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Scandinavian umlaut anew: Feature hierarchies and Stratal OT

Paper in progress. In the meantime see presentation below: https://www.academia.edu/42043073/Scandinavian_umlaut_anew_Feature_hierarchies_and_Stratal_OT

Johan Schalin, PhD, University of Helsinki 16.12.2019 Scandinavian umlaut anew: more phonological theory to improve explanation? In my doctoral thesis from 2018 a variety of unexpected East and West Norse outcomes of the Proto-Norse umlauts (most importantly fronting, rounding and breaking) was explained phonologically rather than by far-fetched postulates of morphological generalisations, as has been the neogrammarian tradition to date. This was done by reconstructing the contrastive features of target vowels and trigger vocaloids by reverse engineering them, based on the very traces in the vocabulary that has so far defied explanation. My hypothesis, which relies on underspecification as defined in the Contrastive Hierarchy Theory, was presented at FiNo 2018 in Lund. In the ensuing analysis common trivial vowel qualities like [a], [i] and [u] would carry different contrastive features, emergent by nature, conditioned on their prosodic position: target vowels for umlaut, typically occurring in stressed positions, would carry one set of hierarchically specified features, while reduced vowels in weak positions, which account for many of the triggers, would carry another such set. For example in Proto-Norse for ‘mice’ *mūsiz (> mýss) the trigger ‑iwould have been specified for tongue fronting while the target ‑ū- was unspecified in that regard and instead contrastive for lip-rounding. Thus the fronting to ‑y- is understood as feature filling. When explaining this reduction of triggers in generative terms, a question of ordering or cyclicity arises. Normally distinctive or contrastive features are understood to be underlying or lexical, i.e. they would be memorised by the language learner. By definition this means that they could not be the output of a computation where earlier computed stress assignment would serve as input (cf. Schalin 2017: subsection 6.1 note 51). The problems of umlaut may thus be solved perhaps even better, without losing most of the new insights of the thesis, by analysing reduced vowels as the result of constraints at the deepest stratum of the phonological computation, i.e. at the stem level. Contrastive Hierarchy Theory is reconcilable e.g. with Stratal OT (Mackenzie & Dresher 2004). Both Elan Dresher (2009: 138–161) and Sara Mackenzie (2013, 2016: 3–8) have shown how an assignment of contrastive features that is consistent with their arrangement in a binary hierarchy may be described by means of a set of ranked constraints active in stem level phonology. The paradox described above may be thus be solved by replacing weak stress as the cause for trigger reduction by constraints that greatly limit the assignment of lip-rounding in stem final positions, monosyllabic suffixes and inflectional endings. This analysis comes with some other major advantages, notwithstanding some remaining problems. These will be illustrated at FiNo2020. Dresher, B. E. (2009). The Contrastive Hierarchy in Phonology. https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9780511642005 Mackenzie, S. (2013). Laryngeal co-occurrence restrictions in Aymara: contrastive representations and constraint interaction. Phonology, 30(02), 297–345. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0952675713000146 Mackenzie, S. (2016). Consonant harmony in Nilotic: contrastive specifications and Stratal OT. Glossa: A Journal of General Linguistics, 1(1), 12. https://doi.org/10.5334/gjgl.8 Mackenzie, S. & B. E. Dresher (2004). Contrast and phonological activity in the Nez Perce vowel system. Proceedings of the 29th annual meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society, 283–294. Schalin, J. (2017). Scandinavian umlaut and contrastive feature hierarchies. NOWELE, 70(2), 171–254. https://doi.org/10.1075/nowele.70.2.03sch. Postprint retrieved from <https://www.researchgate.net/project/Applied-theoretical-phonology>