Of these: The first is that in the areas in question inhabitants of the city live and use these areas. The intervention that will flow from the planning will affect their lives. A local authority that claims to be democratic cannot make an intervention as a fait accompli for the inhabitants of the area. A channel for the inhabitants to participate in the decisions to be made has to be kept open. The second common property is that all three projects concern areas that are 104 T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R significantly different from development plans and that the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality is resolved to improve and develop these areas. The development plans of a city are usually prepared to direct the actions of third parties. Naturally, this context guides municipalities as to what development plans should accomplish. However, in all these three projects a design is developed concerning the actions of the municipality. The third common property derives from the fact that the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality is an opposition municipality. Because these plans/projects are identified with the actions of an opposition municipality, the central government, i.e. those in power, apply a systematic policy of setting up obstacles/delays. Because of the resolution of the municipality to implement its projects when confronted with this kind of delaying policy, these projects are not shelved, as is the fate of many other cases, but are implemented at a snail’s pace, with a tug-of-war between the central government and the local government. Taking the innovative planning approaches pursued by the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality in the special circumstances of these three design projects as its point of departure, the Izmir Model proposes a five-stage planning approach for similar situations. A.1. At the first stage, the aim is to define the project, determine its concept/ vision, and create a broad consensus in the city. For this, a historical study will be carried out aiming to understand the development process of this area and its values. On the basis of work to be conducted in small groups making use of this study, the vision of the project and the strategic choices necessary to realise it will be determined. For opinion leaders, relevant NGOs, democratic mass organisations, and those who will be affected by the decisions to be made to be able to voice their views and put forward their alternative proposals, the results of this work will be presented on various platforms and a consensus reached. A.2. At the second stage, the vision and the strategies developed at the first stage will be transformed into plans/urban design that will form a basis for implementation. At this stage, different paths may be followed, depending on the issue at hand and legal necessities. But whichever alternative is selected some fundamental properties will be protected. These may be enumerated as follows: There will be a unit responsible for this type of project within the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality. Within this unit a team responsible for each project will be formed. This unit will design and manage the participatory process and will ensure that upper scale and implementation plans are accessed and that the project is tendered, in cooperation with the relevant unit of the municipality; The design process will be kept open for creative participatory processes and collective creative processes will be encouraged, especially at the macro level; Professional bureaus from Izmir will have preferential priority in the preparation of the implementation plans that will form the basis of the tender; The projects developed will be kept open to new proposals and developments T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R 105 at every stage rather than being frozen and completed, The projects prepared will focus not on the production of rent but on the production of “quality of life”. They should be perceived not as a single person’s projects, but as the projects of the denizens of Izmir. A.3. Normally, an implementation programme should be prepared to attain a multi-faceted and comprehensive plan/project prepared through such a process and to obtain the approval of the requisite authorities and later to guide the actions and practices of other officials. Yet, because the approval process is constantly delayed by the central government, an operation programme rather than an implementation programme will be prepared in order to raise the efficiency of the implementation. Operation programmes will carry significant tactical flexibilities vis-a-vis uncertainties confronted in practice. Whereas for some parts of the plans and decisions prepared the approval of central authorities is required, it will be possible to realise many of these within the limits of the powers of the municipality. In such cases, the operation programmes will begin first the implementations that remain within the powers of the municipality and, where necessary, will change the decisions that remain the remit of the powers of central government to bring them within the powers of the municipality. A.4. When the implementation of the plan extends over a long span of time, the project team set up within the municipality for this project will be preserved as is. The plan will now become the framework for the constant reformulation of the project through incessant negotiations between the centre and the local. When this kind of planning process becomes a matter for negotiations, on the one hand, within the urban community and, on the other, with the centre, it will move beyond being simply a plan and become an instrument through which the denizens gain consciousness concerning the environment they live in and learn to make sacrifices. III.3.4. Green Vision for the City/Province and Landscape Plans For the “quality of life” and sustainability of a city, a green vision and a landscape perspective are needed. Here, the European Landscape Convention, signed by Turkey in 2003, will form the point of departure. For a city to wield such a vision and planning will also imply that the local authority in question assumes its responsibility in front of the whole world vis-a-vis climate change. In developing this kind of vision and plan, a city administration will start out • By admitting that landscape is an important part of “quality of life” in rural as well as urban areas, for deteriorated areas as well as high quality areas, for everyday ordinary areas as well as areas that are considered to be of extraordinary beauty, and by including in this scope land mass, inland waterways and marine areas, • By recognizing landscapes as a necessary element in the human 106 T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R environment, as an expression of the diversity of the cultural and natural heritage shared in common and a basis for the identity of people, • By trying to have people participate actively and undertake common responsibility while drawing up and implementing landscape policies with the aim of protecting landscape, developing, managing and planning landscape of high quality. The existence of such a vision and planning will make a significant contribution to spreading landscaping consciousness and raising awareness regarding the value, role, and change of landscapes within civil society, private institutions and public authorities. III.3.5. Projects of Urban Transformation Projects of urban transformation started to take up an ever more important part on Turkey’s agenda after the 1999 Istanbul earthquake. Because it is estimated that the probability of Istanbul experiencing an earthquake in the near future is high and that this earthquake is liable to cause great damage to the economy of the country it was regarded as an urgent priority to demolish the urban building stock that is not earthquake-resistant and replace it with new urban tissue. Thus projects of urban transformation gained political legitimacy. But from then on, projects of urban transformation tended to become institutionalised and began to ground their rationale on other bases.75 The first of these rationales was the elimination of squatter house neighbourhoods. As a matter of fact, squatter areas had been a part of the reality of cities for a long time, but had not been sufficient on their own to set off projects of urban transformation. A still more effective rationale was that the government party based its development strategy and its populism on boosting the construction industry. A higher demand than that created by the housing market was necessary for boosting the construction industry. The stepping up of urban transformation was seen as the way to do this. The need the government felt to create additional demand for housing found its best expression in the Law on the Transformation of Areas under the Risk of Disaster, No.6306, promulgated in 2012. Rather than protecting the inhabitants of the city and transforming the urban tissue into a sounder one without victimising them, the law really had the aim of expanding business activities for builders and that is why its practical balance sheet was a failure, particularly in Istanbul. This failure found its clearest expression in the fact that many mayors had signs prepared declaring that urban transformation activities were not being conducted in their district. Although after 2005, when the winds blew in favour of urban transformation, contractors created public opinion in favour of urban transformation activities in Izmir as well, the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality did not surrender to this drive 75 On this see Tolga Çilingir: Workshop “İzmir Büyükşehir Belediyesi Kentsel Dönüşüm Uygulamaları”, 18 November 2017. T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R 107 and managed to devise an alternative urban transformation model whose success can now retrospectively be seen very clearly. The Izmir Model has included this approach in its toolbox. In its planning work, the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality determined that 4,700 ha of land out of a total of 11,000 ha should become subject to transformation. The work in this area is being conducted not on the basis of Law No. 6306, but as per article 73 of the Law on Municipalities, No. 5393. Within the conception of urban transformation as developed by the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality, there is no parcel-based concept of transformation. The fundamental reason why the concept of urban transformation promoted by the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality was a success is, beyond the fact that it approached this question with the aim of raising the “quality of life” and improving the development pattern of the city, is the avoidance of the instrumental attitude of increasing demand for the construction industry. As the municipality did not hasten to reach results that have nothing to do with the city itself, the reality of Izmir and the preparedness of the municipality to use its capabilities effectively made it possible to attain a common sense solution. The three basic strategic choices on which this solution is based are as follows. S.1. The Izmir Metropolitan Municipality bases its expectations from urban transformation on two legs. One leg involves the aim to create, in the areas where transformation is to be conducted, a physical tissue that consists of housing of a high standard that has adequate social equipment and is healthy and earthquakeresistant. The second leg has to do with showing due respect to the human rights of the people who live or are property-owners in the areas subject to transformation: these people will not be forced to change their habitat in the aftermath of the transformation. The value added resulting from the transformation will be shared out among the people who live there. The transformation shall be in harmony with the logic of the development plans and fair. S.2. The expectation of the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality from projects of urban transformation is to achieve success by raising the quality of life, improving the image of the area, and delivering services to the denizens. It will be fair and not provoke irritation in the community. For this kind of success to be attained, the municipality has to actively play the part of catalyst. The policies that are necessary for the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality to assume the role of active catalyst in urban transformation are cited below. S.2.P.1. The Izmir Metropolitan Municipality wishes operations of urban transformation to be carried out with the full support of the inhabitants of the areas to be subjected to transformation. That is why the municipality conducts its business on this issue with one hundred per cent consensus. This criterion brings with it the fact of being fair. S.2.P.2. For the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality, keeping the preparation process for the settlement plan and the housing and social equipment 108 T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R projects open to the participation of those who will be living there will be an indispensible principle. S.2.P.3. The municipality, as a reliable guarantor, takes the title deeds from the owners and, after having been authorised by them, organises the tender for the construction, monitors the process of construction, and, once the construction is completed, turns over the title deed to the property owner. If the property owner wishes to have a building larger than that which is due to him or her, they pay the difference in instalments. S.3. Given the large size of the urban transformation area and the slow tempo of the implementation process, the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality will establish an Urban Transformation unit, equipped with qualified experts. This solution process, which the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality reached after an experience of seven or eight years, takes time. But urban transformation proceeds without creating social tension in Izmir. As long as this channel is functioning, the confidence in the urban transformation process of Izmir will solidify and results will be obtained more swiftly. III.3.6. Design Guides The fact that master plans and implementation plans have been prepared does not provide sufficient clue as to the preparation of projects for the buildings to be built in this area. In the development legislation of Turkey, this deficit is filled through development regulations. Theoretically speaking, for every development plan prepared for a city, a development regulation peculiar to that plan needs to be prepared. However, the Ministry for Environment and Urbanism, using its powers of tutelage, requires every city to apply a development regulation that is valid for the whole of Turkey. If there is respect for a plan prepared, then the way should be opened for the preparation of a development regulation peculiar for that plan in Turkey. If this way is kept closed, there is no possibility to establish a relationship between the plans prepared and the identity of a city. Lately, the concept development regulation has been abandoned in favour of the concept design guide, which displays a higher degree of sensitivity to design. For this reason, it is proposed that in the planning system of the Izmir Model the design guide be used.76 A design guide is an instrument that is geared to control the lowest tier of the design process. It determines the properties of the city with respect to its general configuration and development. These guides provide decisions for buildings and the spaces between buildings. In a way, they determine the character of the urban tissue. Through these guides, the character of the planned area is defined, hence serving its formation, its preservation, and its improvement. 76 On this see Mimar Sinan Güzel Sanatlar Üniversitesi: Kentsel Tasarım Uygulama ve Araştırma Merkezi: Kentsel Tasarım Rehberleri, T.C. Çevre ve Şehircilik Bakanlığı, Ankara, Aralık, 2016. T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R 109 Design guides contribute to assure the upper level rationales of the planning process in the city in the process of the design of its pieces. Design guides are open to participation. The producer, the user, the lawmaker all come together in the democratic environment of the preparation of the design guide and reach a consensus. Urban Design Guides form a strong link between “practice” and “research”. The power of the design guide comes from the fact that it is a holistic instrument in the urban milieu. Without the preparation of place specific Design Guides, it is impossible to claim that the totality of a multi-tiered planning system has really been procured. III.3.7. Management of the Implementation of the Decisions of the Development Plan One should not assess the achievements of the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality in this area exclusively on its planning activities: what is even more important is that the plan should be taken seriously and implemented in disciplined fashion. The Izmir Metropolitan Municipality remains loyal to the plans prepared. The most significant indicator here is the fact that in the planning practice of Izmir, there is no place for partial development plans. This distinguishes the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality from others.77 Another indicator of the seriousness of the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality in the implementation of the Development Plan is that it has recourse to a considerable amount of negotiated expropriation and increases its property stock. To increase the property stock of a municipality means to increase its capacity to implement its development plan. Another significant way in which the planning practice of the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality distinguishes itself from others is that there are no adverse rumours about the development bureaucracy regarding their style of serving the denizens. A high level of confidence has been created on this score. Taking the experience of the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality as its point of departure, the Izmir Model proposes a two-pronged strategy. S.1. Metropolitan municipalities should have a property policy when they are increasing their property stock, one that takes into consideration planning policies. The second and more important strategy of the Izmir Model relates to the prevention of the emergence of adverse rumours on the style of service provision by the development bureaucracy. The Izmir Metropolitan Municipality owes the achievement of this performance to, on the one hand, the special interest shown by Aziz Kocaoğlu in this matter and, on the other, the fact that in decisions that are critical from the point of view of rent formation no one 77 Tanyel Özelçi Eceral: “İzmir Yerel Yönetim Modeli İzmir Büyükşehir Belediyesi İmar Uygulamaları”, İzmir Modeli Çalışmaları Dördüncü Kitap: İzmir Büyükşehir Belediyesi’nin Fiziki Planlama Yaklaşımları, İzmir Büyükşehir Belediyesi, Izmir, 2018, pp. 18-55. 110 T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R person is allowed to use his or her discretion alone and that the content of decisions are made to conform to common sense through discussion at different levels. For instance, when the development unit starts to work on an issue, after it has been elaborated upon internally and is discussed in a group of which the Secretary General, the Department Head, and the Branch Director are part, the Mayor himself is notified. The issue then goes to the development commission of the municipality. If something negative comes from the commission, the Mayor is informed. Thus a system woven with such internal mechanisms of supervision can reach decisions that conform to common sense and create confidence. Hence: S.2. Important decisions that will lead to rent formation should not be left to the discretion of a single person. This may be formulated as deliberation on these decisions in broader groups, the possibility of discussion at different levels and the creation of processes where internal supervision is strong. III.4. STRATEGIES, POLICIES AND PRACTICES OF THE IZMIR MODEL TO ENSURE THAT THE DENIZENS OF IZMIR ACQUIRE THE CAPACITY TO DEVELOP INTER-SUBJECTIVE JUDGMENTS SO AS TO FORM A COMMUNITY IN IZMIR’S LIFE, TO CREATE A PUBLIC SPACE, AND BRING ABOUT A SENSE OF PLACE Whether as local government leaders or as planners, those who intervene in a city have, up until now, generally tried to develop the physical qualities of the city. The dominance of such a practice is due to the assumption that “quality of life”, which is predominantly the object of the exercise, can always be calculated on the basis of objective factors. However, the Izmir Model believes that “quality of life” cannot be determined solely on the basis of objective factors, with subjective evaluations also going into the end result. The satisfaction of the inhabitants of a city with life in that city is not something that individuals decide in isolation from others. The judgment of satisfaction that people enjoy about a city is developed inter-subjectively. If such is the case, then for “quality of life” to be mentioned for a city, it is necessary for the inhabitants of that city to be able to generate inter-subjective judgments. The fact that the capacity for inter-subjective judgment possesses critical importance for the sustainability of “quality of life” derives at bottom from the fact that the human being is a social being. The high level of the capacity of the denizens of Izmir to develop intersubjective judgments owes, to a great extent, to the lifestyle of the denizens and the difference in the shaping of their political choices. The denizens of Izmir do not live a life shut up in their homes. They come to the coast in threes and fours and spend three or four hours there. In the meanwhile, they are open to give frank answers if someone asks them questions. According to the observations T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R 111 of Nuri Bilgin,78 the denizens of Izmir have a convivial culture that is sensitive to pragmatic attitudes. Perhaps because of the cosmopolitan past of the city, forces that wish to impose their will have always been weak and no central norm has developed. Since the norms that the denizens of Izmir comply with unite not in faith but on the common denominator of lifestyle (habitus), the potential to come to a compromise on inter-subjective judgments is high. One should not forget that in the high level of this potential, the autonomy of the woman in the life patterns of Izmir plays an important part. When one realises the multi-faceted positive consequences of the increase in the capacity for inter-subjective judgment, the question arises of what to do in order to raise this capacity. One of the answers to this question comes, as we have already seen, from Levinas.79 In his opinion, what should centrally be questioned is the construct of the other. Levinas’ “other” is not the “other” of our life habits. In his philosophy, the “other” is entrusted to me, is a responsibility of mine that I should look after as the apple of my eye. In a certain sense, this other is the one who is open to become friends when I set up a relationship. The high level of the capacity to form inter-subjective judgment in Izmir has many-sided results from the point of view of increasing “quality of life”. These may be enumerated as: • Formation of a Community That Has Not Been Fragmented by Exclusions • Formation of Public Spaces That Permit Interaction between People • Creation of a Sense of Place for the Inhabitants Regarding the Spaces They Live in • Raising of the Social Capital in the City, the Conversion of Power from Being Something to Capture into Being Something that is Built within Social Relations Let us take these properties and the question of how they find a place for themselves in Izmir’s life one by one. III.4.1. Formation of a Community That Has Not Been Fragmented by Exclusions When we say that a social group bears the character of a community, we thereby mean that this social group has common needs, risks, resources they make use of, faith, choices and intentions that have their impact on the identity and level of cohesion of the people who live in that social group. For these properties to result in a social group whose internal solidarity is high there need to be internal relations among the elements of the social group, they need 78 Nuri Bilgin, “İzmir’in İnsanları Ya Da İnsanların İzmir’i”, İzmirli Olmak Sepozyum Bildirileri, 22-24 Ekim, İzmir Büyükşehir Belediyesi, 2010, pp. 7-13. 79 112 Bergo Bettina, “Emmanuel Levinas”: Stanford Encylopedia of Philosophy, Summer, 2015 Edition. T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R to be in the same place, they need to have an identity, and there needs to be an organisational wholeness among them. It might be said that those who live within the area of jurisdiction of the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality possess these attributes. In order to understand what kind of community has been formed in today’s Izmir, we should first remember a debate that should really be a thing of the past for Izmir. At the beginning of the 20 th century, Ferdinand Tönnies distinguished rural and urban society as “gemeinschaft” and “gesellschaft”. The “gemeinschaft” described the rural settlements of the pre-industrial era and the word community was used to denote the loyalty-based relations of these closed settlements, while “gesellschaft” was used to describe the anonymous and rationality-seeking society based on money in cities. However, in today’s Izmir the distinction between the country and the city has disappeared. Today, when the word community is used for Izmir, it is no longer the traditional society of Tönnies that one is referring to. What is of interest to us today is the formation of a new community to be defined within urban society. This new community cannot be established by returning to the superseded paternalistic morality of the old society. Hence it is now a question of the quest of free people of a new world to set up a community. In this community, people’s security has been guaranteed, they trust each other despite their differences, they live freely in a social order where they are aware of duties and responsibilities, where power and money do not oppress, they meet the civic and collective responsibilities that are required as a result of living under a representative or participatory democracy.80 Only under such a setup can one talk of the existence of a culture of coexistence or of local government where a democratic inner solidarity exists. If there is no such community, then a life that brings peace and happiness cannot exist. When it is a question of a metropolitan municipality that covers a large space such as Izmir setting up a community, this community must be taken up at diverse scales. It might be more realistic to think of a metropolitan municipality as the unity of diverse communities. When we climb to such scales, we need a conceptualisation for the establishment of the democratic unity of diverse communities. In the case of the existence of more than one community at the scale of the metropolitan municipality, we have to add to our recommendations the requirement that one should avoid the isolation of each community in order to ensure the unity of the community at the upper scale, the interaction of these communities even as they are reproducing their identities. The construction of a non-fragmented community implies, in a certain sense, the construction of a scale. III.4.1.1. Health Care, Social Projects and Social Services The precondition for the inhabitants of the space formed by a metropolitan 80 Amitai Etzioni, The Spirit of Community, Tou"stone Books, New York, 1994. T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R 113 municipality to form a community is for them to be healthy in the way the World Health Organisation (WHO) has defined the term. The denizens of the city ought to be in a true state of well-being from the physical, psychological and social viewpoints. Health is a social phenomenon, not a personal one only. The person has to be leading a healthy social existence as well. Societies in which security of employment and of life has not been guaranteed cannot be assumed to be healthy. The factors that affect health are81 the general socio-economic situation, cultural and environmental circumstances, conditions of living and of work such as education, working conditions, agriculture and food production, unemployment, reliable water, sanitation, shelter and health care, social ties, the individual mode of life, and genetic and biological differences. When well-being is defined in such a comprehensive manner, the activities of the health care and social services units of municipalities will necessarily prove to be inadequate in meeting the conditions. In order to overcome this inadequacy, joint work by the other units of the metropolitan municipality becomes imperative. And where these also prove insufficient, it will be necessary to rely on the achievements of central governments and the economy at large. The Izmir Model will try and formulate its proposals regarding health care with the holistic outlook described within the limits of this chapter. The set of duties enumerated in the Municipality Law, No. 5393 is very broad. Municipalities have been given powers over the provision and operation of infrastructure such as water, sewerage, transportation and the like, the cleanliness of the city, the collection and destruction of solid waste, services of environmental sanitation, the construction, maintenance, and operation of parks and green space, social services and the opening and operation of all kinds of health care facilities. When we approach health on the basis of the broad definition of the World Health Organisation (WHO) we realise that all the activities of a municipality are relevant for health. Naturally, the Izmir Model takes up its strategies relating to all these areas in the relevant sections. In this chapter only those proposals that are related to health care and social services will be taken up. Because in Turkey central government is equipped with a panoply of powers of tutelage over local government, municipalities are not able to use the powers that are accorded to them by Law No. 5393 in their full range. Within the process of restructuring of health care that Turkey has been going through recently, the government has taken over the hospitals of local authorities and prevented them from providing inpatient services. Under these circumstances, the Izmir Model has developed its proposals in both spheres for areas which central government has left the hand of local authorities free. 81 For details of what is put forward in this section, see Meltem Çiçeklioğlu-Şafak Taner: “İzmir Yerel Yönetim Modeli Sağlık Hizmeti, Sosyal Projeler ve Sosyal Hizmetler”, İzmir Modeli Çalışmaları, Beşinci Kitap: İzmir Modelinin Komünite, Kamu Alanı ve Yer Oluşturabilme Stratejileri, İzmir Büyükşehir Belediyesi, Izmir, 2018, pp. 18-92. 114 T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R The Izmir Model makes four strategic choices in this sphere. These are as follows: • Establish the planning system of the sphere of health care and social services of the city and ensure continuity, • Provide occupational health and safety measures at high standards in all the workplaces of the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality, • Extend health care, social services and social assistance to all those in need without any exclusion, • Determine the kind of organisation within which the health care and social services of the municipality will be provided. S.1. The Izmir Model proposes that Izmir continue to be a member of the WHO European Healthy Cities Network. Continuing to be part of this network will be an indicator of the resolution of the administration of the city to devote itself to the improvement of the health/quality of life of the inhabitants. Being part of this network will imply the responsibility of preparing an “Izmir Health Improvement Plan” that would be open to constant renewal and implementing it to the best of its capacities. As we have seen in the story of the municipal practice of Izmir during the last three terms, the city is a member of the Healthy Cities Union of Turkey and the European Healthy Cities Network. These memberships draw the contours of the kind of health improvement plan the city will draw up. These establish an anchor regarding the health and social services strategies of the city and the policies to be implemented. One interesting aspect of this anchor is that the concept “quality of life” that the Izmir Model has chosen for itself entirely overlaps with the concept health. Under these circumstances, the amelioration of the “quality of life” of the inhabitants and the improvement of their health gains on an orientation that parallels the development of a social consciousness about their city and the formation of a culture of living through coexistence that is peculiar to Izmir. S.1. The policies to be followed in order to implement strategic choice S.1 are as follows. S.1.P.1. The Izmir Health Improvement Plans shall be prepared through a participatory practice. For this a Healthy City Platform shall be formed with the direct participation of the relevant public bodies, NGOs, opinion leaders and disadvantaged sectors of the city and the health profile of the city will be drawn up for each period. In these profiles, solutions will be generated in accordance with the “health for all” strategy of the World Health Organisation (WHO), solution partners will be determined, and the health care plans of the city will be put into effect. S.1.P.2. The continuation of Izmir’s membership of the European Healthy Cities Network and the preparation of the Health Improvement Plans require the setting up of the Healthy Cities Project Unit of the Metropolitan Municipality. T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R 115 S.1.P.3. Work should be carried out on a health impact assessment for each project from the point of view of the health of the inhabitants of the city before critical decisions are made and the implementation phase sets in. A municipality devoted to the health of the inhabitants will also show the same care to its employees. This brings us to the second strategic choice of the Izmir Model. S.2. The highest standard should be established in the area of Occupational Safety and Health at the point of production at all the units and companies of the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality. In order to be able to provide occupational health and safety services at such a standard, the job should be planned, organised, managed, supervised and evaluated through a single centre. No other policy will be taken up here with respect to the implementation of the second strategic choice apart from the policy of managing it from a single centre. The third strategic choice has to do with the direction of health services. S.3. Within the Izmir Model, the metropolitan municipality, in line with its understanding of social municipal policies considers it to be a duty to provide health care to all who apply and do not possess any kind of health care protection. Parallel to this, it is expected that the health care capacity of Izmir will be increased so as to play the role of a pioneering city for the rest of Turkey. Four major policies are recommended to implement strategic choice S.3 concerning health services. S.3.P.1. In order to provide the health care services required within the system it has set up, the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality needs a hospital equipped with the appropriate technology and infrastructure (Eşrefpaşa Hospital). This will provide access to health care for those who do not have any health care coverage, after having determined the number of inhabitants without coverage, and will conduct work in the areas of health checks, palliative health care, services of patient transportation and home care giving. It will not organise in areas that require a high level of specialisation. To prevent those who do not have any health care coverage from being excluded from health care services, the ownership of this kind of hospital by the municipality is of critical importance. S.3.P.2. The domains on which municipalities ought to focus are the implementation of measures of public health, inspections necessary for access to safe food, and the installation of equipment that would be of assistance to a healthy life in public spaces. S.3.P.3. The Izmir Model proposes that the metropolitan municipality provide home health care services to the indigent who are elderly, housebound or disabled. This service should be provided in integrated manner with the hospital. This integration can take the form of the patient being removed from the hospital to their home once the treatment has reached a certain stage as well as supporting treatment given at the hospital to a patient who is being taken care of at home. Moreover, this treatment may include alterations in the home of the 116 T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R patient and training for care. In situations where this is necessary, support may be received from the social assistance programmes of the municipality. S.3.P.4. Popular Education ought to be an indispensible part of the public health work of the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality. However, this education should be meticulously planned and implemented by making use of innovative methods. The fourth strategic choice of the Izmir Model takes up the issues of Social Services and Social Assistance. It would be useful to make a definition of how social services and social assistance should be understood before formulating this strategy. Social Services “covers all services to help individuals solve the socioeconomic problems they experience in order to sustain their lives in a manner that is in accordance with human dignity, taking into consideration the general circumstances of the country”. It is defined as “the totality of systematic and programmed services that aim to eradicate the material, moral and social deprivations that persons and families experience born of their own constitution or of environmental conditions not of their own making, to meet their needs, to prevent and help solve the social problems they face, and to improve and raise their standard of life”.82 In a city, social services are met by the market, the state and local government. Municipalities offer their services to the indigent or disadvantaged groups. The activities in this context range across a large spectrum and may be enumerated as follows: • Children: Setting up day care centres and kindergartens for ordinary children and kindergartens and children’s clubs for abandoned children, • Women: Opening maternal-children’s health care centres, women’s shelters and centres for handicrafts, • Disabled: Basic education schools for the disabled, skills courses, sports and communications facilities, • Elderly: Opening homes for the feeble and the aged, • Youth: Opening youth centres, sports facilities, counselling and psychological counselling centres and starting vocational training courses, • Other risk groups: Legal and psychological assistance offices for entire groups of children including street children, chemicals addicted children, abused children, • Mass education facilities: Organising literacy, child care and education, apprenticeship and skills courses, 82 Abdullah Çelik 2014, cited in Meltem Çiçeklioğlu-Şafak Taner: “İzmir Yerel Yönetim Modeli Sağlık Hizmeti, Sosyal Projeler ve Sosyal Hizmetler”, İzmir Modeli Çalışmaları, Beşinci Kitap: İzmir Modelinin Komünite, Kamu Alanı ve Yer Oluşturabilme Stratejileri, İzmir Büyükşehir Belediyesi, İzmir, 2018, p. 68. T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R 117 • Crisis time services: Providing accommodation, nourishment, and cleansing services in times of war, terrorism, or natural disaster. The social services across this large spectrum will reinforce the tendency towards the formation of a community in the area of jurisdiction of the municipality by raising the “quality of life” and spreading it across all layers in society. Social Assistance is a concept that demarcates the forms of aid that are oriented towards those that remain outside the social security network and fulfils the function of closing and complementing the gaps of the social security system. It involves practices such as providing cash support to certain persons or groups that live under a level of minimum revenue or forming social assistance networks in areas such as housing or health care. This is a sphere with multiple actors: the state, the private sector, foundations, associations and similar institutions can take part and work in the sphere of social assistance. Social assistance extended by municipalities include cash and in kind assistance given to those in need periodically on the basis of certain principles. The strategic choice on this issue is formulated in S.4. S.4. In order to raise the “quality of life” and develop the capacity to form a community based on solidarity in Izmir, the state, local government, and NGOs should increase and diversify the supply of social services and social assistance, as well as use strategies to facilitate the demands of the people in this area. Four policies are recommended in order to implement strategic choice S.4. S.4.P.1. In the Izmir Model, it is recognised that the municipality has two kinds of responsibility in increasing and diversifying social services and social assistance activities in the city. In the first leg of its responsibility is paving the way for and establishing partnerships with NGOs that carry out social services and assistance in the city. The other leg consists of meeting needs for services and assistance that cannot be provided through other channels through projects of the municipality. S.4.P.2. In the Izmir Model, when social services and assistance is provided, the understanding that this is a “social and economic right” that is based on constitutional guarantees should be dominant. Those who shoulder responsibilities at different levels of this activity should deliver this duty with the sentiment that they are conducting a duty rather than doing a favour to some people. S.4.P.3. If a city harbours poverty, violence, social exclusion, derelict housing, migrants who have not been integrated into the society and the like, the services to be produced and the assistance to be extended in order to solve the problems faced by these people will not raise the “quality of life” of these people alone, but, in a roundabout way, also of those who do not suffer such problems. The social services and assistance generated by a municipality should be assessed not only on the basis of its contribution to individual persons, but also on the basis of the benefit it brings to society at large. 118 T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R S.4.P.4. In the Izmir Model, the services to be provided by the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality for social support should each be developed as a project and in the process of designing and developing these projects an approach should be adopted that would ensure the direct participation of the people in all processes. S.5.P.5. The Izmir Model proposes the use of the model “Social Life Campuses” that would serve to provide all the different services to be generated in a range of diversity for each of the disadvantaged groups of different ages all together. The implementation of such a model will raise the efficiency and success of the services offered and will present an invigorating living environment to the disadvantaged groups. The projects to be developed by each city in participatory manner will render the composition of social services peculiar to that city. As concerns the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality, its Hospital, Home for the Aged and Caregiving, Healthy Aging Centre, Encounter and Counselling Centre for Alzheimer and Dementia Patients and Their Families, Müyesser Turfan Home for the Feeble, Children’s and Youth Centres, Club for Those Who Age with the Youth, Elder Sister and Brother Project, Milk Project, Vocational Factory, Women’s Shelter, Educational and Cultural Centre for the Disabled and the like show us what kind of experience is unfolding in Izmir in this area. The kind of organising that is necessary for the successful implementation of the strategies and policies developed so far is given in S.5. The Izmir Model proposes an organisation that is proportionate and adapted to the critical importance of the Health Improvement Plans in raising the quality of life stipulated and forming a community. S.5. For the implementation of the four preceding strategies and the concomitant policies, the Izmir Model proposes that all health care and social services be brought together in a management unit that has easy access to the superior decision maker. There is no need to detail this strategic choice through policies here. III.4.1.2. Strategies to Be Implemented and Policies to Be Pursued with the Aim of Increasing the Contribution of the Municipality, Non-Governmental Organisations and Democratic Mass Organisations through Relations among Themselves and with Inhabitants to the Transformation of the Society into a Community The Izmir Metropolitan Municipality is the highest and strongest local government/governance authority within its own jurisdiction receiving its legitimacy from local elections. Naturally its governing mentality will be of utmost importance in instilling a sense of community to the inhabitants of its jurisdiction. However, to represent the social structure within the jurisdiction of the municipality by dividing it into two as individuals living in the city and the municipal level would be inadequate in trying to understand the process of forming a community. The Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs) and the T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R 119 Democratic Mass Organisations (DMOs) that are formed by small groups that lie in between these two levels should be taken up as a separate scale/level. When we represent the society in Izmir in three tiers as municipalities, small groups and individuals, the type of relations that contributes to the gaining of a sense of community will be modified and diversified. This kind of modification and diversification will enhance the creativity of the proposed solutions. Non-Governmental Organisations83 are small groups formed by persons that come together in order to serve society. There is a public sphere that this group forms among themselves. There is a consensus among the people who place themselves in this public sphere that society is in need of a service of a certain kind. This group is now expressing its devotion to providing this service voluntarily, by offering their labour, their capital, their social relations in selfsacrifice. The consensus that is achieved and the devotion expressed in this small public sphere make these institutions carry out their will. The character of Non-Governmental Organisations determines not only what they will do, but also what they will not. These organisations do not resort to violence in order to reach their objective, nor do they cast some section of society as the other. These organisations cannot procure material interest for themselves and their members. They cannot claim power over others in society. The only thing they can expect from society is a kind of respectability that may form across society spontaneously. A Non-Governmental Organisation that steps outside these limits when they are establishing links with society will lose its respectability. If all public services in a certain locality are generated by local government elected democratically, it is not possible to meet all the demands of this society in these areas in all their diversity. The demand that is not met in its entirety will be seen as a democratic deficit. The development of Non-Governmental Organisations in a locality paves the way to closing the democratic deficit. And this develops the “quality of life”. Individuals that become members of a NonGovernmental Organisation will increase their respectability in society, thereby raising their life satisfaction and self-confidence. A development towards becoming a community is achieved. The second type of organisation that ensures that the social tissue of a society makes positive contribution to the quality of practices of democracy is the Democratic Mass Organisation (DMO). These organisations are formed by people who are of the same profession, same class, same ethnic group or those who live in the same area, who come together to defend their economic interests or their democratic rights. These organisations gain their meaning/function in pluralist democratic systems or under deliberative democracy. They do not 83 Canan Balkır: “İzmir Büyükşehir Belediyesi’nin Sivil Toplum Kuruluşları ve Demokratik Kitle Örgütleri İle İlişki Kurma Biçimi”, İzmir Modeli Çalışmaları, Beşinci Kitap: İzmir Modelinin Komünite, Kamu Alanı ve Yer Oluşturabilme Stratejileri, İzmir Büyükşehir Belediyesi, Izmir, 2017, pp. 92-140. 120 T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R gain their influence through negotiations behind closed doors, but through their activities in public spheres that do not have structural distortions by making an impact on public opinion. Democratic Mass Organisations that cannot reach results in pluralist democratic practice preserve their “agonistic” position while the system is continuing to function and try to influence future decisions. When we claim that the inhabitants under the jurisdiction of a municipality form a community, we thereby will have made a judgment regarding the relations between the individuals living there, the small groups established by individuals, and local government. Here we provide the strategic choices that will be implemented for the forms of relationship within the society that is represented as three tiers formed at bottom of municipalities, Non-Governmental Organisations and Democratic Mass Organisations, and individuals. S.1. The most important contribution of the municipality (Metropolitan and District Municipalities) to the formation by society of a community not fragmented by exclusions is to open up space for participatory processes in government/governance. If municipalities can open up space for participatory practices in their communication, their administration, while developing their projects, they will have satisfied a fundamental condition in bringing a sense of community to society. S.2. In order to reduce the democratic deficit in a society, it is necessary to increase the number and diversity of Non-Governmental Organisations, to open up space for them to fulfil their objectives working in harmony with legal conditions in Turkey, and to allow Non-Governmental Organisations to become public agents. This permissive strategy will find its legal grounds in the people’s right to the freedom of association. In implementing strategy S.2. the Izmir Model defends the pursuit of the following two policies. S.2.P.1. Keeping its distance to the logic of forming partisan relations between the municipalities and Non-Governmental Organisations, the Izmir Model proposes that Non-Governmental Organisations be founded with an attitude that paves the way to their activities in the sphere of public service they have chosen for themselves. When necessary, the relation that has been established may assume the character of a partnership, depending on the nature of the service in question. S.2.P.2. According to the Izmir Model, Metropolitan Municipalities can shoulder their role of catalyst in increasing the number of and diversifying NonGovernmental Organisations by building infrastructure/buildings to be allocated to Non-Governmental Organisations, which would lead them to cluster in parts of the city easily accessible. These buildings would harbour a great number of NonGovernmental Organisations, many small meeting rooms, a largish conference and exhibition hall and would facilitate life, give them the opportunity to learn from each other and form a Non-Governmental Organisation culture all together. T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R 121 S.3. One should see the participation of the inhabitants of a society not as narrowly restricted to the political sphere, but also as an activity that may be realised in the social and cultural spheres as well. The broadening of the sphere of participation will also bring Non-Governmental Organisations new responsibilities. The fact that Non-Governmental Organisations remain concerned about participation in the society they exist in while generating public service to the society will increase their contribution to the formation of a community. If municipalities see Non-Governmental Organisations not as a consumer of the services of the city, but as a public service producer, this will enhance the ties in the city and increase the contribution to community formation. S.4. In the area of jurisdiction of a metropolitan municipality, if the number of Democratic Mass Organisations is high and these can make themselves heard in the public sphere, the inhabitants of the city will realise that they live in a society in which people can defend their rights and interests and share the pride of living in such a society. Democratic Mass Organisations will serve two functions in this urban society. On the one hand, they will defend their rights and interests within legal processes and, on the other, they will express their views and demands concerning the development of the city they are living in. What is of interest to us here is the second aspect of things. For Democratic Mass Organizations to be seen as democratic in the society they live in, they will have to attain results through their views in the public sphere, with the impact these have had, rather than an ultimatum-like attitude behind doors. S.5. In forming a community, interactions among second-degree actors such as Non-Governmental Organisations, Democratic Mass Organisations and certain public agencies will be very effective. For this reason, in municipal laws, the setting up of City Councils is recommended. It would be more correct to think of City Councils as a platform that brings together the second level actors of small groups. City Councils have not achieved much because their mechanism of formation especially in big cities was not realistic and also because political motives have proved to be dominant in their activities. However, it would be useful to revive the activities of this platform, turning them towards the formation of a community. S.6. For NGOs to be accorded respectability in society as a public service provider and a public agent, they should guard their distance from the conflictual, self-serving language of politics that turns the interlocutor into the other and set up their language as one which is respectful towards society and the other, does not overflow into areas other than where they serve, presents its enthusiasm related to the achievement of the service. Because the formulation of these strategic choices put forth in order to contribute to the formation of a community not fragmented through exclusions carries sufficient clues as to what the policies to be pursued in order to put these into effect, we will not further provide separate policies for each strategic choice recommended. 122 T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R III.4.1.3. Izmir Mediterranean Academy As we have seen in the first book that narrates the story of the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality during its last three terms, the Izmir Mediterranean Academy84 was founded/formed in order to materialise the vision of “Izmir as a city of culture, art, and design” developed at the 2009 Cultural Workshop.85 This is a highly original and innovative initiative both from the angle of the functions undertaken and the point of view of its general mode of organising.86 In a very short span of time and with limited human resources, this academy has obtained positive results in termes of the functions that were expected from it. The Izmir Model has hence included this original organisation developed by the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality in its own toolkit. When the academy was founded, it “undertook to contribute to the development of the strategy of Izmir’s reaching out to the rest of the world and while opening up Izmir’s horizons, harboured the ambition to open up new horizons for Turkey as well.”87 The ambition here had two different aspects. The academy had the double mission of carrying out intellectual work as well as having an impact on daily life: “While becoming, at the intellectual level, an effective partner of the intellectual quest that the world is going through, it will also become a part of Izmir’s life through the events it will organise.”88 When it was established, it was expected to fulfil two basic functions. “The first was to function as a think-tank to develop the strategies needed to materialise the Izmir Vision: it will broaden the horizons of Izmir, avoiding routine and being open to permanent innovation, and contributing together with its stakeholders to the intellectual capacity necessary to improve the Vision for Izmir.”89 Its second function is that of a democratic platform. There will be mutual interaction between the stakeholders of the issues taken up at this platform, while functions to be undertaken are determined, promises regarding implementation made, engagements expressed. When including the Izmir Mediterranean Academy within the Izmir Model, two modifications will be made in its functions relative to the original formulation. First, in the new situation, the Izmir Mediterranean Academy will reorient itself 84 Alp Yücel Kaya: “İzmir Akdeniz Akademisi Raporu”, İzmir Modeli Çalışmaları, Beşinci Kitap: İzmir Modelinin Komünite, Kamu Alanı ve Yer Oluşturabilme Stratejileri, İzmir Büyükşehir Belediyesi, Izmir, 2018, pp. 141-217 85 İzmir Tasarım Forumu: 31 Mayıs 2011, İzmir, İzmir Büyükşehir Belediyesi, Izmir, 2012, p. 14. In order to grasp the details of the proposals elaborated on in this section, see Alp Yücel Kaya: “İzmir Akdeniz Akademisi Raporu”, İzmir Modeli Çalışmaları, Beşinci Kitap: İzmir Modelinin Komünite, Kamu Alanı ve Yer Oluşturabilme Stratejileri, İzmir Büyükşehir Belediyesi, Izmir, 2018, pp. 141-217. 86 87 İzmirlilerin Denizle İlişkisini Güçlendirme Projesi, Tasarım Stratejisi Raporu, İzmir, İzmir Büyükşehir Belediyesi, 2012, p. 10. 88 İzmirlilerin Denizle İlişkisini Güçlendirme Projesi, Tasarım Stratejisi Raporu, İzmir, İzmir Büyükşehir Belediyesi, 2012, p. 10. 89 www.izmeda.org/Pages/Hakkimizda.aspx?id=2 (accessed on 12 July 2018). T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R 123 to realise the new vision formulated in the process of development of the Izmir Model, consisting of the improvement of a sustainable quality of life, becoming a node of the Mediterranean Cities Network, innovation and participatory governance. While, in the Izmir Model as well, it will continue to undertake the functions of acting both as a think-tank and a democratic platform, it will also serve the additional function of contributing to turning Izmir into a community. S.1. The Izmir Mediterranean Academy will be developed in order to ensure the materialisation of the Izmir Vision and to fulfil the functions of think-tank and democratic platform that will contribute to the efforts of the inhabitants of Izmir to lead their lives by forming a community. S.1.P.1. For the Academy to be able to play an effective part in the materialisation of the vision, it needs to possess a flexible and innovative mindset in terms of both its structure and its functioning. Rather than carrying out these tasks itself, it should be a platform and a focal point, a dynamic institution, and bring together those who already exist in Izmir and can do the job, encourage them to do it and ensure their engagement. Rather than owning the tasks itself, it needs to encourage other institutions to take these upon themselves and thus see to it that sustainability is ensured and others internalise these aims. The ambition of this institution is not to bring together persons and institutions together only to constantly conduct cold and aloof negotiations for coordination on the different areas of powers delegated. It is to materialise the joining of hands for developing projects, putting forth promises to materialise these projects, sharing selfsacrifices, and partaking of the excitement of creating something new.90 S.1.P.2. In order to materialise the objective of the Izmir Vision to make the city a focal point in the Mediterranean Cities Network, the Izmir Mediterranean Academy should step up the contribution of Izmir to the cultural dynamism of the Mediterranean. To this end, there should be improvement particularly in the human resources of the Academy. S.1.P.3. Although the Mediterranean Academy is a unit within the organisational chart of the municipality, its activities are nonetheless qualitatively different from those of the other entities within the municipality. The activities of the municipality are geared to the daily execution of tasks. The think-tank functions of the Academy require a broad outlook and are oriented to long-term decisions. On the other hand, this needs to be different from classical think-tanks because it will function simultaneously as a democratic platform. The nourishment of this entity scientifically and with respect to trends in the wider world becomes a precondition. For an organisation such as this to function effectively, it needs to be relocated to an easily accessible part of the city in a building designed for these kinds of activities and equipped with adequate human resources. 90 İzmirlilerin Denizle İlişkisini Güçlendirme Projesi, Tasarım Stratejisi Raporu, İzmir Büyükşehir Belediyesi, Izmir, 2012, p. 10. 124 T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R S.1.P.4. Since the Izmir Mediterranean Academy is now also expected to make a contribution to the formation of a community in Izmir, new channels in its relations with the denizens of Izmir will have to be opened up. The Academy will need to create activities that help reach out to different layers of society and develop accordingly new communication approaches, as well as orient itself to the outside world. III.4.1.4. Cultural Strategy for Izmir and Cultural and Artistic Activities In raising “quality of life” in a city, whether “hedonic” or “eudaimonic”, the contribution of the intensity of cultural and artistic activities is high.91 Hence cultural and artistic activities have a critical importance. As a matter of fact, when measuring “quality of life”, the United Nations Development Programme attributes an important part to data on cultural and artistic activities. Although the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality spends more on cultural and artistic activities relative to other municipalities in Turkey, this remains low relative to important Mediterranean cities against which Izmir is competing. In order for Izmir to become a node in the Mediterranean Cities Network it has to concentrate more on its cultural and artistic activities. Moreover, as cultural and artistic activities are expected to contribute to the formation of a community in Izmir, the concentration on this area gains an additional importance. Three different frameworks guide cultural and artistic activities in Izmir: first, within the framework of the strategic plan of the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality, the events programs of the Department for Culture and Art; secondly, the framework of the Izmir Mediterranean Academy expanding with new participations; and thirdly, the framework entailed by Izmir’s participation as a “Pilot City” at the European scale in the “Agenda 21 for Culture” program of the United Cities and Local Governments (UCLG), on the basis of a decision taken by the Izmir Metropolitan Municipal Council in 2015. Taking into consideration this experience of Izmir, the Izmir Model makes the following strategic choices in the field of cultural and artistic activities. S.1. In order to make it possible for the denizens of Izmir to enjoy concerts, opera, ballet and theatre events of high quality, the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality constructs concert halls, opera buildings, theatres of high capacity and performance, and allocates these to the State Symphony Orchestra, State Opera and Ballet and the State Theatre Company. This strategy is a common sense approach that local governments can implement in order to make it possible to attract these very high cost events to the city. The Izmir Model proposes that this strategy be continued. S.2. The Izmir Cultural Pla+form, set up by the Izmir Mediterranean Academy 91 Serhan Ada-Şervan Alpşen-Başak Işıklar-Sarp Keskiner: “İzmir Büyükşehir Belediyesi, Kültür ve Sanat Faaliyetleri (2004-2017) Değerlendirme Raporu”, İzmir Modeli Çalışmaları, Beşinci Kitap: İzmir Modelinin Komünite, Kamu Alanı ve Yer Oluşturabilme Stratejileri, İzmir Büyükşehir Belediyesi, Izmir, 2018, pp. 193-219. T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R 125 within its sphere of activities, taking as its point of departure the needs of cultural managers, artists, owners of art spaces, software specialists, and academics, basing itself on the principles of democratic participation, equal right of say, consensus, and expansion together with its components, developed common projects and implemented them. By encouraging the development of the capacity that exists in the cultural environment and network formation, they have started to offer examples of the “unity of production and learning”. They have organised forums under the heading of “Pla+forum” and they are publishing regularly a magazine and an annual publication in order to form the archive of Izmir’s contemporary art. They have also organised a “Summer School” and a “Cultural Policy Workshop”. The Izmir Model, impressed by the success of the Izmir Cultural Pla+form, proposes that it be continued with further improvements and shoulder the function of innovation in the field of culture and innovation. S.3. Life outside the home has a special place in the living culture of Izmir. The revival of traditional festivities and the organisation of new festivals in Izmir as an extension of this culture will make a special contribution to the deepening of the living culture of Izmir. It would be useful for the Department for Culture and Art of the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality to develop special skills in this area. Enhancing Izmir’s ambition in this area will lead to the enhancing of the formation of a community as well. S.4. To bolster the urban identity of the city, a relationship should be established with the history of the city, a social memory should be aroused, and this history should be made something that touches contemporary life rather than being something that can be looked at from afar. From this point of view, the existence of the Izmir-History Project that the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality is conducting and of organisations such as the Historic Kemeraltı Construction Company (TARKEM) and the Association for the Protection and Improvement of the Urban Values of Izmir, as well as the work of the Izmir Ahmet Priştina City Archive and Museum (APIKAM) represent important assets. Izmir is undergoing an original experience in this area. This experience should be continued persistently and in a manner open to innovation. S.5. After the setting up of Fuar Izmir and the holding of specialised fairs here, the task of restructuring and bringing of Izmir Kültürpark into the life of the inhabitants came to be seen as a function of the Department of Culture and Arts. The management of Kültürpark was organised under a Directorate. By bringing Kültürpark into the life of the inhabitants of Izmir, this unit will both be owning Kültürpark, which is a project of the early Republican period, and will contribute to the quality of life of the inhabitants. On the other hand, it will infuse a new meaning to the Izmir International Fair, a historic brand of the city. The Izmir International Fair stood for two ambitions. At one end was the ambition of making the name of Izmir heard in the international public sphere. When the Izmir International Fair was being revived, it was planned for this 126 T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R international ambition to be conserved through the goal of making Izmir a design and innovation city. To this end, the intention was to grant “Izmir Awards” of international significance and to open exhibitions of renown. The second aspect of the ambitions of the Izmir International Fair was to make Izmir a centre of entertainment and festivities during the season when the Fair was open. It is stipulated that this aspect will be revived through events that step outside the boundaries of Kültürpark and a festival targeting the youth. S.6. Aware of the widespread nature of public spaces in Izmir and their contribution to the “quality of life” of the inhabitants of the city, the Izmir Model attributes importance to linking public spaces with works of art in Izmir. Public spaces are seen not solely as spaces where works of art are exhibited, but as spaces where the inhabitants themselves can become a part of the artistic activity. Naturally, when the inhabitants are no longer simply observers of the artistic activity but rather become a part of it, then the satisfaction they obtain will increase. S.7. During the discussions that took place while forming the Izmir Vision in 2009 and after, it was proposed that the culture industry be advanced in Izmir with a view to accelerate the pace of Izmir’s development. However, the fact that Izmir wielded restricted human resources in this area was seen as a barrier and cooperation with Istanbul was recommended. In a development that is still continuing, Izmir has been attracting highly qualified immigration from Istanbul. Today, a more favourable environment exists for the beginnings of the development of a culture industry in Izmir. This opportunity should be used. III.4.2. Formation of Public Spaces That Allow for Interaction among People It is possible to valorise the existence of public spaces in a city in two different manners. The first can be done on the basis of the physical tissue of the city within a conception of urban design. The streets, squares, market places, parks, coastlines, promenades etc. are urban spaces that are open to all the inhabitants of the city. The observance of the daily routines of the inhabitants, the fulfilment of the urban functions, festivals, ceremonies, national days etc. is made possible thanks to these shared open spaces that connect society to itself. These public spaces make possible the realisation of a diversity of activities of individuals and of society. While setting up a balance between the built and non-built spaces, the designer of the urban space creates the environment for the individual’s perception of the city, his/her getting to know the city, and the development of loyalties regarding the city. As people stroll around the city, they get the opportunity of forming aesthetic judgments regarding the shape of the buildings. This way they become conscious of the symbols to which they attribute meanings. To set up relations is one of the most basic needs. For this to happen, people need to get to know the city. Establishing a hierarchy/an order between the open public spaces will facilitate learning and coordination in urban space. T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R 127 As people establish social relations and interact in such a structured environment within a city, they are also developing themselves/their identities and becoming a part of society. As their judgments on the city within such a life experience assumes an inter-subjective quality, this will be the basis for the formation of a community in that city. When we speak of a public sphere in a city, the second way of interpreting that may be provided by Habermas’ philosophy of communication. In its Habermasian sense, the “public sphere” is the institutionalised sphere of discursive activity where citizens can conduct their deliberation on their common problems. This is where public opinion is shaped. In today’s world, this sphere is at bottom defined in a non-spatial way. It is constructed through the media, newspapers, television, social media and the like. However, it has been observed that the function of public sphere identified by Habermas is also provided by spatially defined public spheres. Perhaps in an overestimation of the agora of classical antiquity, the public spaces of cities are now beginning to be defined as the concrete places where democratic life and citizenship are embodied. The inhabitants of a city interact with each other in these spaces that are open to all inhabitants. The public sphere is the sphere where people can express their opinion freely, where they can come together, establish a dialogue and have a say in the shaping of their life spaces. Whereas, when Habermas developed his theory, the sole mechanism through which inter-subjective consensus was achieved was the existence of dialogue in the public sphere, in the wake of the discovery of mirror neurons in neurological research, a new mechanism has emerged in the formation of inter-subjective judgments and thus it has become clear that public spaces could fulfil this function by bringing people together. Izmir has a wealth of public spaces of such quality. Konak Square, having been formed during the 19th century modernisation of Izmir, Cumhuriyet and Basmane Squares, which emerged in the aftermath of the foundation of the republic, Gündoğdu Square, a product of the post-1980 period, and in particular the large coastal band that emerged in the wake of the resistance to the planned motorway that was going to cut across the Kordon, have functioned as the space of ceremonies and political rallies in Izmir. From such a viewpoint, the 49-kilometre coastal arrangement that was created by the Izmir-Deniz project, still in the process of formation, has created a leap forward in the supply of public space for the life of the inhabitants of Izmir. When we bring this leap together with the lifestyle of the denizens of Izmir, we understand that the city has raised many times over its capacity for the formation of inter-subjective judgments. III.4.3. Creating the Possibility for the Inhabitants to Develop a Feeling of Place The precondition for the formation of “quality of life” for the inhabitants of 128 T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R a city is that they each establish a personal relationship with the street, the neighbourhood or the city they live in and, attributing a meaning to that space, start to develop loyalty to it. That space then gains on the status of “place” carrying a subjectivity.92 The generation of the subjective judgment regarding a place is the result of the interaction of three different elements, the physical position and its character, the activity and the meaning attributed to it. People perceive the space they are in first through its physical characteristics. The transformation of this perception into that of the feeling of place is structured socially. The symbols of a locality contribute to the feeling of place. As the span of life spent there extends, if the sentiment of pleasure and feeling secure continue, loyalty to that space will develop. As the span of time extends further, the space becomes internalised existentially and devotion to that place starts. When this level is reached, there comes about a kind of exaltation of the milieu (the quarter) and an infatuation with the values perceived rather than a cool-headed perception of the milieu. People begin to be happy only when they are there and live there.93 Different scales may be distinguished regarding the development of a feeling of place for the city for inhabitants. For instance, even though the inhabitants of Izmir sustain a feeling of place for the entire city, at the same time it may be said that they have the same feeling for their own neighbourhood. Of course, the emergence of the feeling of place at the two scales will come about as a result of different psychological processes. It cannot be expected that someone living in a city will develop a similar feeling of place for each neighbourhood of that city. In the fast-developing world of our day, inhabitants cannot be expected to develop a feeling of place for those parts of the city through which people travel rapidly. Those quarters cannot gain the character of a place for the inhabitants. Whether a neighbourhood of a city is a place or a non-place cannot be determined through the subjective judgments made by a single person. A subjective judgment can gain on a significance only when it assumes the character of an inter-subjective judgment. As we have mentioned before, the high potential for the formation of inter-subjective judgments in Izmir contributes to the high number of spaces in the city that have gained on the character of place. The analysis carried out in this section has shown the need for the spread of the feeling of place regarding the built spaces of a city in order to raise the “quality of life” in that city. In working towards that, once the officials of the local government have determined which parts of the city are places and which parts 92 Edward Relph: Place and Placelessness, Pion Press, London, 1976. Mina Najafi-Mustafa Kamal Bin Mohd Shariff: “The Concept of Place and Sense of Place in Ar"itectural Studies”, World Academy of Science, Engineering and Te%nology, International Journal of Humanities and Social Science, Vol: 5, No. 8, 2011, pp. 1054-1060. 93 T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R 129 are not, the quality of the intervention that urban designers can make will create a considerable difference. The feeling of space is only a judgment that can be given by those who live in that space. Hence, interventions to be made in spaces that are places can only develop the existing feeling of space through participatory processes to a limited extent. As a matter of fact, this was the path taken in those parts of the Izmir-Deniz project that carried the character of place. In those areas which do not carry the character of place, there is no such value that has been formed. The dynamics of these quarters have not yet created such a value. Under these circumstances, the aim of the intervention from outside will be the preparatory work of building an environment that can create the feeling of place here in the future. This is the path that was taken in those areas of the Izmir-Deniz project that do not have the character of place. III.4.4. Increasing the Social Capital in the City and Ensuring That Power Is No Longer Something That Is Captured, But Is Constructed from Within Social Relations The possession by the denizens of Izmir of a living culture of coexistence armed with a high capacity of developing inter-subjective judgments leads, on the one hand, to the generation of loyalty to the places where people live and raises “quality of life” through the creation of interactive public spheres and non-fragmented communities, and boosts, on the other hand, Izmir’s social and economic performance. From this angle, the most significant distinction that is created in Izmir relative to other parts of Turkey is that being in power in a local government has been transformed from something that is captured through votes based on loyalties engendered by the conversion of certain groups into “the other”, to something that is constructed upon inter-subjective values. In such a political public sphere, post-truth politics loses its impact. The fact that it has become possible for political power to be formed through inter-subjective compromise raises the confidence felt in people and increases the social capital of Izmir. This, in turn, creates an environment favourable to the raising of “quality of life”, on the one hand, and augments, on the other, the capacity for cooperation of different stakeholders . The culture of coexistence that has developed in Izmir facilitates the integration of the immigrants that have arrived in Izmir into the lifestyle of the city. Thanks to this, the new inhabitants of Izmir are not hard put to feel loyalty to the city. In such a local environment it is easy to create a consensus on what the problems faced by the society in which people are living might be and the solution to these problems and the kind of practice that is necessary for this solution. In such an environment, it might be said, the path of transition to a local democracy that respects human dignity and is creative and participatory is shortened. IV. IN CONCLUDING We have come to the end of drafting the Izmir Model. This is but a model. The 130 T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R writing of this does not imply the narration of something that has gone on and is now over. On the contrary, we are trying to open a door to the practices of the future. In a certain sense, it is a search for a new beginning, for hope. The Izmir Model developed here tries to show the way forward for future behaviour and future action. This work should not be seen as a watertight recipe that is trying to imprison the future within its own confines. It should be conceived as a general framework with a vision, formed on the basis of confidence in people and their creativity. Not a framework that closes the horizon of creativity, but one that opens up a path. Only under such conditions can this be a hope for people and work towards the making of a satisfactory life for them. Of course, consistency between the intervention variables and the results aimed for has been sought in the drawing up of the “Izmir Model”. It has been necessary to resort to a certain level of abstraction in order to reach that kind of consistency. But it should not be concluded that this abstraction erases the emotional aspect of the variables. What is expected from this model is becoming an appeal that energises rather than being an exercise in abstraction. This model is a plea for Being Human-Centred, Respecting Human Dignity, Being an Active and Participating Citizen Respecting Labour and Innovation Developing the Living Culture of Coexistence, Sharing the Excitement of Producing All Together. May those who respond to this call be many. 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Yaldız, Ümit: “İzmir Büyükşehir Belediyesi’nin Merkezi Hükümetle İlişki Kurma Biçimi”, İzmir Modeli Çalışmaları İkinci Kitap: İzmir Büyükşehir Belediyesi’nin Yönetim Stratejileri, İzmir, 2018, pp. 20-62. Yücel Gier, Güzel; Arısoy, Yalçın; Pazı, İdil Erden: “A Spatial Analysis of Fish Farming in the Context of ICZM in the Bay of İzmir Turkey, Coastal Management, 38, pp. 399-411. Yücel Gier, Güzel; Neşer, Gökdeniz: “Körfezi Yeniden Canlandırma İzmir İçin Yeniden İşlevlendirme Projesi”, İzmir Modeli Çalışmaları Üçüncü Kitap: İzmir Büyükşehir Belediyesi’nin Yerel Kalkınma, Çevre ve Altyapı Sağlamadaki Performansları, İzmir, 2018, pp. 292-321. Zengin, Ozan: “Büyükşehir Belediyesi Sisteminin Dönüşümü Son On yılın Değerlendirilmesi”, Ankara Barosu Dergisi, 2014, No. 2. Hürriyet, “İzmir’e Çevre Dostu Şehir Ödülü”, 9 December 2017. (Accessed on 17.07.2018 http:// www.hurriyet.com.tr/izmire-cevre-dostu-sehir-odulu-40672821). www.izmeda.org/Pages/Hakkimizda.aspx?id=2 (Accessed on 12.07.2018). https://ec.europa.eu/eurostat/statistics-explained/index.php/Glossary:Technological_ innovation. (Accessed on 10.10.2018 T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R 135 THOSE WHO CONTRIBUTED TO THE WORK ON THE IZMIR MODEL Adnan ÇELİKKAL, Prof. Dr. Adnan KAPLAN, Ahmet TOMAR, Ahsen DÜŞENKALKAN, Alaattin YÜKSEL, Ali Ekber YILDIRIM, Ali MURATHAN, Ali Serdar PEDÜKÇOŞKUN, Aliosman KURTULUŞ, Prof. Dr. Alp Yücel KAYA, Alper DOĞRUÖZ, Doç. Dr. Alper DUMAN, Prof. Dr. Alper BABA, Arda ŞEKERCİOĞLU, Ayça ATEŞER, Aydın GÜZHAN, Ayhan KELEŞ, Prof. Dr. Ayla OĞUŞ BİNATLI, Aysel ÖZKAN, Dr. Ayselin YILDIZ, Ayşe Arzu ÖZÇELİK, Ayşe Suzan GÖK, Prof. Dr. Ayşe FİLİBELİ, Dr. Ayşegül SABUKTAY, Ayşen KALPALI, Aytuğ BALCIOĞLU, Aziz KOCAOĞLU, Banu DAYANGAÇ, Barış KARCI, Başak IŞIKLAR, Başak SOMUNCU, Behiye Fügen SELVİTOPU, Dr. Bergüzar ÖZBAHÇECİ, Berna ATAMAN OFLAS, Betül AKSOY, Borga KANTÜRK, Dr. Buğra GÖKÇE, Burcu SUNGUR, Prof. Dr. Burçin ÇOKUYSAL, Prof. Dr. Burhan ŞENATALAR, Bülent TANIK, Dr. Can ÖZCAN, Prof. Dr. Canan ABAY, Prof. Dr. Canan BALKIR, Çiğdem AŞICI, Dr. Değer ERYAL, Deniz ÇABA, Doç. Dr. Deniz GÜNER, Derya GİRGİN SÜMER, Didem YAYGEL, Dr. Dilek AKYALÇIN KAYA, Durrin SÜER, Dursun KARADAĞ, Duygu ERSİN, Dr. Elif KOCABIYIK, Emel Ayfer NAKIPOĞLU, Emin Özgün TÜRKBAY, Doç. Dr. Emine YETİŞKUL ŞENBİL, Emine SEBZECİ, Erhan BEY, Erkan ARSU, Ersoy SÜMERKAN, Ertuğrul TUGAY, Dr. Faruk GÜLER, Faruk İŞGENÇ, Fatma Pelin YENİGÜN DİLEK, Fatma TAŞKENT, Fatma TUNÇ KÖPRÜLÜ, Fazıl ÖLÇER, Prof. Dr. Feride AKSU TANIK, Prof. Dr. Fikret ADAMAN, Prof. Dr. Fikret TOKSÖZ, Filiz ECZACIBAŞI SARPER, Prof. Dr. Filiz KÜÇÜKSEZGİN, Fitnat Perihan UTAN, Funda ERKAL ÖZTÜRK, Gonca KAYAALP, Gökçe SÜVARİ, Prof. Dr. Gökdeniz NEŞER, Prof. Dr. Gökhan ORHAN, Gülay DEMİRCİOĞLU, Güler SAĞIT, Güven İNCİRLİOĞLU, Doç. Dr. Güzel YÜCEL GİER, Güzin ÖZBAŞ, Hakan ALPSOYKAN, Hakan ÖZTÜRK, Prof. Dr. Halil ŞEN, Haluk KARABULUT, Hamdi Ziya AYDIN, Handan ERİŞ, Hande ARSLANALP, Dr. Hasibe VELİBEYOĞLU, Hilmiye ÇARIKÇI, Hülya ARKON, Hülya ŞAHİN, Hüseyin KIRMIZI, Irmak YILMAZ, İbrahim ERDALLI, Prof. Dr. İlhan TEKELİ, İsmail DÜLGER, İsmail MUTAF, Kader SERTPOYRAZ, Kadir Efe ORUÇ, Kadir YILDIZ, Prof. Dr. Kayıhan PALA, Doç. Dr. Koray VELİBEYOĞLU, Prof. Dr. Korel GÖYMEN, Kübra ÇAKAR, Doç. Dr. Levent KIDAK, Levent İŞLER, Lütfi ÜNAL, Mehmet URAL, M. Selçuk BİLGİ, Mahmut ESKİYÖRÜK, Mahmut TÜRKMENOĞLU, Mehmet Oğuz ERGENEKON, Mehmet SAYAR, Mehmet Seçkin MUTLU, Prof. Dr. Mehmet ZENCİR, Prof. Dr. Meltem ÇİÇEKLİOĞLU, Meral ÇOBAN, Mert YAYGEL, Metin KILINÇ, Prof. Dr. Metin ŞENBİL, Murat GİLGİL, Murat MOLVA, Murat VARLIORPAK, Prof. Dr. Murat BOYACI, Prof. Dr. Murat YERCAN, Prof. Dr. Mustafa BALCA, Dr. Mustafa BAYIK, Doç. Dr. Mustafa K. BAYIRBAĞ, Mustafa KAPÇI, Mustafa Kubilay YILDIRIM, Mustafa KÜLAHÇIOĞLU, Nazlı ÖZKAYNAK, Nedim ÖRÜN, Prof. Dr. Nejat ÇOŞKUN, Neşe DUYGUN, Nilgün CEYHAN, Nuran ALTUN, Prof. Dr. Oğuz ESEN, Prof. Dr. Oğuz OYAN, Dr. Onur MENGİ, Doç. Dr. Orhan GÜNDÜZ, Ozan TANOBA, Ömer KIZILENİŞ, Prof. Dr. Ömer Faruk ÇOLAK, Özge BAYRAK, Özgür AKKAVAK, Özlem TUĞAÇ, Dr. Pınar MERİÇ, Raif CANBEK, Reşat YÖRÜK, Rümeysa ÖZGEN, Dr. Sadun EMREALP, Sarp KESKİNER, Sayım ULUTAŞ, Seda TUFAN, Seha ÖZMEN, Selçuk SAVCI, Sema ÖVGÜN, Doç. Dr. Semahat ÖZDEMİR, Senem YAZICI, Serdar YÜCEL, Doç. Dr. Serhan ADA, Prof. Dr. Serhan TANYEL, Serpil BARAN, Serpil KESKİN, Serpil ÖTÜCÜ, Seyhan TOTUK, Prof. Dr. Sezai GÖKSU, Sibel ÇOBAN, Sinem SAVTEKİN, Sönmez ALEV, Suphi ŞAHİN, Prof. Dr. Şafak TANER, Doç. Dr. Şebnem GÖKÇEN, Şehnaz AYDIN, Şervan ALPŞEN, Şevket TÜRKEL, Prof. Dr. Şevkinaz GÜMÜŞOĞLU, Şule KÖK, Prof. Dr. Şükrü BEŞİKTEPE, Doç. Dr. Tanyel ÖZELÇİ ECERAL, Tayfun SERHAN, Tevfik TOZKOPARAN, Dr. Tolga ÇİLİNGİR, Tufan EKER, Turgay AKKAYA, Tülay YILMAZ, Ufuk YILMAZ, Uğur YÜCE, Utku ARSLAN, Prof. Dr. Uygur KOCABAŞOĞLU, Prof. Dr. Ümit ATABEK, Prof. Dr. Ümit ERDEM, Ümit YALDIZ, Vehbi DURDU, Prof. Dr. Yaşar UYSAL, Yeşim VARDAR, Yıldırım ŞAHİNER, Yıldız DEVRAN, Prof. Dr. Yusuf KURUCU, Prof. Dr. Zafer TOSUNOĞLU, Zeliha DEMİREL, Dr. Zeynep Durmuş ARSAN 136 T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R İLHAN TEKELİ Born in Izmir in 1937. Completed his primary and secondary schooling in Izmir. Graduated from the Izmir Atatürk High School in 1955 and from the Department of Civil Engineering of Istanbul Technical University in 1960. He received a Master’s Degree from the Middle East Technical University in Urban and Regional Planning in 1964 and another Master’s Degree from Pennsylvania University, Department of Regional Planning in 1966. He received his doctoral degree from Istanbul Technical University in Urban Planning in 1968. Since 1970 he has been teaching at the Department of Urban and Regional Planning of the Middle East Technical University. He has taught at various universities abroad as visiting professor. Having served as member of advisory boards at many municipalities and other institutions, Tekeli is a founding member of the World Academy of Local Government and Democracy (WALD) and has served as the founding president of the Turkey Economic and Social History Foundation. Between 2004 and 2008 he acted as member of the Higher Education Board (YÖK) General Assembly. Since 2009 he has been serving as advisor to the mayor at the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality. He is the Founding Honorary President and Member of the Scientific Committee and of the Steering Committee of the Izmir Mediterranean Academy, formed within the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality. He has published more than one hundred books in various languages and more than 650 scholarly articles and conference papers. He has been granted many awards, including the Mustafa Parlar Award for Superior Achievement in Education, the TÜBİTAK Service Award in 2006, as well as the Contribution to Architecture and the Sakıp Sabancı awards T H E I Z M I R M O D E L PR O P O SA L FO R A D E M O C R AT I C M U N I C I PA L M O D E L FO R IZM I R 137