Class inequality and capital accumulation
in Brazil, 1992–2013
Pedro Mendes Loureiro*
This article explores the patterns of class inequality and capital accumulation in Brazil,
showing the drivers and limits of the decline in inequality that occurred during the
Workers’ Party governments. It proposes that minimum wage hikes and greater social
security changed the demand pattern and kick-started a cumulative causation process.
Growth and redistribution thus reinforced each other for a period, and then spelled
their own limits. As growth accelerated in the 2000s, a Gini decomposition indicates
that class inequality decreased, but confined to changes between workers—capitalist
income and social stratification were preserved. This also endogenously led to a regressive structural change, as low-productivity, labour-intensive services grew and
international trade patterns worsened. This created a medium-term dependence on
commodity prices for balance-of-trade solvency, and heightened cost-push inflation,
which could not be overcome under the limited policy framework in place. The constrained basis for reducing inequality and the regressive structural change underscore
that developmental strategies requires broad, multi-dimensional inequality-reducing
measures and an encompassing catching-up project.
Key words: Inequality, Class analysis, Structural change, Development, Brazil
JEL classifications: D63, L16, O10
1. Introduction
Brazil, alongside other countries of the Latin American ‘Pink Tide’, underwent a growth
and redistribution process during the 2000s, after two ‘lost decades’ of economic stagnation and income polarisation. Seemingly flying against the country’s entrenched
patterns of exclusionary, pro-rich growth, output grew as social indicators improved
during the centre-left Workers’ Party (PT, Partido dos Trabalhadores) administrations.
Under the permissive conditions provided by the ‘commodities supercycle’ and high
international liquidity, euphoria reigned as domestic and international commentators
exclaimed Brazil showed the path ahead for middle-income countries. A few years
Manuscript received 8 December 2017; final version received 10 February 2019.
Address for correspondence: University of Cambridge (CLAS-POLIS), The Alison Richard Building, 7 West
Road, Cambridge, CB3 9DT, UK; email: PML47@cam.ac.uk
*
University of Cambridge (CLAS-POLIS). The author is grateful for the contribution several colleagues
and friends made to this article, and would especially like to thank Alfredo Saad-Filho, Claudio Amitrano,
Ítalo Pedrosa, Leonardo Lins and Pauline Debanes, as well as the members of the 2017 EAEPE-Simon
Young Scholar Prize committee for awarding it the prize which has stimulated the development of this research. The usual disclaimers apply. The author also thanks CAPES for the grant BEX 0840/14-9.
© The Author(s) 2019. Published by Oxford University Press on behalf of the Cambridge Political Economy Society.
All rights reserved.
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Cambridge Journal of Economics 2019, 1 of 26
doi:10.1093/cje/bez030
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P. M. Loureiro
2. Growth, redistribution and regressive structural change in a cumulative
causation framework
The main argument of this article is that the PT implemented key policies that delivered growth and improved social standards between 2003 and 2013, particularly
lower income inequality and poverty, but fell short of securing conditions that would
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later, in 2019, none of these conditions held any longer: Brazil was in a critical economic and social crisis, unemployment had risen massively, commodity prices had
fallen, and former president Dilma Rousseff of the PT had been impeached and later
substituted by the far-right politician Jair Bolsonaro, with few centre-left governments
still standing in Latin America. Optimism had been unfounded, the positive cycle
short-lived and no real prospects of inclusionary growth were to be found.
What explains this volte-face, the incapacity of Brazil embarking on a sustained
process of development? What was the connection between the two phases: did the
boom period lay the seeds for its own end, or was the downturn an external event that
does not speak to insufficiencies of the former? On the undeniably nuanced answer
to these questions rest major issues for understanding the contemporary possibilities
for development, which extend much beyond the Brazilian case. Although historically
specific, the key mechanisms behind the growth and redistribution episode—structural change, the country’s insertion into the world market, social security and labour
market policies—are widely relevant for other experiences. Brazil’s advances and limits
during the 2000s can thus provide lessons for other middle-income countries about
how, to which extent and under which circumstances it is possible to pursue pro-poor,
equality-driven growth agendas.
This article hence seeks to discern the drivers and the limitations of growth and
redistribution in Brazil, seen as interconnected phenomena, focusing on the decrease
of income inequality between 2003 and 2013. It is organised as follows. The second
section presents the main argument, which is empirically substantiated in the following
ones. It argues there was a cumulative causation process explaining both growth and
redistribution, driven by rising minimum wages (MWs) and social-security transfers.
These policies increased low incomes and hence shifted the pattern of demand towards
wage-goods and services, heating the low-skilled segment of the labour market, reducing inequality and thus reinitiating the cycle. In doing so, this process brought about
a regressive structural change—the rise of low-productivity, labour-intensive sectors—
and inflationary pressures that would become major medium-term constraints. The
third section explores the growth pattern of the economy, identifying the drivers of
growth, their sectoral dimension and their implications for income distribution. The
fourth section analyses the evolution of inequality through a decomposition of the Gini
index (known as the Analysis of Gini, ANOGI), applied to a typology of class positions
based on household surveys. It shows how there were indeed gains, but restricted to
shifts between workers which preserved capital income. The fifth section explores how
these developments modified the economy’s constraints and eventually led to a conundrum. The two main points are, first, that the regressive structural change deteriorated the country’s insertion into the world market. Second, wage gains in services,
the motor of both growth and redistribution, led to escalating cost-push inflation. It
is shown that the policy framework in place, with low public investment, high interest
rates, an overvalued exchange rate and a poorly planned industrial policy, could not
overcome this conundrum. The sixth section concludes.
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