Burial of a woman with an amber distaff at Viminacium

Археолошки институт Београд Књига LXIX/2019. На корицама: Преслица од ћилибара, Виминацијум, крај ii – почетак iii века фото: Горан Стојић Sur la couverture: La quenouille en ambre, viminacium, fin du iie – commencement du iiie siècle Photo: Goran Stojić UDC: 904:726.8(497.11)"01/02" 904:745.51(497.11)"01/02" https://doi.org/10.2298/STa1969215D Original research article iLiJa D. Danković, Institute of Archaeology, Belgrade BURIAL OF A wOMAN wITH AN AMBER distaFF at VIMINACIUM e­mail: ilija.dankovic@yahoo.de Abstract – A luxurious set of spinning implements was discovered as part of the furnishings in the grave of a woman, unearthed in the surroundings of ancient Viminacium. A unique amber distaff with the upper part modelled in the form of a female bust stands out as the most important part of the grave assemblage. Similar artefacts were often misinterpreted, but this specimen was found together with a spindle, thus confirming that it actually is a distaff. Miniature copies of spinning equipment made out of precious materials are known from sepulchral contexts, and are described as objects expressing feminine virtue. It is considered that they were used in wedding rites, thus indicating the possible age of the deceased. Spinning implements can represent useful tools for studying the life course of Roman women. In this paper, an attempt was made to identify the divinity or person depicted on the distaff from Viminacium, considering the symbolic nature of these artefacts. Key words – Viminacium, funerary archaeology, spinning equipment, amber, life course studies T he broader city area to the east and southeast of Viminacium’s castrum and civil settlement is endangered by the expansion of the local strip coal mine and, for that reason, extensive rescue exca­ vations have been conducted in this area since 2008 (Fig. 1). During several continuous campaigns, nu­ merous archaeological features have been unearthed: remains of a settlement of an economic­industrial character, several cemeteries, three villas, three aque­ ducts, two water towers (castellum aquae), as well as roads that led to the smaller fortifications of Pincum and Lederata.1 In one of the trenches, strategically placed in order to locate the route of the latter road, five graves were discovered. They were lined up alongside the northern edge of the section of the road. Three burials contained remains of cremated individu­ als (two belonging to the type Mala kopašnica–Sase ii and the third to Mala kopašnica–Sase i)2, while the remaining two were inhumed deceased.3 Furnishings in one of the inhumation graves fea­ tured luxurious spinning equipment, on which this pa­ per will be focused. The individual was laid on its back in a plain burial pit, without any evidence of the existence of a wooden coffin. The left arm was placed alongside the body, while the right one was bent at the elbow with the hand placed on the abdomen. The legs were crossed at the ankles (Fig. 2). It was determined by the analysis of the skeletal remains that the de­ ceased person was a female, and that she had died 1 2 3 Jovičić, redžić 2014, 55; Milovanović et al. 2018, 43. Јовановић 1984, 100–103. redžić et al. 2014, 63–64. This study results from the project: Viminacium, Roman city and military legion camp – research of material and non-material culture of inhabitants by using the modern technologies of remote detection, geophysics, GIS, digitalization and 3D visualization (no 7018), funded by The Ministry of Education, Science and Technological Development of the Republic of Serbia. 215 Manuscript received 30th December 2018, accepted 10th May 2019 ilija D. Danković Burial of a woman with an amber distaff at Viminacium (215–229) Fig. 1. Aerial photo of Viminacium with the location of the discovered grave (Documentation Centre, Viminacium) Сл. 1. Аерофотографија Виминацијума са локацијом откривеног гроба (Документациони центар Виминацијум) during the 4th decade of her life. She was around 145 cm tall, while the heightened abrasion of the incisors pointed to her using her teeth as “a third arm” during day to day activities. On the right side of the mandible a bone sewing needle was located (Fig. 3). Given the position of the object, one can assume that it was used to pin clothes, as a kind of primitive brooch. It has been attested that needles were used for this purpose.4 Spinning imple­ ments were placed on her chest. An amber distaff was placed on the left side, while fragments of a bone spin­ dle with a glass whorl were found on both sides. The spindle was probably originally placed next to the dis­ taff, but was broken and dislocated due to taphonomic processes (Fig. 4). next to her feet, the remains of a small casket were discovered. With all perishable ma­ terials long gone, only the handle and parts of the lock, both made of bronze, as well as an iron key, were pre­ served (Fig. 5). 216 The distaff is certainly the most important part of the inventory of the grave in question (Fig. 6). it con­ sists of the core, which is a rod made out of bronze, measuring 19.35 cm in length, and 27 amber seg­ ments, some of which had deteriorated, given their small dimensions. During the conservation/restoration of the artefact it was observed that small sheets of met­ al5 were rolled around the core in order to ensure that the amber beads remained in place.6 All segments are made from reddish­brown amber, and all of them are perforated along the vertical axis. At the lower end, a 4 MacGregor 1980, 111–112; Petković 1995, 28; 46. Physico­chemical analysis of these sheets is required in order to determine exactly which metal was used. 6 Conservation and restoration of the distaff were carried out by robert koračin of the institute for the Protection of the Cultural Heritage of Slovenia, Regional Office, Novo Mesto. 5 СТАрИНАр LXiX/2019 ilija D. Danković Burial of a woman with an amber distaff at Viminacium (215–229) pear shaped segment was placed, and above it 12 spherical and 12 conical beads alternated, divided in the middle by a discoid segment. The uppermost piece of amber is modelled in the form of a female bust (Fig. 11). Taking into consideration the limitations that must have been imposed on the craftsman due to the size of the object, it can be said that the represented person was wearing a stola with a palla draped over the shoul­ ders, or a short­sleeved tunic. The upper parts of the head are damaged, so information about the coiffure or the headdress is unavailable, although broad hori­ zontal waves can be observed on the side of the head. Fig. 2. Grave of a woman buried with spinning equipment (Documentation Centre, Viminacium) Fig. 3. Spinning equipment laid on the chest of the deceased (Documentation Centre, Viminacium) Сл. 2. Гроб покојнице сахрањене са прибором за предење вуне (Документациони центар Виминацијум) Сл. 3. Прибор за предење вуне положен на груди покојнице (Документациони центар Виминацијум) b) c) a) Fig. 4. Grave inventory: a) Amber distaff, b) Bone spindle with glass spindle whorl, c) Needle (Documentation Centre, Viminacium) Fig. 5. Grave inventory: Parts of a casket (Documentation Centre, Viminacium) Сл. 4. Инвентар гроба: a) Преслица од ћилибара; b) Вретено од кости са пршљенком од стакла; c) Игла (Документациони центар Виминацијум) Сл. 5. Инвентар гроба: делови ковчежића (Документациони центар Виминацијум) 217 СТАрИНАр LXiX/2019 ilija D. Danković Burial of a woman with an amber distaff at Viminacium (215–229) Fig. 6. Amber distaff (Photo: Goran Stojić) Fig. 7. Bust of an unknown woman, early 3rd century, Museo Archeologico Nazionale di Napoli, Italy (After: Croom 2002, 82) Сл. 6. Преслица од ћилибара (фотографија: Горан Стојић) Сл. 7. Биста непознате жене, рани III век, Национални археолошки музеј у Напуљу, Италија (према: Croom 2002, 82) With much caution, this could be associated with hair­ styles typical of members of imperial families in the last two decades of the 2nd century.7 While stola and palla faded out of fashion somewhere around the end of the 1st century CE, the short­sleeved tunic was actu­ ally worn in the same period as the described hairstyle (Fig. 7).8 distaffs in the roman period Similar artefacts are known from archaeological sites across Europe, and mainly originate from sepul­ chral contexts. Their interpretation has long been de­ bated, so they have been seen as scented sticks lit dur­ ing funeral ceremonies or cosmetic rods for applying perfumes.9 Other authors have recognised them as sceptres, and believed they represented insignia of power. In several cases they were even interpreted as hand fan handles10, and in very rare examples they 218 were identified as spindles, which could simply be the consequence of unfamiliarity with the wool spinning process. Today, it is widely accepted that these objects are in fact hand distaffs.11 The specimen discovered in Viminacium reinforces this claim given that it was found together with the spindle, thus completing the equipment needed for spinning. Distaffs are a diverse category of artefacts. The ones that were used in everyday activities were proba­ bly made of wood, and any kind of branch or a stick pronged at the top could be used for this purpose. Due to the perishable nature of timber, not a single such distaff is preserved today, while a fragment of one is on display in the Louvre Museum.12 This was found in a grave as well, and it is also unique by virtue of the fact that a lump of wool is still preserved attached to the top.13 Objects that were actually used in the pro­ cess of wool making had to be significantly longer than those specimens made of expensive materials be­ cause of the need to hold the distaff beneath the left armpit, and resting it on the waist to reduce the tired­ ness of the arm during spinning.14 Luxurious specimens manufactured from various materials discovered thus far are almost exclusively distaffs of significantly shorter lengths.15 Amongst them, a further division can be made, recognising hand distaffs, such as our specimen, and those featuring a ring in the bottom end, which would enable a better grip during work (finger distaffs).16 These were manufactu­ red from bone, ivory, glass, amber, jet and bronze. Lone examples made out of precious metals and wood with amber and a glass bead on opposite ends are known.17 Regardless of the material that was utilised, a broad spectrum of interpretations has been proposed by different researchers, so that in addition to the 7 Croom 2002, 101. Croom 2002, 80–83. 9 Gagetti 2006, 146. 10 aurisicchio et al. 2002, 108. 11 Gottschalk 1996; aurisicchio et al. 2002; Facchinetti 2005, Палавестра, Крстић 2006, 369. etc. 12 Facsády 2008, 167. 13 Gottschalk 1996, 486. 14 Smith 1859, 565. 15 With the exception of four arm distaff made out of ivory, two of them unearthed in Cologne, and one in Milano and Selon­ gey, respectively (Facchinetti 2005). 16 Gottschalk 1996, 483. 17 Gottschalk 1996, 483 8 СТАрИНАр LXiX/2019 ilija D. Danković Burial of a woman with an amber distaff at Viminacium (215–229) a b Fig. 8. a) Scene depicted on the sarcophagus from Ephesus, b) Spinning equipment found inside the sarcophagus (After: Trinkl 1994) Сл. 8. a) Представа покојнице на саркофагу из Ефеса; b) Прибор за предење откривен унутар саркофага (према: Trinkl 1994) already mentioned explanations they have been recog­ nised as pestles for the grinding of cosmetic and phar­ maceutical products or pigments used by painters, handles, mirrors, and specimens with figurally model­ led tops as hairpins, votive objects, or even as strigils.18 There are several confirmations that these are in fact parts of the spinning equipment. A distaff is represented on a grave monument located in Izmir, and it features unspun wool as well as the characteristic ring in the bottom end19. A similar representation can be seen in a scene depicted on a sarcophagus discovered in Ephe­ sus. Interestingly, amongst other furnishings placed inside this sarcophagus, belonging to a young, preg­ nant woman and a child, there was a bone distaff, as well as spindle and several whorls (Fig. 8).20 A glass specimen found in the grave of a cremated woman in Aquincum, was discovered alongside a bone spindle and a glass whorl.21 Amber hand distaffs comprise one of the most nu­ merous categories within this type of artefact. Natural­ ly, one should not forget that the vast majority of dis­ taffs were most probably made out of wood that could not be preserved to the present day. Also, it is to be expected that large numbers of these objects were de­ stroyed as a result of being placed on funeral pyres. This custom is evidenced by at least five distaffs (three made out of bone, one of amber, and one of glass) originating from the cemeteries of Viminacium, which displayed different extents of damage due to exposure to fire. Several authors have proposed typologies of speci­ mens manufactured from amber, and a brief review of two of them will be presented here. Raymund Gottschalk, 219 in his paper which is one of the most detailed studies of hand distaffs, divided the amber specimens into four types: I. Type Aquileia A is characterised by cylindrical, smooth beads, with a subtype in which they can be spi­ rally twisted or fluted. End segments can be of various shapes. This type is the most numerous. II. Type Aquileia B is characterised by rounded beads. III. Type Aquileia C is comprised of distaffs with conical and cylindrical beads. The specimen from Viminacium belongs to this type. IV. Dorweiler type is characterised by elongated oval beads which are spirally twisted.22 The most detailed typology of distaffs in general was presented by Grazia Facchinetti. Based on her di­ vision (Fig. 9), the distaff from Viminacium can be attri­ buted to type IId5.23 An ascription of our specimen to this type was made after taking into consideration the way in which the beads of the body of the distaff were made. As there are no analogies for the piece modelled in the form of a female bust, it would only be logical that it represents a separate subtype. Fremersdorf, Polonyi­Fremersdorf 1984, 111–112; Јевре­ мовић 1996; ivčević 2002, 474; Facsády 2008, 165. 19 Trinkl 2000. 20 Trinkl 1994. 21 Facsády 2008, 165. 22 Gottschalk 1996, 484–486. 23 Facchinetti 2005, 205–208. 18 СТАрИНАр LXiX/2019 ilija D. Danković Burial of a woman with an amber distaff at Viminacium (215–229) Fig. 9. Typology of Roman distaffs (After: Facchinetti 2005, 221) Сл. 9. Типологија римских преслица (према: Facchinetti 2005, 221) 220 СТАрИНАр LXiX/2019 ilija D. Danković Burial of a woman with an amber distaff at Viminacium (215–229) The accepted dating for amber distaffs places them in a time span ranging from the reign of Augustus until the first half of the 3rd century.24 Gottschalk moves the upper date to the second half of the 3rd century, while he dates the Dorweiler type to the 3rd and the beginning of the 4th century. When the geographical distribution of amber dis­ taffs is taken into consideration, one may notice three areas with a higher occurrence of these artefacts. First is the city of Aquileia and neighbouring territories with which it had an intensive trading relationship (Histria, Emona, Poetovio…). Three specimens originate from the cemeteries of Emona,25 and three more from the necropolis in Ribnica na Dolenjskem (Slovenia).26 In Poetovio, an amber distaff with an unclear context was discovered.27 This should not come as a surprise, given that the city of Aquileia was situated at the southern end of the European amber road, which led from the Baltic, and because of this fact workshops specialised in manufacturing objects from amber were established right here. There are indications that workshops also existed in the area of Pompeii and Herculaneum28, al­ though they maybe should be ruled out as a place of provenance of amber distaffs because of their absence from archaeological records south of the vicinity of the city of Rome. The second territory with a higher concentration of distaffs is noted along the Limes Germanicus, while the third region is the province of Pannonia Superior. In the neighbouring province of Dalmatia, the city of Salona stands out with several distaffs made out of amber that have been unearthed there.29 Also, one spe­ cimen was discovered in the grave of inhumed female individual in Doclea.30 Three partially preserved specimens are known from the territory of the province of Moesia Superior, not including the distaffs from Viminacium. Unfortuna­ tely, they all originate from unknown contexts, given that two of them are parts of the Dunjić private collec­ tion, while the third was bought in the territory of Gu­ berevac.31 Besides the artefact discussed in this paper, two more amber distaffs have been found in Viminacium. The first of them was placed inside a Mala kopašnica– Sase II grave with cremated remains, which was dis­ covered in the southern city necropolis. The object is fragmented, possibly because it was placed on a bon­ fire alongside the deceased person, after which the re­ mains were gathered and laid in the grave. It can be attributed to the type IId3. The grave inventory also 221 included a glass balsamarium and a clay oil lamp, which had a stamp reading NERI. Lamps of this par­ ticular type are dated to the 2nd and the beginning of the 3rd century.32 The second distaff originates from the eastern city necropolis. It was discovered inside a vaulted tomb containing the remains of a wooden coffin. It belongs to the type IId3. The tomb was dated by mints of Antoninus Pius, Faustina Maior and Septimius Severus. The fact that all three distaffs from Viminacium were discovered in a funerary context precisely reflects the situation recorded in the territory of the whole Em­ pire, not only where amber distaffs are concerned. Specimens found outside sepulchral features are ex­ tremely rare, and a group of eight such objects discov­ ered in a residential area of Ephesus is a unique exam­ ple.33 In order to explain these circumstances, one needs to reflect on wool spinning and the place it had in the tradition and ideology of the inhabitants of the Roman state. Wool working as a metaphor in antiquity In order to start spinning wool, several actions need to have been completed beforehand. The first step was the shearing of the sheep, after which the wool was washed and beaten with a specially designed tool in order to remove any impurities. Next, the raw mate­ rial was combed and in some cases dyed, and only then was the wool prepared for spinning. Spinning equip­ ment consisted of three elements: a distaff (colus), a spindle (fusus)34 and a basket in which the first two, as well as rovings of unspun wool and balls of yarn, were kept (calathus).35 Further along the process of spinning, 24 Facchinetti 2005, 201–202. Petru 1972, 74, 122–123; T.XXvii, T.Lv. 26 križ 2017, 132–133. 27 Jevremov 1985, 423, T.5. 28 Girardi Jurkić 2010, 164. 29 Gagetti 2006, 144. 30 Цермановић­Кузмановић et al. 1975, 114–115. 31 Палавестра, Крстић 2006, 301. 32 korać 2018, 493–494. 33 Trinkl 2005, 301. 34 When compared to distaffs, spindles were a rather less di­ verse group of objects. Mostly they were comprised of a shaft made of wood or bone, which was weighted by a spindle whorl at one end in order to stabilise rotation. The whorl was most commonly made of baked clay, but specimens manufactured from bone, metal, glass etc. are also known. 35 Facsády 2008, 166. 25 СТАрИНАр LXiX/2019 ilija D. Danković Burial of a woman with an amber distaff at Viminacium (215–229) a lump of wool would be attached to the top of the dis­ taff which was held in the left hand, and threads would be extracted from the lump with two fingers. The right hand held the spindle on which there was a little bit of already spun yarn, which would be connected with the threads. At that moment the spindle would be spun, and its rotation would catch the unspun threads, thus making yarn. When the spindle reached the ground, spun thread would be coiled around it, and the process would be repeated.36 Wool was of special significance to the Romans. The fact that the Latin term for this material – lana, was also simultaneously used for clothes, speaks for itself.37 It also had a certain religious importance. robes of priests had to be made exclusively of wool; it was used for the weaving of the bands that were tied around the heads of animals prepared for sacrifice, sa­ cred trees, altars, temple columns etc. Wool symbolises a good relationship with nature because, unlike leather, it comes from an animal that continues to live.38 Wool spinning, as well as weaving, was considered a woman’s job, and it was expected of them to provide clothes for the family.39 At the same time, it was an activity that was conducted in the household, so it im­ plied that the woman was taking care of it. Weaving was probably handed down to younger girls or slaves, given it required a greater physical investment. Actu­ ally, it was the only labour intensive task expected of women, according to the treaty agreed after the Rape of the Sabine Women.40 Besides, weaving required that the person doing it was bound to one place in the home, the place where the loom was stationed, most commonly in the atrium. On the other hand, spinning allowed mobility, so a matron could oversee all the other activities in the household, or easily put away the equipment if her assistance was needed elsewhere. Over time, spinning became a symbol of feminin­ ity and an expression of female virtue. This was why a number of epitaphs from the time of the Republic in­ corporated the words lanam fecit. A good example is a funerary monument dated to the 2nd century BCE, which informs us that Claudia was married, gave birth to two sons, was pleasant to talk to, took care of the household, and that she spun wool.41 So, these were the qualities that a Roman woman was expected to have possessed. The truth is that developed industrial production most likely would have existed by then, making domestic manufacture completely obsolete. Even if this was not true, it seems that ladies gave this job over to servant girls, which was the “problem” 222 accounted by Columella in the 1st century BCE. He says that women gave themselves to luxury and pas­ times, that they even refused to oversee spinning of the wool, and that their only interest was to buy clothes for large sums of money.42 By that time, a woman spinning wool had gained a metaphorical meaning in literary works. The most famous instance is Livy’s story of Lucretia, whose husband was absent due to war. During the siege of a city, he met with other commanders, Etruscan royals, and the discussion of their wives’ virtues ensued. The decision was made to pay them an unexpected visit. They found them engaged in dancing and leisure, while Lucretia was at home, spinning wool, though it was late in the evening.43 After a few days, an Etruscan prince raped Lucretia. She made her father and brother take an oath to avenge her, then she committed suicide. This led to an uprising against the Etruscan rule and the founding of the Republic.44 Female virtue, high­ lighted by the spinning metaphor, thus lies in the core of the story of the birth of the Roman state. Although men employed in wool production had to exist, literary sources bring us descriptions which hold that the involvement in these activities reflected moral weakness. One samian ware cup depicts Marcus Antonius in a chariot procession, followed by women carrying his fan, parasol, basket and distaff. In such a manner his incompetence to rule over Romans was highlighted. Another example is brought to us by Dio Cassius, who mockingly says that Elagabalus likes to spin wool.45 As part of extensive reforms that had the goal of reviving Roman virtue, Octavianus ordered female members of the Imperial family to take part in spinning and weaving. Suetonius informs us that he, except on rare occasions, wore the clothes made by them. Mastery of these skills became part of an aristocratic upbringing, and every woman was expected to aspire to them.46 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 Facchinetti 2005, 203–204. Larsson Lovén 1998, 85. Sebesta 2001, 47. allason­Jones 2005, 104. Larsson Lovén 1998, 87. Larsson Lovén 1998, 88. Croom 2000, 19. Thurston Peck 1898, 1526. D’ambra 2007, 58. Pasztókai­Szeöke 2011, 128. Larsson Lovén 1998, 89. СТАрИНАр LXiX/2019 ilija D. Danković Burial of a woman with an amber distaff at Viminacium (215–229) Spinning was accepted as the symbol of female virtue across the Empire. Instead of the lanam fecit formula, depictions of distaffs and spindles appear on funerary stellae. The actual process of spinning the wool is never shown, only the equipment.47 On the aforementioned sarcophagus from Ephesus, a distaff, spindle, and basket are shown beneath the bed on which the matron is reclining. Other way in which these object can be shown is passively, in the hands of the portrait of the deceased. Lumps of unspun wool can regularly be seen on distaffs, and coils of yarn on the spindles. Such representations are typical for the western parts of the Empire. For example, in Pannonia, spin­ ning equipment is represented exclusively in this man­ ner,48 but is also very common in the Eastern Aegean, Syria, Germany, and occasionally in Britain.49 The last method of the symbolic expression of feminine virtue and care of the household is the cus­ tom of placing luxurious hand distaffs in graves of de­ ceased women.50 It is important to underline that, jud­ ging by their miniature dimensions, and fragile and/or expensive materials, several authors proposed that these objects did not serve the purpose of actual spin­ ning.51 This is particularly true for those specimens made from amber and jet. They are, rather, artefacts of symbolic and ritual character. The corpus of distaffs from Viminacium confirms that they were, above all, used in funerary rites. Of 39 bone distaffs from this site, as many as 26 were found in graves and a further 9 within the area of the cemetery. It can be assumed that the latter were dislocated from their original con­ text during the cleaning of the necropolis and the deva­ station of the older strata of the graves by the new ones. Viminacium has yielded six bone spindles, all from a sepulchral context. Every single one of the seven glass distaffs come from graves or cemeteries.52 As has alre­ ady been mentioned, three specimens made from am­ ber were parts of grave furnishings. The question that needs to be addressed is whether the luxurious spinning equipment was crafted solely for the needs of funeral rituals or it was amongst the belongings of a woman during her lifetime. Mentions of spinning equipment in literary sources might be scarce, but they can lead to the sought after answer. During the wedding ceremony, more precisely in the proces­ sion from her maiden home to that of the groom (deductio in domum mariti) the bride would carry a distaff and spindle in her hands.53 Accounts of this custom can be found in works of Pliny the Elder54 and Plutarch.55 It can be assumed that costly spinning equipment was 223 acquired exactly with the purpose of being used in such an important life event.56 Its lavishness would highlight the status and wealth of the family.57 Later in life, a luxurious distaff was presumably amongst the most prized possessions of the matron and it could be used during public appearances to em­ phasise status or in front of guests and clients in the domus, and to symbolise the care she took of the house­ hold. The group of distaffs unearthed in a residential area of Ephesus is particularly informative regarding this matter, given that all of them were found in premi­ ses that had public character.58 Lavish spinning equip­ ment, being objects of a specifically personal nature, were laid with a woman in her grave after she passed away. As these artefacts were probably obtained during wedding preparations, they can be very informative from the perspective of life course studies. Specifically, they could point to the particular age group in which women were married. In the province of Asia Minor, it is attested that representations of distaffs and spindles in the hands of women mean that they have entered into matrimony.59 Finds of spinning equipment in graves of ten­year­ old girls in Pannonia might be something to consider further. However, it should be noted that although the legal age for marriage was 12 years, there are known cases of girls getting married before fulfilling this re­ quirement.60 The discovery of spinning implements in 47 Facsády 2008, 169. Pasztókai­Szeöke 2011, 129. 49 Carroll 2013, 301. 50 This tradition probably has it roots in mythical times when kings ruled the city of rome. namely, a number of 7th century graves in Latium have yielded spinning equipment (Le Glay et al. 2005, 19) 51 Bíró et al. 2012, 22; Trinkl 2005, 290–291; The functional aspects of bone spinning equipment from Vimiancium will be part of a separate study. 52 ропкић 2006. 53 D’ambra 2007, 75 54 Plin. Nat. viii.74. 55 Plut. Quaes. Rom. 31. 56 Facsàdy 2009, 690. 57 roman poet Ovidius, telling the myth of the origins of amber, informs us that Roman brides used it to make necklases worn during the wedding (Палавестра, Крстић 2006, 22). Girls whose families could aford to buy distaffs made out of this precious material would have indirectly been following this ancient custom. 58 Trinkl 2005, 300–302. 59 Facsàdy 2009, 690. 60 Pasztókai­Szeöke 2011, 126–127 48 СТАрИНАр LXiX/2019 ilija D. Danković Burial of a woman with an amber distaff at Viminacium (215–229) Fig. 10. Bone distaff from unknown site in Pannonia (After: Pasztókai-Szeöke 2011, 133) Fig. 11. Top of an amber distaff from Viminacium modelled in the form of a female bust (Photo: Goran Stojić) Сл. 10. Коштана преслица са непознатог налазишта у Панонији (према: Pasztókai-Szeöke 2011, 133) Сл. 11. Врх преслице од ћилибара из Виминацијума, моделован у виду женског попрсја (фотографија: Горан Стојић) the grave of a six­year­old girl in France has been re­ ferred to as a way of compensation for an unattained wedding.61 It is important to stress that not a single item of spinning tools from the cemeteries of Viminacium comes from a grave of a subadult individual. Judit Pasztókai­Szeöke62 proposes an alternative explanation for the nature of the tradition in question, based on certain observations regarding finger distaffs with the depiction of a female figure nursing an infant at the top (Fig. 10). She paid attention to vertical lines rising from the navel in some of the specimens. After explaining that until the 19th century Caesarean section was actually performed in this manner, she suggests that an unknown deity, the protector of childbirth, or a woman who survived this extremely complicated pro­ cedure, was represented. Accordingly, she interprets distaffs as symbols of maternity and fertility, as well as guidelines for the bride who carries the distaff during the wedding procession, instructing her to continue the thread of the family and society itself. Conclusion The amber distaff from Viminacium is the single chronologically sensitive artefact from the inventory of the grave in question. As was already mentioned, such objects are dated from the reign of Augustus until the beginning of the 3rd century CE. Early dates should be ruled out because there is no archaeological confir­ mation of residential activities in this area from the 1st and the beginning of the 2nd century. Also, it is not 224 likely that the distaff was in prolonged usage given the personal character of the artefact, which would not be expected to have been passed down to the next gener­ ation. An important thing to notice is that the produc­ tion of amber objects in Aquileia, the reasonable place of provenance of the distaff, began to decline towards the end of the 2nd century.63 Two graves, located to the west of the burial con­ taining the distaff, were dated by the mints of Hadrianus and Antoninus Pius. Based on all the factors, the narrowest timeframe that can be proposed is the sec­ ond half of the 2nd century to the beginning of the 3rd century, which would correspond with the dating of the remaining two amber distaffs from Viminacium. Additional confirmation for this claim, although one that should be taken with caution, is the already men­ tioned possibility that the figural depiction at the top of the distaff has coiffure that resembles that of the women of imperial families in the last two decades of the 2nd century. The miniature dimensions of the segment depicting the bust of a female (Fig. 11), as well as the damaged parts of the hair and headdress (?), do not allow us to make a definitive conclusion about the deity or the person the craftsman wanted to represent. The first 61 62 63 Carroll 2013, 301. Pasztókai­Szeöke 2009; 2011 Палавестра, Крстић 2006, 77 СТАрИНАр LXiX/2019 ilija D. Danković Burial of a woman with an amber distaff at Viminacium (215–229) step would be to take into consideration the mythical characters that are known for their ties to wool spinning, Ananke and Clotho. Ananke was the personification of natural necessity. In her lap she keeps a diamond spin­ dle around which the whole universe revolves.64 Her daughter, Chloto, one of three Parcae, spins the destiny of every human being.65 The custom of depositing dis­ taffs inside graves was explained as part of the Parcae cult,66 but this interpretation is very unlikely, given the aforementioned evidence. A certain number of distaffs depict Venus Pudica, a symbol of modest femininity, but always the whole body, in a standing posture.67 Analogies for the rep­ resentation of the unidentified female bust can be found in bone specimens from Sirmium68, as well as in three distaffs from Asia Minor, two of which are on display in the Afyonkarahisar Archaeological Muse­ um69, and the third one originating from Ephesus.70 Elisabeth Trinkl proposed that the last mentioned specimen might represent the goddess Minerva, based on similarities with a spatula with a female bust from Gaul. In that way, two important qualities of a Roman matron would have been combined: care of the house­ hold, metaphorically illustrated by wool spinning, which was only made possible by a proper education and upbringing, which are symbolised by this particu­ lar divinity.71 The last explanation, and probably the most plau­ sible is that the represented female is, in fact, an idealised representation of a Roman matron, which the owner of the distaff wanted herself to be, and which society expected of her. This interpretation makes even more sense if the coiffure of the bust really imi­ tates that worn by women of the royal families at the turn of the 3rd century. The Empress was mother of all the citizens of the Empire, a literal embodiment of fe­ male virtue and, as such, the best role model for every woman who wanted to run a successful household. Our lady with an amber distaff was buried less than 100 m from a villa discovered in this area, and it is safe to assume that this was the household she took care of. She had to be a member of the family of the estate owner, because there were not many people who could afford an object that precious. Even if slightly ex­ aggerated, a passage from the work of Pliny the Elder, telling us that one small effigy made out of amber was worth more than an actual human, even one that was healthy and strong72, is very informative when it comes to the price of this material. This is why, at first glance, the type of her grave, a plain burial, is a bit puzzling, especially when you bear in mind that most of the dis­ taffs made out of bone, jet and amber come from sar­ cophagi or cists.73 On the other hand, maybe it should not come as a surprise, and can be viewed as a contin­ ued display of feminine virtue: she was humble during her life, and remained humble, even in the afterlife. Translated by the author Starinar is an Open Access Journal. All articles can be downloaded free of charge and used in accordance with the licence Creative Commons – attribution­nonCommercial­noDerivs 3.0 Serbia (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by­nc­nd/3.0/rs/). Часопис Старинар је доступан у режиму отвореног приступа. Чланци објављени у часопису могу се бесплатно преузети са сајта часописа и користити у складу са лиценцом Creative Commons – Ауторство­Некомерцијално­Без прерада 3.0 Србија (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by­nc­nd/3.0/rs/). 64 Срејовић, Цермановић­Кузмановић 2004, 30 Срејовић, Цермановић­Кузмановић 2004, 272 66 Martin­kilcher 2000, 65. 67 ivčević 2000; Trinkl 2005, 282­283; kat. nr. 1; Eckardt 2014, 142. 68 шарановић­Светек 1981, 156; T ii, 11,12; T iv, 7 69 Encyclopédie des petits objets archéologiques; QnL­4012; http://artefacts.mom.fr (retrieved: 22.01.2019) 70 Trinkl 2005, 284; kat. nr. 2 71 Trinkl 2005, 302. 72 Plin. Nat. XXvii.12. 73 Gottschalk 1996, 493.r 65 225 СТАрИНАр LXiX/2019 ilija D. Danković Burial of a woman with an amber distaff at Viminacium (215–229) BiBLiography: sources: plin. Nat.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Caius Plinius Secundus, Historia Naturalis (Pliny the Elder, The Natural History, John Bostock, M.D., F.R.S., H.T. Ri­ ley, Esq., B.a., Ed. – Perseus Digital Library – http://www. perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?doc=urn:cts:latinLit:phi0978. phi001.perseus­eng1 – retrieved 30.01.2019). plut. Quaes. Rom. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Lucius Mestrius Plutarchus, Quaestiones Romanae (Plutarch, The Roman Questionse, Frank kole Babbit, Ed. – Perseus Digital Library – http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hop­ per/text?doc=urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0007.tlg084a.perseus­ eng1 – retrieved 30.01.2019). Literature: allason-Jones 2005 – L. Allason­Jones, Women in Roman Britain, The Council for British Archaeology, Bootham 2005. aurisicchio et al. 2002 – C­ Aurisicchio, D. Ferro, G. Mar­ tinelli S. Nunziante Cesaro, I. A. Rapinesi, A study of a di­ staff of the second century A.D. from a necropolis of Bocco­ ne D’aste (roma, italy) – tomb 75, Journal of Cultural Heritage 3, 2002, 107–116. Bíro et al. 2012 – M. Bíro, a. M. Choyke, v. Lóránt, v. Ádám, Bone objects in Aquincum, az aquincumi Múzeum Gyüjteménye 2, Budapest 2012. Цермановић-кузмановић et al. 1975 – a. Цермановић­ Кузмановић, o. Велимировић­Жижић, Д. Срејовић, Античка Дукља. Некрополе, обод, Цетиње 1975. (a. Cermanović­kuzmanović, o. velimirović­Žižić, D. Srejo­ vić, antička Duklja. nekropole, obod, Cetinje 1975). Carroll 2013 – M. Carroll, ‘The Insignia of Women’: Dress, Gender and Identity on the Roman Funerary Monument of Regina from Arbeia, Archaeological Journal 169, 2012, 281–311. Croom 2002 – A. T. Croom, Roman Clothing and Fashion, Tempus, Stroud 2002. d’ambra 2007 – E. D’Ambra, Roman Women, Cambridge university Press, new York 2007. Eckardt 2014 – H. Eckardt, Objects & Identities. Roman Britain and the North-Western Provinces, Oxford Universi­ ty Press, oxford 2014. Facsády 2009 – A. R. Facsády, La représentation de la femme sur les stéles funéraires romaines du musée d’Aquin­ cum (Budapest), in: V. Gaggadis­Robin, A. Hermary, M. Reddé et C. Sintés (eds.), Actes du Xᵉ colloque international sur l’art provincial romain (Arles-Aix, 21–23 mai 2007), arles 2009, 683–691. Fremersdorf, Polónyi-Fremersdorf 1984 – F. Fremers­ dorf, E. Polónyi­Fremersdorf, Die farblosen Gläser der Früzeit in Köln, Die Denkmäler des römischen köln iX, köln 1984. gagetti 2006 – E. Gagetti, Locum in delicii… sucina opti­ nent. Le ambre di Aquileia e di Spalato, in: Le regioni di Aquileia e Spalato in epoca Romana, Fondazione Cassa­ marca, Castello di udine 2006, 135–162. Girardi Jurkić 2010 – v. Girardi Jurkić, Jantarni prsten iz rimske nekropole Burle kod Medulina u svjetlu korištenja jantara u antici, Prilozi Instituta za arheologiju u Zagrebu, 27, 2010, 161–170. gottschalk 1996 – r. Gottschalk, Ein Spätrömischer Spinn­ rocken aus Elfenbein, Archäologisches korrespondenzblatt 26, 1996, 483–500. Ivčević 2000 – S. ivčević, koštane preslice s prikazom afrodite iz arheološkog muzeja Split (Summary: Bone dis­ taffs with depictions of the goddess Aphrodite in the Ar­ chaeological museum in Split), Opvscvla Archaeologica 23–24 (1),1999–2000, 473–480. Facchinetti 2005 – G. Facchinetti, La Rocca, in: M. P. Ros­ signani, M. Sannazaro, G. Legrottaglie (a cura di), La signora del sarcofago, Una sepoltura di rango nella necropoli dell’Universita Cattolica, Vita e Pensiero, Milano 2005, 199–223; 333–334. Ivčević 2002 – S. ivčević, Predmeti za šivanje, tkanje i pre­ denje (Summary: Objects used for sewing, weaving and spinning), in: E. Marin (ed.) Longae Salonae I, arheološki muzej Split, Split 2002, 469– 482. Facsády 2008 – A. R. Facsády, Glass Distaff From Aquin­ cum: Symbol or Tool?, ANODOS Studies of the Ancient World, 8, 2008, 165–174. Jevremov 1985 – B. Jevremov, novosti o obrtniških dejav­ nostih in nekaj drobcev iz arheoloških izkopavanj v letih 1970–1980, Ptujski Zbornik 5, 1985, 419–431. 226 СТАрИНАр LXiX/2019 ilija D. Danković Burial of a woman with an amber distaff at Viminacium (215–229) јевремовић 1996 – Н. Јевремовић, Прилог проучавању посебне групе коштаних инструмената из Збирке Ду­ њић, Зборник Народног музеја у Београду Xvi/1, 1996, 225–232. (n. Jevremović, Prilog proučavanju posebne grupe koštanih instrumenata iz Zbirke Dunjić, Zbornik Narodnog muzeja u Beogradu Xvi/1, 1996, 225–232). јовановић 1984 – А. Јовановић, Римске некрополе на територији Југославије, Филозофски факултет: Центар за археолошка истраживања, Књ. 3, Београд 1984. (a. Jovanović, Forms of burial in the territory of Yugoslavia in the time of the Roman Empire, Faculty of Philosophy: Cen­ tre for archaeological research, vol. 3, Belgrade 1984). pasztókai-szeöke 2009 – J. Pasztókai­Szeöke, Cut rising from her Navel. A possible Allusion to a Protracted Delivery and Fortunate Maternal and neonatal Survival, in: S. Bíró (ed.), Ex Officina… Studia in honorem Dénes Gabler, Mur­ sella régészeti Egyesület, Györ 2009, 443–455. pasztókai-szeöke 2011 – J. Pasztókai­Szeöke, “The Mot­ her Shrinks, The Child Grows. What is it?” The Evidence of Spinning Implements in Funerary Context from the Roman Province of Pannonia, in: C. alfaro Giner, M. J. Martínez García, J. ortiz García (eds.), Mujer y vestimentia, Aspectos de la identidad femeninala antigüedad, Sema, Valencia 2011, 125–140. Jovičić, Redžić 2014 – M. Jovičić, S. redžić, istraživanje antičke vile rustike na lokalitetu nad klepečkom (viminaci­ jum) u 2013. godini, in: v. Bikić, S. Golubović, J. anđelko­ vić Grašar (eds.), Arheologija u Srbiji. Projekti Arheološkog instituta u 2013. godini, arheološki institut, Beograd 2014, 54–59. Petković 1995 S. Petković, Rimski predmeti od kosti i roga sa teritorije Gornje Mezije, arheološki institut, Beograd 1995. Korać 2018 – M. korać, Oil-lamps from Viminacium (Moesia Superior). Text, Institute of Archaeology, Belgrade 2018. Redžić et al. 2014 – S. redžić, M. Jovičić, i. Danković, is­ kopavanja na lokalitetu nad klepečkom (viminacijum), in: D. antonović, S. Golubović, v. Bikić (eds.), Arheologija u Srbiji. Projekti Arheološkog instituta u 2012. godini, Arheo­ loški institut, Beograd 2014, 62–65. Križ 2017 – B. križ, Jantar. Dragulji Baltika v Novem mestu, Dolenjski muzej, novo mesto 2017. Larsson Lovén 1998 – L. Larsson Lovén, Lanam fecit – Woolworking and Female Virtue, in: L. Larsson Lovén, A. Strömberg (eds.), Aspects of Woman in Antiquity: Proceedings of the First Nordic Symposium on Woman’s Lives in Antiquity, Göteborg 12–15 June 1997, Paul aströms Förlag, Jonsered 1998, 85–95; T. Xvi–XX. Le glay et al. 2005 – M. Le Glay, J­L. Voisin, Y. Le Bohec, D. Cherry, D. G. kyle, A History of Rome, Blackwell Pub­ lishing, Oxford 2005. MacGregor 1980 – A. MacGregor, Skeletal materials: their structure, technology, and utilisation c. A. D. 400–1200, Unpublished PhD thesis, Durham University 1980. Martin-Kilcher 2000 – S. Martin­kilcher, Mors Immatura in the Roman World – a Mirror of Society and Tradition, in J. Pearce, M. Millett, M. Struck (eds.), Burial, Society and Context in the Roman World, Oxbow Books, Oxford 2000, 63–76. Milovanović et al. 2018 – B. Milovanović, i. kosanović, n. Mrđić, arheološka istraživanja na loakliettu rit (viminaci­ jum) u 2016. godini, in: i. Bugarski, n. Gavrilović vitas, v. Filipović (eds.), Arheologija u Srbiji. Projekti Arheološkog instituta u 2016. godini, arheološki institut, Beograd 2018, 43–53. Палавестра, крстић 2006 – А. Палавестра, В. Крстић, Магија ћилибара, Народни музеј, Београд 2006. (a. Palavestra, v. krstić, Magija ćilibara, Narodni muzej, Beo­ grad 2006). 227 petru 1972 – S. Petru, Emonske nekropole (odkrite med leti 1635–1960), Narodni muzej, Ljubljana 1972. ропкић 2006 – А. ропкић, Стаклени инструменти­ме­ шалице из Виминацијума (Summary: Glass instrument stirring sticks from Viminacium), Гласник Српског археолошког друштва 22 (2006), 375–380. (a. ropkić, Stakleni instrumenti­mešalice iz viminacijuma Виминацијума (Summary: Glass instrument stirring sticks from Viminaci­ um), Glasnik Srpskog arheološkog društva 22, 2006, 375– 380). sebesta 2001 – J. L. Sebesta, Symbolism in teh Costume of teh Roman Womn, in: J. L. Sebesta, L. Bonfante (eds.), The World of Roman Costume, The University of Wisconsin Press, Madison 2001, 46–53. smith 1859 – W. LL. D. Smith (ed.), Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities, Little, Brown, and Company, Bos­ ton 1859. срејовић, Цермановић-кузмановић 2004 – Д. Срејо­ вић, a. Цермановић­Кузмановић, Речник грчке и римске митологије, Српска књижевна задруга, Београд 2004. (Srejović, Cermanović­kuzmanović 2004 – D. Srejović, a. Cermanović­kuzmanović, rečnik grčke i rimske mitologi­ je, Srpska književna zadruga, Beograd 2004). Шарановић-светек 1981 – В. шарановић­Светек, Ти­ пологија коштаних предмета из Сирмијума, Рад војвођанских музеја 27, 1981, 149–179. (v. šaranović­Svetek, Tipologija koštanih predmeta iz Sirmijuma, Rad vojvođanskih muzeja 27, 1981, 149–179). СТАрИНАр LXiX/2019 ilija D. Danković Burial of a woman with an amber distaff at Viminacium (215–229) thurston peck 1898 – H. Thurston Peck (ed.), Harper’s Dictionary of Classical Literature and Antiquities, Harper & Brothers Publishers, New York 1898. Trinkl 1994 – E. Trinkl, Ein Set aus Spindel, Spinnwirtel und Rocken aus einem Sarkophag in Ephesos, ÖJh 63, 1994, Beiblatt, 80–86. 228 trinkl 2000 – E. Trinkl, “Die spinnen, die römerinnen”, in: L. Dollhofer u. a. (Hrsg.), Altmodische Archäologie. Festschrift F. Brein, Forum Archaeologiae 14/III/2000, (http:// farch.net – retrieved 31.01.2019). trinkl 2005 – E. Trinkl, Zum Wirkungskreis einer kleinasi­ atischen matrona anhand ausgewählter aus dem Hanghaus 2 in Ephesos, Jahreshefte des Österreichischen Archäologischen Institutes in Wien 1(73), 2005, 281–304. СТАрИНАр LXiX/2019 ilija D. Danković Burial of a woman with an amber distaff at Viminacium (215–229) Резиме: ИЛИЈА Д. ДАНКоВИћ, Археолошки институт, Београд сахрана Жене са ПреслиЦоМ оД ЋилиБара иЗ виМинаЦијУМа Кључне речи – Виминацијум, фунерарна археологија, прибор за предење, ћилибар, студије животног тока Приликом заштитних ископавања шире градске територије античког Виминацијума откривен је гроб жене преминуле у тридесетим годинама живота, а сахрањене са луксузним прибором за предење. Посебно се издваја преслица, начи­ њена од ћилибарских перли нанизаних на језгро од бронзе, коју јединственом чини врх који је фигурално моделован у виду женског попрсја. Минијатурне копије алата за упреда­ ње вуне, начињене од различитих материјала, познате су са територије целог римског царства, и махом потичу из фуне­ рарног контекста. Вуна је за римљане имала посебан значај, о чему говори податак да је латински назив за овај матери­ јал – lana – уједно био и назив за одећу. одора свештеника израђивана је искључиво од вуне, као и тканине употреб­ љаване у религијским ритуалима. Предење је сматрано женским послом и од жена се очекивало да опскрбе поро­ дицу одећом. У исто време то је била активност која је обав­ љана у оквиру домаћинства, те је у пренесеном смислу и то значило да се о њему стара жена. С временом је предење постало симбол женског рода и израз женске врлине, а осо­ ба која преде добила је метафорично значење у литератури. Материјална манифестација симболике предења јесте лук­ сузни прибор што је полаган у гробове покојница. 229 Антички писани извори нас обавештавају да су неве­ сте носиле преслицу и вретено током свадбене процесије која се кретала од њиховог девојачког дома ка кући будућег мужа. Може се претпоставити да је управо за тако битан животни догађај набављан скупоцени, ритуални прибор за предење, који би током церемоније наглашавао висок ста­ тус и богатство. Луксузне преслице, као изражено лични предмети које су жене поседовале у току живота, постајале су део гробног инвентара, што их чини веома корисним алатом са становишта студија животног тока, будући да упућују на припаднице конкретне старосне групе – удате индивидуе. Примерак откривен у Виминацијуму може се на осно­ ву расположивих показатеља определити у период краја ii и почетка iii века, што одговара датовању римске виле у чи­ јој је близини гроб откривен, тако да се покојница може до­ вести у везу с породицом у чијем се власништву налазило то газдинство. Минијатурне димензије фигуралне представе не допуштају прецизно утврђивање божанства или особе која је приказана. У раду је изнета претпоставка да се ради о генерализованој представи римске матроне, што је био идеал коме је власница предмета тежила. СТАрИНАр LXiX/2019 Institut Aechéologique Belgrade Volume LXIX/2019