Rights and criminal justice
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Volume 20 - Issue
18, August 30 September 12, 2003
India's National Magazine
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Rights and criminal justice
SIDDHARTH NARRAIN
The bulk of the Malimath Committee recommendations revolve
around the idea that whittling down the rights of the accused and
increasing the rate of convictions will help tackle crime.
"Everything has been said already,
but as no one listens, we must
always begin again."
Andre Gide, French thinker and writer.
THE report of the Committee on Reforms of the Criminal Justice
System, or the Justice Malimath Committee, opens with this quote
from Andre Gide, which seems to find an echo in the committee's
deliberations. It sent a detailed questionnaire to 3,164 persons across
the country, including lawyers, police officers, government officials,
forensic scientists and legal academics. Just 284 responded, and some
among them are bitter that their suggestions have been ignored in the
report.
"I sent a series of recommendations that have been ignored," said
former Chief Justice of India A.M. Ahmadi. "What is the process by
which they have taken into account responses to the questionnaire?"
he asked.
The Committee, headed by Justice V.S. Malimath, former Chief
Justice of the Karnataka and Kerala High Courts, had the task of
examining the fundamental principles of criminal law so as to restore
confidence in the criminal justice system. This involved reviewing the
Code of Criminal Procedure (CrPC), 1973, the Indian Evidence Act,
1872, and the Indian Penal Code (IPC), 1860.
It began its work in November 2000, when it was constituted by the
Home Ministry, and submitted its report to Deputy Prime Minister
L.K. Advani, who is also in charge of the Home portfolio, on April
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21, 2003. The six-member Committee included S. Varadachary,
former Adviser to the Planning Commission of India, Amitabh Gupta,
former Director-General of Police, Rajasthan, Durgadas Gupta, Joint
Secretary in the Ministry of Home Affairs, D.V. Subba Rao,
Chairman of the Bar Council of India, and N.R. Madhava Menon,
Vice-Chancellor of the West Bengal National University of Juridical
Sciences.
The government has maintainted silence on the implementation of the
report but the Union Cabinet announced its decision to draft a law to
amend the CrPC. The decision came after the Supreme Court asked
the government, while hearing the Gujarat Best Bakery case, about
the steps it had taken to implement the committee's recommendations,
specifically those on protecting witnesses.
One of the first responses to the Report was a conference in Delhi
held jointly by the International Commission of Jurists and the
Human Rights Law Network. Said Colin Gonsalves, a lawyer from
the Human Rights Law Network: "The recommendations are like a
sugar-coated pill. Though there are a few welcome changes, the core
recommendations are dangerous and will lead to reconstructing
criminal law. The report has not been circulated and most of the
participants in the conference, including senior Judges and lawyers,
have not been able to get hold of a copy."
The 158 recommendations of the committee, arrived at after
examining several national systems of criminal law, especially the
continental European systems, essentially propose a shift from an
adversarial criminal justice system, where the respective versions of
the facts are presented by the prosecution and the defence before a
neutral judge, to an inquisitorial system, where the objective is the
"quest for truth" and the judicial officer controls the investigation of
offences.
While suggesting that the present adversarial system be made
inquisitorial, the report does not take into account the increased
burden on the court and the need for far greater infrastructure that
such a shift would entail. In the inquisitorial system as followed in
Germany and France there are moves to incorporate features of the
adversarial system. In fact, the French system had come in for
criticism in recent times. Given these facts and the practical
difficulties involved, the working of the inquisitorial system has to be
studied in detail before it can be incorporated into our system.
The Report, which Ahmadi labelled "pro-police", suggests that the
special powers the police have under legislation such as the
Prevention of Terrorism Act (POTA) should be extended into general
criminal law. It recommends that the "presumption of innocence"
under the present system and the need to establish the guilt of the
accused "beyond reasonable doubt" be replaced with the lower
standard of "the court's conviction". This is in accordance with the
committee's belief that proof "beyond reasonable doubt" places a very
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heavy burden on the prosecution.
The absence of any reference to the right of the accused to a fair trial
in the suggested preamble to the CrPC is based on the committee's
belief that the criminal justice system has too many loopholes, which
afford the accused several avenues of escape. In the committee's view,
"the accused nowadays are more educated and well-informed and use
sophisticated weapons and advanced techniques to commit offences
without leaving any trace of evidence."
Its report has suggested the dilution of many of the pre-trial
safeguards against violence in police custody that an accused has. For
instance, it seeks to double the 90-day period available for filing a
charge-sheet after which an accused can be released on bail. It also
recommends that the permissible 15-day police remand of an accused
be doubled for grave offences.
It also seeks to curtail an accused person's right to silence under
Article 20(3) of the Constitution, which guarantees the right against
self-incrimination, by amending Section 313 of the CrPC. The
amended Section would allow the court to draw adverse inferences,
which it considers proper under the circumstances, about an accused
person's silence to a question put by the court, which he or she is
under no compulsion by law to answer.
The Committee has suggested that Section 25 of the Indian Evidence
Act be amended to bring it in line with Section 32 of POTA, which
makes confessions to a police officer admissible as evidence subject
to the accused being informed of the right to consult a lawyer. In
effect, this suggestion will enable confessions extracted under duress
to be used as evidence against the accused. Said Navkiran Singh, an
advocate who practises in the Punjab and Haryana High Court: "Most
magistrates are dependent on the police for day-to-day affairs and
there is a deep nexus between the police and the magistrate. Usually
there is no lawyer available to the accused at the time of the remand
proceedings. So what type of system are we talking about? And how
can the police be given the power to record a confession?"
The report also seeks to amend Section 54 of the Indian Evidence Act
to make admissible evidence regarding the character of the witness.
This move is widely seen to be in violation of all international norms,
but is justified by the committee thus: "Evidence regarding good
character of the accused may show that he is not likely to have
committed the offence. Logically, it follows that the evidence of bad
character may show that he is more likely to commit the offence."
The committee has suggested that specific provisions be incorporated
in the CrPC and the Indian Evidence Act to enable a magistrate to
order an accused to give samples of handwriting, fingerprints and
footprints for purposes of scientific examination. It also provides for
provisions similar to those in POTA to intercept electronic or oral
communication.
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Four of the 16 research papers used by the committee in the drafting
process were written by police officers, including one by K.P.S. Gill,
former Director-General of Police, Punjab, on terrorism. Any
impediment to the "quest for truth" has to be eliminated, the report
says, and recommends that the accused be asked to disclose at the
initial stage of the re-trial the special exception he or she claims and
also be made to file a defence statement once the prosecution
statement is filed. Along with the defence statement, the accused
would have to file the documents he or she relies on and the list of
witnesses proposed to be examined.
The political colour of the document is revealed in the section on
terrorism, which emphasises that terrorism caused by Islamic
fundamentalists is the most serious threat facing the country today but
completely ignores majority fundamentalism. It says: "The terrorists
continue to attack vulnerable targets, including members of the
minority community and political activists."
What India is facing in Jammu and Kashmir "is not insurgency or
indigenous militancy but a clandestine or proxy war by Pakistan,
which is the epicentre of terrorism". The report states that "misguided
youth" in Kashmir become militants, but ignores the socio-political
origins of the insurgency in Kashmir, the massive scale of
disappearances, custodial deaths and the possibilities of the state
misusing such harsh laws.
THE shortcomings in the criminal justice system have engaged the
attention of the Supreme Court in a series of cases since the 1970s,
including Hussainara Khatoon vs Home Secretary, Bihar, Sunil Batra
vs Delhi Administration and Common Cause vs Union of India. The
Supreme Court even laid down detailed guidelines on arrest and
detention in D.K. Basu vs Union of India (1996).
Eight reports of the National Police Commission (NPC), produced
between 1979 and 1981, have suggested several measures to minimise
political interference in the functioning of the police, reduce the
incidence of torture in police custody and to make the police
accountable by withdrawing the immunity they enjoy against
prosecution. There are also recommendations of the National Human
Rights Commission (NHRC) to reform the criminal justice system
using a human rights approach. In 1997 the NHRC sent a circular to
State governments suggesting that investigations into encounter
killings be made mandatory.
While speedy trials, fast-track courts, the huge undertrial population,
and access to courts have been part of the debate on the reforms
relating to the criminal justice system, the Malimath Committee
seems to have concentrated on the rights of the victim. It mentions the
need to formulate a witness protection programme, reclassify
offences, and involve the victim in all stages of the trial, but these
concerns are driven by the threat of terrorists, organised and white
collar criminals, and what it claims is pressure from civil society to
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convict more people.
The committee has addressed the issues of compensation to victims,
something the Supreme Court has been talking of for a while now. It
mentions the need for a Victim Support Service Coordinator to work
closely with the police and courts to ensure delivery of justice during
the pendency of the case. It also talks of economic crimes and
organised crime, but only in passing.
On the question of making investigations more effective, it suggests
the setting up of a State Security Commission, as recommended by
the NPC, to insulate the police from political pressure. But the
suggestion to create the post of Director of Prosecution and appoint a
police officer to it carries the risk of putting the police in control of
the criminal justice system.
The recommendations on offences against women ignores the
struggles and suggestions of the women's movements. These
suggestions include the drafting of a law on sexual assault, a law to
deal with child sexual abuse, criminalising marital rape and
decriminalising homosexuality. The women's movements have also
been demanding a law to regulate the conduct of trials of cases of
child sexual abuse. The committee seems to have ignored the demand
to do away with the definition of molestation in the IPC, which even
today talks of outraging the modesty of a woman. Instead, it suggests
that adultery be made punishable for the wife too to "preserve the
sanctity of marriage".
The positive recommendations, such as expanding the definition of
rape to include all forms of forcible penetration, are eclipsed by the
indifference to most of the concerns of the women's movements. The
committee does not favour the death penalty for rapists. In fact, the
report states that wherever the death penalty is a possible punishment
it should be replaced with life imprisonment without commutation or
remission.
Crimes against members of the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled
Tribes do not find mention in the report, though the committee held a
consultation on the "Criminal Justice System and Dalits" in Kolkata.
The plight of undertrials - 74 per cent of the total population in
prisons, according to the NHRC's custodial justice cell - and issues of
non-criminal lunatics, the misuse of the lunacy Act, the mental health
Act and the State police Act have been bypassed in the report.
The bulk of the recommendations revolve around the idea that
whittling down the rights of the accused and increasing the rate of
convictions will help tackle crime. But can the reform of criminal law
based on this assumption correct social imbalances? "The vast
majority of prisoners in the country today are there because they
cannot afford to get out," said Usha Ramanathan, a legal academic.
The committee does not address this social reality but it sees the role
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of the criminal justice system as one of reducing the level of
criminality in society by ensuring the "maximum detection of
reported crimes, conviction of an accused person without delay,
awarding appropriate punishments to the convicted to meet the ends
of justice and to prevent recidivism".
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