The Modi Mystery – Foreign Policy
25/5/19, 7)50 PM
ARGUMENT
The Modi Mystery
Poor economic performance should have hurt the prime minister at
the polls. Instead, appeals to nationalism won him the vote.
BY SUMIT GANGULY, HIMANSHU JHA, RAHUL MUKHERJI | MAY 25, 2019, 12:03 PM
B
y many measures, Narendra Modi shouldn’t have won another term
as prime minister. Based on leaked data, India’s unemployment rate
is as high as 6.1. (Modi has refused to release the official figures.) An
abrupt demonetization in 2016 took as much as 86 percent of all currency
out of circulation, causing extraordinary hardship for the vast majority of
the population. And a goods and services tax that the government
haphazardly rolled out in 2017 wreaked havoc on small businesses.
Yet citizens nevertheless voted in droves to given Modi another term—a
victory made all the more remarkable by the fact that, in India, incumbent
governments typically lose. In the absence of robust exit polling data, it is
only possible to speculate about the reasons for this surprising electoral
outcome. However, available data provides some useful clues.
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The Modi Mystery – Foreign Policy
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Before this year, turnout for most Indian national elections hovered around
60 percent or slightly less. On this occasion, turnout was as high as 67.11
percent of 900 million eligible voters. Of that, Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party
(BJP) garnered around 37.4 percent of the vote—better than its showing in
the last national election—and won an absolute majority of seats in
Parliament. In contrast, the main opposition party, the Indian National
Congress, received a mere 19.5 percent of the votes. This marks its lowest
showing in a national election in the last two decades.
These numbers point to a deft, but
potentially dangerous, electoral
strategy. Almost immediately after
winning the election, Modi, in a
nationally televised speech, made
it abundantly clear that secularism
as an idea had become irrelevant.
In a nationally televised
speech, Modi made it
abundantly clear that
secularism as an idea had
become irrelevant.
During his campaign, Modi had
tapped into anxieties among much of the population about illegal
immigration, national security, and terrorism. By all appearances, it worked.
For its part, the Congress party’s electoral strategy had three fatal flaws.
First, it failed to proffer a viable alternative leader. Its choice, Rahul Gandhi,
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a member of the Nehru-Gandhi family, lacked political savvy and charisma.
Second, the party had trouble forging a viable alliance with smaller regional
parties that could have won it greater vote share. For example, the Congress
party never joined hands with the Aam Aadmi Party in New Delhi, and it
spurned opportunities to partner with the Samajwadi Party or the Bahujan
Samaj Party in India’s most populous state, Uttar Pradesh. Finally, the party
ignored two states, Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh, where it had enjoyed
recent electoral successes and believed its standing was secure. It wasn’t—
Congress faced an electoral rout in both states, as well as in New Delhi.
Beyond those failings, the Congress party failed to come up with a
compelling answer to Modi’s brand of charisma, his skillful use of social
media, and his nationalist appeals, which turned the tide against Congress’s
vision of a pluralistic and secular India. Indian secularism, unlike the
Western variant, has never required a strict separation between the state and
religion. Instead it has been based on the principle of equal respect for all
faiths.
The BJP, however, reflects a very different understanding of the relationship
between religion and the state. Under Modi’s tutelage, the party has come to
embrace a parochial vision of Hinduism. In this vision, Muslims are
considered only quasi-citizens, since they have putative homes in the
Muslim-majority nations of Bangladesh and Pakistan.
Mohan Bhagwat, the head of the party’s ideological wing, the Rashtriya
Swayamsevak Sangh, has said citizens of India are, by definition, Hindu.
And the BJP using an ordinance of the census, the National Register of
Citizens, excluded significant numbers of minorities from the electoral rolls
in the border state of Assam. Such moves are indicative of the BJP’s
exclusionary national vision.
Other episodes underscored the BJP’s anti-Muslim outlook as well. In
February, a Kashmiri Muslim was implicated in a Pakistan-based terrorist
attack on Pulwama in the Indian-controlled portion of Jammu and Kashmir.
A number of vigilante attacks on Kashmiri Muslims in other parts of India
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The Modi Mystery – Foreign Policy
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followed. Modi maintained a deafening silence about these incidents.
The BJP’s electoral strategy resonated with substantial portions of the
electorate. For example, in the state of West Bengal, the BJP won as many as
18 seats. It took substantial support away from a dominant regional party,
the All India Trinamool Congress, by hammering away at the issue of illegal
immigration from Bangladesh. The Trinamool Congress had been mostly in
denial about the vexing question of illegal immigration. Meanwhile, the
Trinamool chief minister, Mamata Banerjee, did little to curb the activities
of the more radical Muslim leaders within her party, some of whom are
believed to have transnational Islamist ties.
Over the next few years, with a majority in Parliament and facing a fractured
opposition, the BJP may seek to institutionalize its vision of Hindu
nationalism. Whether the Indian public embraces the BJP’s ideology will
determine the fate of the country’s democracy, unless a new leadership
emerges that might offer a pathway back to India’s commitment to
pluralism.
Sumit Ganguly is a distinguished professor of political science and the Rabindranath Tagore
chair in Indian cultures and civilizations at Indiana University, Bloomington.
Himanshu Jha is a lecturer and research fellow in the political science department at
Heidelberg University’s South Asia Institute.
Rahul Mukherji is a professor and head of the political science department at Heidelberg
University’s South Asia Institute.
TAGS: ARGUMENT, ELECTIONS, INDIA, NARENDRA MODI, SOUTH ASIA
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