Trinity

2005

The doctrine of the Trinity has, in the past couple of decades, reclaimed its central place in Christian God talk. Theologians are now using it to render every doctrine more explicitly Christian, and to sharpen interreligious dialogue. There is a strong drive toward vindicating the doctrine as relevant, but also a recognition that if it is truly a teaching about God it must remain somewhat theoretical. Finally, the field of historical theology is undertaking a fresh examination of the basic primary texts of trinitarian theology.

Routledge Encyclopedia of Philosophy Online , 2015

9.300 word entry summarizing and assessing models of the developed doctrine of the Trinity from six contemporary analytic theologians: Swinburne, Craig, Leftow, Brower, Rea, and van Inwagen.

What is the right way to speak about God and what implications does it have for the flourishing of women with in the church and the world?

TRINITY FAQ Question: Explain the Trinity in Religion [Hammond] OK.

This paper presents a comprehensive defense of the Trinity, integrating biblical, historical, philosophical, and theological perspectives. Through an exploration of both Old and New Testament scriptures, the doctrine of the Trinity is shown to be the most coherent and biblically sound understanding of God’s nature. The hypostatic union of Christ is examined in depth, demonstrating its essential role in understanding the relationship within the Godhead. Without the Trinity, Christianity loses its foundation, as it is only through the triune nature of God that the Incarnation and salvation can be fully understood. Although foundational to Christian theology, the doctrines of the Trinity and hypostatic union often receive less attention in modern preaching and teaching than they deserve. This paper seeks to address that gap, offering a detailed defense of the Trinity and its necessity for the Christian faith. It will also address common objections, including claims of pagan influence, and highlight the contribution of early Jewish texts to the development of Trinitarian thought. Finally, it will explore the concept of theosis, showing how believers participate in the divine life through union with Christ and the Spirit.

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in: The Oxford Handbook of the Reception of Aquinas, ed. Matthew LEVERING and Markus PLESTED, Oxford University Press, Oxford, 2021, p. 629-642., 2021

Aquinas occupies a prominent place in today’s discussions of Trinitarian theology. Each of the seven sections of this chapter deals with an aspect that is or should be present in any reception of Aquinas’s doctrine of the Trinity: the centrality of Trinitarian faith in Aquinas’s theology; the nature and purpose of Aquinas’s Trinitarian theology; the cardinal place of the economy of salvation; the relationship between Trinitarian processions and missions; the organization of the ‘treatise’ on God in the Summa theologiae; the divine persons as ‘subsisting relations’; the Son as Word and Image, and the Holy Spirit as Love and Gift. In Aquinas, Trinitarian doctrine provides the interpretive framework for understanding all other theological topics (from creation to eschatology).

When facing increasing waves of state repression, it is difficult to take bearings amidst the swells and troughs. How have the social and political horizons been affected by the domestic application of counterinsurgency? How can rebels and radicals build smarter strategies for resisting state repression? Life During Wartime is a set of texts emerging from several years of collective research into the history, theory, and practice of counterinsurgency. While counterinsurgency is often associated with low intensity conflicts on the so-called peripheries of empire, this collection critically analyzes how the United States' domestic security apparatuses are adapting the strategies, techniques, and technologies of counterinsurgency. Because the contemporary move toward counterinsurgency is largely decentralized, this collection approaches its subject from several different angles. Introductory chapters lay out the theory and internal logic of counterinsurgency. Intergenerational dialogs and analyses clarify how domestic repression strategies have changed over the past quarter century. Site-specific research shows the planning and implementation of security operations explicitly drawing from counterinsurgency. Critical analyses from several different active struggles offer insight into the potentials for resistance amidst a shifting social and political terrain. Many of the contributors first met at the 2011 Counter-Counterinsurgency Convergence in Portland, Oregon. The Convergence wove together three goals. It opened space for a historically grounded encounter between researchers and activists who work on issues of security, repression, and the shifting nature of the state. The Convergence worked "to map the contours of transnational counterinsurgency while designing strategies that contest, confound, and confront both counterinsurgency and empire." 1 Several talks and research presentations from the Convergence appear in following pages. THE COIN CYCLE According to the RAND Corporation, revolutions (and thus counterrevolutions) go through three stages: a proto-insurgency, a small-But the peak of the campaign-thus far-was marked by "Operation Backfire," a set of coordinated arrests launched in December 2005. The Backfire defendants were accused of a series of Earth Liberation Front and Animal Liberation Front arsons from the late 1990s-activities the FBI characterized as "domestic terrorism." 48 Altogether eighteen people were indicted. Two are still at large, fifteen were sent to prison for as long as 13 years, and one-William Rodgers-killed himself soon after his arrest. 49 The investigation into the ELF started to gain traction in 2001 when a woman in Eugene, Oregon called the police to report her truck stolen. She named her roommate, Jacob Ferguson, as the likely thief, and the police, noticing that the theft coincided with an arson at an SUV dealership, deduced that Ferguson might have started the fire. Both the roommate and the cops were mistaken, but the error proved lucky for law enforcement. Twice Ferguson was called before a grand jury and, in 2004, when the cops finally threatened him with prosecution, he offered them information on more than a dozen Earth Liberation Front and Animal Liberation Front actions, naming the people involved. Ultimately, he would provide details on 22 separate acts of sabotage. Ferguson then spent months traveling the country and wearing a wire to collect evidence for prosecutions. He recorded 88 hours of audio, representing 40 conversations. After each new arrest, the police pressed the suspects for information on others. A few of those arrested fought the charges, or plead guilty without implicating anyone else; most, however, gave evidence against their comrades in exchange for lighter sentencing. 50 Backfire succeeded largely thanks to a single lucky break, followed by a systematic effort to turn activists into informants. But to be able to take advantage of their good fortunes, the cops needed a substantial amount of more general background information about the community they were investigating. That effort started at least as early as 1999. The anarchist journal Rolling Thunder describes the approach: What we know of the early Backfire investigation points to a strategy of generalized monitoring and infiltration. While informants: "information about individuals may be necessary to persuade each one to help the government rather than helping the insurgents." This last point shows something of the recursive relationship between intelligence and coercion. In an insurgency, both sides rely on the cooperation of the populace; therefore they compete for it, in part through coercive means. As RAND researcher Martin Libicki writes: "Those uncommitted to either side should weigh the possibility that the act of informing or even interacting with one side may bring down the wrath of the other side." Whoever is best able to make good on this threat will, Libicki argues, receive the best information: "The balance of coercion dictates the balance of intelligence." 53 "DISRUPTION MODE" Of course, the better the intelligence, the more effective the use of force can be. And the purpose of identifying the insurgent network is to disrupt it. Consider the police efforts to frustrate protests against the 2008 Republican National Convention: A year in advance of the demonstrations, police informants began attending protest planning meetings around the country, while local cops and the FBI kept anti-RNC organizers under intense surveillance-following them, photographing them, going through their garbage. 54 Among the organizations targeted were Code Pink, Students for a Democratic Society, the Campus Anti-War Network, and most famously, "The RNC Welcoming Committee" (which later produced "the RNC 8" defendants). 55 Simultaneously, the Minnesota Joint Analysis Center invested more than 1,000 hours coordinating with other "fusion centers" around the country to collect, analyze, and disseminate information on suspected anti-RNC activists. The fusion center drew its information from a staggering array of sources, using law enforcement and Defense Department databases, as well as DMV records, court document, and information provided by private businesses. 56 In the days before the convention, police used this information to mount raids of activists' homes and meeting places, seizing banners, political literature, video equipment, and computers. 57 By the Convention's close, more than 800 people had been arrested, many rounded up en masse. 58 The majority-584-were released without charges, or had their cases dismissed. Only ten arrests resulted in felony convictions. 59 But the conviction rate may be beside the point. One commander stated frankly that the police weren't building prosecutable cases, but were instead acting in "disruption mode." 60 The law, in other words, was a secondary concern; politics was primary. PART THREE: THE COMING COUNTER-COUNTERINSURGENCY I began this essay by suggesting that a great deal of political repression goes unrecognized, and that the left needs to revise its understanding of repression if it is to resist it effectively. This need has developed alongside-in some respects it is a reflection ofsimilar changes in the thinking of our adversaries. With the emergence of the counterinsurgency model, the state has ceased to view subversives in isolation from their surrounding society. Increasingly, it has directed its attention-its intelligence gathering, its coercive force, and its alliance building-toward the population as a whole. Repression, in other words, is not something that happens solely, or even mainly, to activists. And it is not something that occurs only in times of crisis, or in response to a direct threat. Also, it is not something that necessarily happens in secret. It is worth pausing here to note that, while both sides may use clandestine or illegal methods, there is nothing inherently conspiratorial in either insurgency or counterinsurgency. One of the breakthroughs in the counterinsurgency approach was its shift away from J. Edgar Hoover-style conspiracy theories; 61 our understanding of counterinsurgency, likewise, cannot be rooted in conspiracy thinking. Insurgency and counterinsurgency are not the result of invisible actors and secret plots; they are the predictable result of