Reviews
Editorial note: this review is the first of a series covering art-historical
publications outside the Anglophone context. Each review will focus on
a major language group. The aim is to broaden the linguistic purview
of the Art History reviews section and, in the process, to help readers
keep abreast of how our discipline is practised across the world. Each
author has been invited to identify and evaluate recent, important
publications in the relevant language but also to consider the impact that
linguistic and other divides has on the practices and institutions of art
history.
Why Have There Been
No Great PortugueseLanguage Art Historians?
Rafael Cardoso
The reference to the title of Linda Nochlin’s celebrated
1971 essay, ‘Why have there been no great women
artists?’, is neither facetious nor gratuitous. Following
her cue, I will argue here that the deficiencies of arthistorical writing in the Portuguese language are a
matter of institutional structures. Like the so-called
‘woman problem’ posited by Nochlin nearly half a
century ago, the answer lies in the wrong-headedness
of the question. At the outset of her text, Nochlin
concedes: ‘The fact of the matter is that there have
been no supremely great women artists […] no matter
how much we might wish there had been.’1 I will
mimic her provocation and assert that there have been
no great Portuguese-language art historians. That is
only my opinion, of course, and commands no more
credence than that of any other scholar who reads
Portuguese. I should further qualify this negative
© Association for Art History 2019
judgement with the proviso that my measure of
greatness is the highest possible. Like Nochlin, when I
say great, I mean supremely great – exhibiting a level
of accomplishment on a par with those art historians,
past and present, who set the standard for the field.
There are many excellent and even outstanding
Portuguese-language art historians whose work is
routinely overlooked. To list them all is beyond the
capacity of any single author or essay.2
When the editors of Art History approached me with
the remit of producing a critical evaluation of recent and
current art-historical trends in the Portuguese language,
my first instinct was to wriggle out of it. Not that I
disagree with the project of broadening the readership’s
geographical boundaries. It is an admirable one, and
I fully support the contention that linguistic barriers
hinder access to valuable material. Given the present
turn towards ‘global art history’ and ‘world art studies’,
it is somewhat ironic that such world histories must be
written in English (or, at a stretch, French or German)
if they are to be read by a wider audience. What a recent
author has termed ‘the monolingualism of the global’
– to refer figuratively to the misguided ways in which
contemporary exhibition practices tend to appropriate
so-called outsider art – must also be considered on a
more literal level.3 From a structural standpoint, the
hegemony of English not only preserves the colonial
hierarchies that global studies were meant to challenge,
it also gives an unfair advantage to native speakers,
especially those who operate effortlessly in either US or
UK standard English.
Despite worthy motives for undertaking the task,
however, the idea of separating art-historical writing
by linguistic communities is deeply problematic,
particularly when those communities are large and
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diverse. Portuguese is among the most widely spoken
languages in the world – by approximately 230 million
people (though the reading public is considerably
smaller) – and is an official language in ten countries
across four continents. The very idea of ‘Portugueselanguage art history’ only makes sense when viewed
from the outside. The two most influential Lusophone
countries, Portugal and Brazil, are separated by linguistic
and commercial disputes significant enough that the
books and periodicals published in one are not usually
read in the other. The remaining countries where
Portuguese is spoken – Angola, Cape Verde, East Timor,
Equatorial Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, Macau, Mozambique,
São Tomé e Príncipe – are often relegated to a marginal
position, neatly elided by the dash in ‘Luso-Brazilian
studies’. To lump these very diverse cultural contexts
together is a guaranteed step to misunderstanding the
specificities that make them what they are.
My first concern was not to be blinkered by my
own prejudices as a Brazilian art historian working
on nineteenth- and twentieth-century Brazil. These
include the facts that I know little about art history in
Portugal and even less of other Lusophone countries.
With the intention of countering my ignorance,
I devised a simple questionnaire and sent it out to
approximately sixty colleagues, mostly in Portugal and
most of whom I have never met. That I was unable to
locate a single art historian in Africa or Asia to whom I
could address such a survey was a distressing reminder
of the flaws in this attempt at statistical relevance. Four
questions were posed: (1) Please cite texts written
originally in Portuguese that contributed decisively to
your understanding of art history; (2) Is there any text
in Portuguese that you consider every art historian
should read? If so, which? (3) In your opinion, are
there any theoretical or methodological contributions
to the field of art history specific to the Portuguesespeaking context or arising from it? If so, what?
(4) What is the major challenge, in your opinion, to
achieving greater integration of Portuguese-language
writings into a global or world history of art? I received
seven questionnaires back: two from Portugal and
five from Brazil.4 Hardly a representative cross-section,
but an indicator of the many pitfalls in the way
of marshalling a unified position for ‘Lusophone
art history’.
The answers given to the first and second questions
were telling, in so far as they reveal a general lack of
consensus on influences. Art historians of an older
generation – José-Augusto França, in Portugal, or
© Association for Art History 2019
Aracy A. Amaral, in Brazil – were referenced by only
one or two respondents.5 Several respondents cited
scholars from other disciplines, such as sociologist
Sérgio Miceli and literary historians Roberto Schwarz
and Nicolau Sevcenko.6 Historic cultural figures were
also referenced, including writer Oswald de Andrade
(1890–1954), architect Lúcio Costa (1902–98) and artist
Hélio Oiticica (1937–80), alongside art critics/theorists
such as Ronaldo Brito, Ferreira Gullar and Carlos Zilio.
The third question generated greater concurrence,
as most respondents agreed no such contribution
exists or hedged their replies around the difficulties of
evaluating writings in Portuguese as an aggregate. The
fourth question proved to be the most fruitful, eliciting
the fullest responses. Broadly speaking, they dwelt on
structural and institutional barriers that condition how
Portuguese-language authors negotiate relationships
with the art-historical mainstream. It is to such issues
of power and knowledge that I wish to address the
remainder of this essay. I will therefore retreat from the
first-person account employed so far and argue the point
in slightly more orthodox fashion.
The Universal and the Regional
Almost any object of study situated in nineteenthcentury Paris or twentieth-century New York may
be considered of ‘universal’ interest to historians of
modern art. Museums will not question whether it
would be a worthy topic for an exhibition; publishers
will not deny its claim to be treated monographically
as a book. The seemingly bottomless appetite for
impressionism is the most obvious example. Amazon.
com lists 90,934 results related to the term; 7,541 just
for books. A comparable object of study situated in São
Paulo or Lisbon will elicit nowhere near the response.
Antropofagia, arguably the best-known Brazilian artistic
movement of the modern period, registers a paltry 216
search results on Amazon. Despite all that has changed
over the past twenty years in terms of decentring art
history, the magnitude of the imbalance is stark. To cite
another example, Andy Warhol (8,780 results) is still
much more marketable than Hélio Oiticica (91 results).
It’s not just Amazon. Artnet.com lists 33,058 auction
results for the former and fifty for the latter. The highest
result at auction for a Warhol is US$105 million; for an
Oiticica, US$615,000. Away from the vagaries of the
marketplace and closer to the heart of academic art
historians, Worldcat.org lists 16,785 book titles related
to the American artist; 863 for the Brazilian. By any
quantifiable indicator, Warhol is twenty to six hundred
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times more interesting than Oiticica. Other artists active
in the 1960s and 1970s who are not media celebrities
on a par with Warhol – Joseph Beuys, Dan Flavin,
Donald Judd, Yves Klein or Robert Smithson – similarly
outperform Oiticica in all the categories cited above,
from market prices to scholarly studies. And, of course,
it is even worse for women like Lygia Clark, Lygia Pape
or Mira Schendel.
The harsh reality of the global art world is that
national and linguistic origins still count a great deal.
An unspoken corollary of that fact is that they matter
for art historians too. Art markets impact museums and
publishers and these, in turn, filter academic output in
art history. Such influence takes place directly, through
boards and endowments, and indirectly, through
audience and press reception. A career-conscious
scholar – one who wants to publish a successful book or
curate a major exhibition – can ill afford to invest years
of research into a subject perceived by the institutional
art world as somehow peripheral. Thus, objects of
‘regional’ interest tend to generate less scholarly activity
than those recognized as ‘universal’. For an Englishspeaking art historian, or even a French or German one,
this is largely a matter of intellectual choice. Those who
are passionate enough about a subject – say, Portuguese
or Brazilian art – and are clever enough to acquire
a second (or, more often than not, third) language,
will probably be compensated for their efforts. The
academic landscape of the USA, Britain and a handful
of other countries is still sufficiently diverse that most
specialisms can be accommodated. The situation is very
different for art historians who happen to be born into
the periphery, who train and labour outside the world’s
advanced economies. No matter how mainstream the
topic they work on may be in their own country, the
Portuguese-language art historian moves towards the
margins as soon as s/he submits a paper to a conference
with a non-regional focus. Therein lies the vital role
of scholarly associations and journals dedicated to
Portuguese, Brazilian and Lusophone studies, without
which the disconnect would be even greater.7
As budgets for education and culture are slashed
worldwide, museums and publishers tend to become
even more forbidding gatekeepers for peripheral
objects trying to find their way into the mainstream.
The art market has proven to be comparatively flexible
in recent years, perhaps because it is not faced with a
corresponding decline in revenue. In late 2017 and early
2018, respectively, auction houses Sotheby’s and Phillips
announced the decision to integrate Latin American
© Association for Art History 2019
artists into their main sales of twentieth-century and
contemporary art.8 Following rising demand and
prices for artists like Carmen Herrera, Hélio Oiticica
and Mira Schendel, it makes economic sense to do so.
This development has much to do with the increased
presence of contemporary art from Latin America in
museum collections in Europe and the USA. The timing
cannot be dissociated from the generosity of the New
York- and Caracas-based Colección Patricia Phelps de
Cisneros in donating around 200 works to six museums,
including MoMA and the Museo Reina Sofia.9 The effect
on art history will surely be felt in years to come, as
works housed in these major institutional collections are
given curatorial attention, conservation efforts and even
improved conditions of reproduction and licensing.
Markets and institutions continually renew arthistorical canons, shaping each other through a process
of mutual reinforcement. Hélio Oiticica provides a
case study of how critics and curators may challenge
these canons and, in turn, how institutions can validate
and amplify a given art-historical position. Following
his death in 1980, Oiticica was not very well known
internationally, although much of his work had been
produced in New York. Even in Brazil, his stature
was nowhere near what it is today. The Projeto Hélio
Oiticica, founded in 1981 by the artist’s two brothers,
was originally a makeshift organization sustained by
friends and family, fellow artists and a few critics who
felt moved to preserve his legacy.10 Although Oiticica’s
reputation in Brazil grew over the 1980s, their efforts
were not substantially rewarded until much later.
In 1992, a retrospective exhibition was organized
by British critic Guy Brett, supported by a curatorial
team that included Catherine David (presently, deputy
director of the Musée National d’Art Moderne, Paris),
Chris Dercon (former director of Tate Modern), artist
and curator Luciano Figueiredo and artist Lygia Pape,
the latter both Brazilian.11 Between 1992 and 1994,
this show travelled through Rotterdam (Witte de With
Center), Paris (Galerie Nationale du Jeu de Paume),
Barcelona (Fundació Antoni Tàpies), Lisbon (Museu
Calouste Gulbenkian) and Minneapolis (Walker Art
Center), generating interest within the art world. A few
years later, in 1997, documenta X, curated by Catherine
David, dedicated a major space to Oiticica, in Kassel’s
Kulturbahnhof, and managed to relocate him at a
critical juncture in the development of contemporary
art – strategically paired with fellow Brazilian Lygia
Clark, shown in the Ottoneum – alongside Gerhard
Richter, Marcel Broodthaers, Hans Haacke and Gordon
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Matta-Clark, whose works anchored the main exhibition
in the Fridericianum.12 The tenth edition of documenta
galvanized critical attention and is today considered ‘a
paradigmatic moment in curatorial history for thinking
through the exhibition as a space of militant knowledge
production’.13 The rest is history, as a surge of Englishlanguage scholarship on Oiticica in recent years attests.
Limited as it may be when compared quantitatively
with contemporaries from other national and linguistic
backgrounds, the reinvention of Hélio Oiticica as a
‘universal’ artist is changing the face of art-historical
practice in Brazil. Whereas almost any other aspect of
Brazilian art is restricted to ‘regional’ forums, research
on Oiticica, Clark and the neo-concrete movement has
been thrust into the international limelight. Judging
from discussions of the subject in English, someone
ignorant of the history of Brazilian art might be forgiven
for thinking it began in 1959. The effect on students of
art history has been remarkable. A shift towards the
contemporary has taken place over the past decade, with
more and more research and publications dedicated
to tracing the linkages arising from that period.14 It is
true that a similar turn is under way in other national
contexts, as the 1960s and 1970s recede into the
historical distance. Nonetheless, in Brazil, interest in
the period is compounded by the fact that Oiticica and
Clark are the first local artists to carve out a place in
the ‘universal’ canon. It is already unthinkable that a
world history of art covering the past fifty years should
exclude them. The closest precedent, in the Brazilian
experience, is the status Oscar Niemeyer managed to
achieve in architectural history during his lifetime.15
This shift in the canon has not, however, spawned
increased interest in prior periods. There is no fast-track
that can suddenly propel older Brazilian objects and
topics into the mainstream of art-historical studies. For
other regions of the Lusophone world, the effects are
even more negligible, not to say non-existent.
The surge of interest in the neo-concrete movement
has, so far, generated scant dividends for the larger
project of decentring art history. The problem extends
beyond institutional structures, which are amenable to
change over time, however slow. It is ingrained in the
very nature of how art historians conceive of canons
and unified narratives. As Partha Mitter noted a decade
ago in his landmark essay ‘Decentering Modernism’,
the discipline of art history has been constructed
teleologically from Vasari and Winckelmann onwards
and outwards, taking for granted an ideology of progress
premised on embedded hierarchies of authority and
© Association for Art History 2019
value. These presuppose the precedence of established
power – and, indeed, perpetuate it – by interpreting
the timeless principle of transcultural exchange as
‘influence’, ‘derivation’ or ‘dependence’, according
to who is doing the borrowing from whom.16 No
amount of cherry-picking of artists from outside the
mainstream will alter the fundamental nature of the
canon-building process. Despite his newfound celebrity,
Oiticica is unlikely to become as canonical as, say,
Warhol. The neo-concrete movement may well come to
occupy a place in future histories of twentieth-century
art comparable to that of Mexican muralism in the
historical period immediately preceding it – that is, the
‘regional’ exception that bolsters the ‘universal’ rule.
To broaden the canon is, in a deeper sense, to reinforce
it. Mitter writes: ‘Despite its serious intentions, the
“universalist” project of art history remains trapped
within the constraints of Western epistemology,
which cannot be remedied by a culturally determined
self-reflexivity.’17 Writing a world history of art most
often revolves around the procedure of absorbing
the periphery into an a priori centre. No matter how
effusively that task is carried out, the fundamental
structural imbalance remains.
Writing Art History from the Periphery
All this discussion may seem to have little bearing
on the original question of why Portuguese-language
art history has produced no great authors or texts.
The preceding detour was necessary to establish a
few assumptions: (1) certain topics are considered of
universal importance, while others of merely regional
or localized interest; (2) universal value implies the
existence of underlying canons that justify inclusion or
exclusion in the larger narrative; (3) objects of regional
interest may be incorporated into a canon through
a process of renegotiating its boundaries; (4) the
nature of renegotiation suggests that a limited number
of arbiters are ultimately responsible for validating
changes; (5) these arbiters are almost exclusively
located in established centres of power in Western
Europe and the USA. Despite the appearance of greater
pluralism suggested by a term like ‘global studies’,
notions of centre and periphery retain their validity and
valence. This is obvious to any scholar working from
the periphery but, for logical reasons, is less visible to
those located in the centre(s). Structural aspects of the
reinvention of Hélio Oiticica, discussed in the preceding
section, serve to illustrate the point. The process was
led from outside Brazil and ultimately validated by a few
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key institutional players. Its ratification as art-historical
knowledge is currently proceeding through Englishlanguage publishers and universities. The scholars may
be Brazilian, non-Brazilian or some mixture of the two,
but the scholarship is unmistakably Anglo-American.
If an interpretation is not published in English, it is
probably not recognized as part of the state of the art.
The advantages of possessing a lingua franca
for scholarly debate are multiple and not worth
interrogating here. The disadvantages mostly have
to do with loss of diversity, as well as the silencing of
dissenting voices. Portuguese speakers may not always
agree with the learned opinion imposed on them from
abroad; but, if they are not entirely proficient in English,
their objections are easily ignored. Many Brazilian
scholars maintain a love/hate relationship with
brasilianistas – a term used to designate foreign scholars
who specialize in studying Brazil. On the one hand, they
appreciate that such colleagues can provide dialogue
and outside perspectives, as well as opening doors to
powerful institutions in the USA and Europe. On the
other, they deplore the ease with which misconstrued
information or even pilfered research can find its way
into the academic mainstream via such intermediaries.
Not everyone is a linguist, though, so mediation and
translation are important.18 Bilingual or bicultural
scholars (like the author of this text) are often called
upon to play such a role. Yet, this necessarily limits the
number and variety of voices heard. Plus, it inflects
readings away from discrepant or deviant approaches –
often the ones most productive of new knowledge. For
a Portuguese-language scholar to go against the grain of
prevailing thinking in English, s/he must first conform
to its standards. Even those who are comfortable
writing in both languages are faced with the dilemma
of choosing what to publish in which. The outcome of
this prior selection is a self-imposed demarcation of
knowledge according to strictures arising not from the
object of study but from expectations about intended
audiences, which may or may not be justified.
An even subtler, but potentially more egregious,
harm caused by the dominance of English is that it
dissuades scholars on the periphery from studying those
objects and topics considered of ‘universal’ importance.
Since the ‘canonical’ is historically the preserve of
intellectual lineages traced along national, linguistic
and even institutional lines, it takes no small audacity to
challenge the keepers of a canon in their own backyards.
Unlike the top tier of institutions in the US and UK
academic systems, which actively encourage students
© Association for Art History 2019
to become specialists in foreign languages and cultures,
Portuguese-language universities possess no comparable
tradition of conquering the wider world through
advanced research. Rather, students are mostly directed
to the local and regional contexts they know best. The
reasons for this parochialism are multiple. Scarcity of
funding and resources limits travel, acquisitions and
grants. University hiring largely takes place through
a system of civil service examination (concurso público)
which tends, both in Portugal and Brazil, to reward
endogenous candidates, resulting in an academic culture
distinctly less driven by innovation than conformity.
More broadly, the political history of Lusophone
countries over the past two centuries has veered
between nationalist ideologies and de facto subservience
to foreign powers, both of which hamper international
engagement on a high intellectual level. Whatever the
motives, it is comparatively unusual for a Portugueselanguage art historian to lay claim to a topic not directly
grounded in national or regional experience. The result
is a replication in the intellectual sphere of entrenched
structures of colonial power, in which there is a clear
division of labour between rulers and ruled.
Linguistic irrelevance is the ultimate spectre for
those who do not write English well. It is perfectly
conceivable that a Portuguese-language scholar could
author an important contribution to art history and
it would go unnoticed. If that sounds far-fetched, the
case of Hanna Levy-Deinhard provides an interesting
cautionary tale. Pressured by growing anti-Semitism,
Hanna Levy left her native Germany in 1933 and
continued art-historical studies at the Sorbonne, where
she successfully completed a doctoral dissertation on
Heinrich Wölfflin in 1936. In Paris, she was closely
associated with Max Raphael, with whom she coauthored a text on the sociology of art; and her work
drew the attention of Raymond Aron and Lionello
Venturi, among others. The elderly Wölfflin himself
read the dissertation and complained of its biting
criticisms.19 Levy moved to Brazil in 1937, where she
embarked on a career as a researcher in the newly
founded national heritage service, SPHAN, and
published ground-breaking texts on Brazilian colonial
painting. After 1948, she moved again, to New York,
where she taught at Bard College and the New School for
Social Research. The work she produced in Portuguese
between 1941 and 1952 remained virtually unknown
outside Brazil until very recently, when international
scholarship began to recover it and recognize its
importance, particularly in terms of redefining
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theoretical conceptions of the Baroque.20 The sixty-year
hiatus between its publication and belated reception by
the wider art-historical community begs the question of
how many other scholars fall through the cracks simply
because they belong to disempowered groupings – by
language, ethnicity, gender or, in the case of Hanna
Levy, all three.21
Levy-Deinhard’s biography represents an extreme
example of an excellent scholar penalized by lack of
a solid institutional foothold. In today’s much larger
and more interconnected academic world, works of
exceptional quality would not go similarly unrecognized
– or so we would like to think. The truth is probably
the opposite. With myriad journals and conferences
competing for attention, and the limited amount
anyone can read outside their specialism, the odds of
excellent work being overlooked are arguably greater,
particularly if that work is published in a language other
than English. The task of seeking out and promoting the
best art-historical writing in all languages is an urgent
one. At present, it is being carried out by only a very few
institutions, like the journal Art in Translation or the Getty
Foundation, whose ‘Connecting Art Histories’ initiative
has already done much ‘to strengthen art history
as a global discipline by fostering new intellectual
exchanges among scholars in targeted regions whose
economic or political realities have previously prevented
collaboration’.22 At the university level, art history
departments in the UK and US have been moving in the
right direction for some time: increasing diversity of
offerings on non-European subjects and hiring faculty
from different regions and backgrounds to bring in
necessary expertise. The difficulty is to sustain that
turn towards global studies and expand upon it, rather
than cutting back provision in response to dwindling
funding, resurgent nationalism, political strictures and
rising xenophobia.
The greatest challenge lies, perhaps, with museums
and publishers. How is it possible to produce more
exhibitions and books about topics long considered
marginal in an age when popularity, registered in
numbers of clicks, is more important than ever?
Recent shifts in audience preferences suggest there are
openings to be explored. Who could have predicted, a
few decades ago, that Amrita Sher-Gil or Alma Thomas
or Ben Enwonmu would achieve the popularity their
works are enjoying today? Markets can lead, as well as
follow, societal trends. Ultimately, though, it is more a
matter of collective resolve than economic constraints.
As legendary German publisher Samuel Fischer phrased
© Association for Art History 2019
it in an interview of 1914: ‘To impose new values on the
public, which it does not want, is the most important
and beautiful mission of the publisher.’23 If publishers
and museum directors do not actively seek to promote
a global understanding of art history, even against the
misgivings of marketing departments, then the ideas
that are shifting academic debate may never reach
larger audiences. People will continue to clamour for
more of what they know, rather than being delighted
by the discovery of things they never even suspected
existed. There is no shortage of fascinating subjects and
scholarship. Given a platform and an audience, some of
those art histories that have operated modestly in the
past might even come to produce something supremely
great.
Notes
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
Linda Nochlin, Women, Art, and Power and Other Essays, New York, 1989,
145–178.
For Brazil in the modern and contemporary periods, overviews
of recent art-historical writing can be found in the companion
volumes: Vera Beatriz Siqueira, Roberto Conduru, Maria Berbara, and
Marcelo Campos, eds, História da arte: Escutas and História da arte: Ensaios
contemporâneos, Rio de Janeiro, 2011. Many current authors writing on
the nineteenth century are represented in the four-volume series
of anthologies titled Oitocentos, edited by Arthur Valle, Camila Dazzi,
Ana M. T. Cavalcanti, Isabel Sanson Portella, and Rosangela da Silva
Jesus, and published in varying editorial configurations between 2008
and 2014. On the place of women in the nineteenth century, see Ana
Paula Cavalcanti Simioni, Profissão artista: Pintoras e escultoras acadêmicas
brasileiras, São Paulo, 2008. On Afro-Brazilian art and identity, see
Roberto Conduru, Pérolas negras, primeiros fios: Experiências artísticas e culturais
nos fluxos entre África e Brasil, Rio de Janeiro, 2013. For an introduction to
nineteenth- and early twentieth-century Brazilian art, see my A arte
brasileira em 25 quadros (1790–1930), Rio de Janeiro, 2008.
Kaira M. Cabañas, ‘O monolinguismo do global’, O Que Nos Faz Pensar, 26,
2017, 119–134.
The colleagues who replied to the questionnaire are: Luís Urbano
Afonso (Universidade de Lisboa), Maria Berbara (Universidade do
Estado do Rio de Janeiro), Guilherme Bueno (Universidade Federal
de Minas Gerais), Ana Cavalcanti (Universidade Federal do Rio de
Janeiro), Pedro Lapa (Universidade de Lisboa), Vera Beatriz Siqueira
(Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro) and one more Brazilian
colleague who requested to remain anonymous. I wish to thank
them for their time and thoughtful replies, which have been duly
incorporated into the present text.
See, among many others, Aracy A. Amaral, Arte para quê?: A preocupação
social na arte brasileira, São Paulo, 2003, third ed.; Aracy A. Amaral, Tarsila:
Sua obra e seu tempo, São Paulo, 2003, third ed.; José Augusto França, A arte
em Portugal no século XIX, Lisbon, 1990, third ed.; José Augusto França, A
arte em Portugal no século XX, Lisbon, 1991, third ed.
See, among many others, Roberto Schwarz, Misplaced Ideas: Essays
on Brazilian Culture, London, 1992; Nicolau Sevcenko, Orfeu extático na
metrópole: São Paulo, sociedade e cultura nos frementes anos 20, São Paulo, 1992;
Sérgio Miceli, Nacional estrangeiro: História social e cultural do modernismo em São
Paulo, São Paulo, 2003.
Some long-established journals in English are: Luso-Brazilian Review,
Latin American Research Review and Portuguese Studies Review. Associations
include: the American Portuguese Studies Association, the Association
for Spanish & Portuguese Historical Studies, the Brazilian Studies
Association, the Latin American Studies Assocation, the Lusophone
Studies Association. None of these is dedicated primarily to art history.
Sara Roffino, ‘Phillips to incorporate its Latin American offering in its
main contemporary auctions’, The Art Newspaper, 16 January 2018.
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9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
Victoria Stapley-Brown, ‘Colección Patricia Phelps de Cisneros gives
200 works of Latin American contemporary art to six museums’, The Art
Newspaper, 10 January 2018.
See http://www.heliooiticica.org.br/english/projeto/projeto.htm.
See the exhibition catalogue Hélio Oiticica, Rio de Janeiro, 1992, which
was also published in other languages.
See http://www.universes-in-universe.de/doc/oiticica/e_oitic1.htm;
and Mónica Amor, ‘Documenta X’, Third Text, 11, 1997, 95–100. See also
Irene V. Small, Hélio Oiticica: Folding the Frame, Chicago, 2016, 3, 243.
Panos Kompatsiaris, The Politics of Contemporary Art Biennials: Spectacles of
Critique, Theory and Art, New York, 2017, chapter three.
See, among others, Claudia Calirman, Brazilian Art under Dictatorship:
Antonio Manuel, Artur Barrio and Cildo Meireles, Durham, NC, 2012; Sérgio B.
Martins, Constructing an Avant-Garde: Art in Brazil 1949–1979, Cambridge,
MA, 2013; and Elena Shtromberg, Art Systems: Brazil and the 1970s, Austin,
2016.
Niemeyer’s reputation was advanced internationally in the 1950s
through publications such as Stamo Papadaki, The Work of Oscar Niemeyer,
New York, 1951; and Stamo Papadaki, Oscar Niemeyer: Works in Progress,
New York, 1956. After the inauguration of Brasília in 1960, he became
a household name in Brazil. His longevity ensured that he was
recognized worldwide by the time of his death in 2012.
Partha Mitter, ‘Decentering Modernism: Art History and Avant-Garde
Art from the Periphery’, Art Bulletin, 90, 2008, 531–548.
Mitter, ‘Decentering Modernism’, 532.
The journal Art in Translation, presently in its tenth year, is dedicated to
this purpose.
Daniela Pinheiro Machado Kern, ‘Hanna Levy e sua crítica aos Conceitos
Fundamentais de Wölfflin’, Anais do 24º Encontro da Anpap, 2015, 137–149.
See, among others, Jens Baumgarten and André Tavares, ‘Le baroque
colonisateur: principales orientations théoriques dans la production
historiographique’, Perspective (la revue de l’INHA), 2013: 2, 288–307; and
Irene Below and Burcu Dogramaci, Kunst und Gesellschaft zwischen den
Kulturen: die Kunsthistorikerin Hanna Levy-Deinhard im Exil und ihre Aktualität heute,
Munich, 2016.
The case of Paul Westheim, similarly driven into exile in Mexico,
serves as an interesting counterpoint. See Peter Chametzky, ‘Paul
Westheim in Mexico: A Cosmopolitan Man Contemplating the
Heavens’, Oxford Art Journal, 24: 1, 2001, 25–43; and Ines Rotermund,
‘Die Realität des Visuellen. Der Kunstkritiker Paul Westheim und die
französische Kunst’, in Rechts und Links der Seine: Pariser Tageblatt und Pariser
Tageszeitung 1933–1940, ed. Hélène Roussel and Lutz Winckler, Tübingen,
2002, 129–144.
http://www.getty.edu/foundation/initiatives/current/cah/index.
html.
Cited in Friedrich Pfäfflin and Ingrid Kussmaul, eds, S. Fischer-Verlag. Von
der Gründung bis zur Rückkehr aus dem Exil (Marbacher Katalog, n.40), Marbach am
Neckar, 1985, 271 [translation mine].
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