The Householder Brahmin as a Religious Professional

The Indian Journal of Anthropology, 2016

The stronghold of caste with regard to occupation is waning day by day. The change in the nature of caste based occupation has been reported in the anthropological reports from long back. But still in some cases caste is the only determinant of occupation. The occupation of the Brahmins probably bears the most prominent example of this irreplaceable occupational specialization. However growing secularization and opening of multiple avenues of earning have influenced the shift of occupation among different caste groups. The Brahmins who are traditionally among the more enlightened and well off section of the population have taken the opportunity with impunity. In spite of that the traditional caste calling has been still an important source of livelihood for a considerable section of the Brahmin population. This paper is mainly concerned about the occupational status and its changes among the Radhi and Utkal Brahmins. Here fieldwork has been conducted to investigate the determinants of occupational status of the Radhi Brahmins of Howrah, West Bengal, India and the Utkal Brahmins at Puri in Odisha, India (in both Rural-Urban contexts). The work has been done both in Howrah city and Makardah village under Howrah district in West Bengal and both in Puri city and Dandamukundapur village under Puri district in Odisha.

Journal of Indian Philosophy 41.1: 29-41., 2013

In his edicts, the emperor Aśoka Maurya extols brāhmaṇas, usually alongside ascetics (śramaṇas), as deserving honor and generosity, though he never alludes to their connection with ritual, the central theme of early Brahmanical literature. On the other hand, in Rock Edicts I and IX, he disparages sacrifices, and ceremonies performed by women, advocating instead the practice of ethical virtues. Close attention to the wording of Rock Edict IX shows that Aśoka and the Brahmanical Gṛhyasūtras talk about domestic rites in very similar terms, even describing them with the same adjective (uccāvaca). Both of them note the special role of women as a source of knowledge of such ceremonies, and differ only in how they evalute the value of such ceremonial: Aśoka disparages women’s rites, while some Gṛhyasūtras explicitly validate women as authorities in such matters. A comparison of these sources highlights the distinctive role of the term dhamma in Aśoka’s usage in contrast to maṅgala (auspicious folk rites), and may provide some guidance for dating the Gṛhyasūtras. The fact that Aśoka does not explicitly connect such rites with the brāhmaṇas suggests that in his experience at least (i.e., in Magadha) Brahmins’ religious authority had nothing to do with domestic ritual. We may conclude that the Vedic canonization of Gṛhya ritual norms was not yet recognized outside of priestly circles, if it had developed yet at all.

Patrick Olivelle (ed.), Gṛhastha. The Householder in Ancient Indian Religious Culture. OUP, 2019

This paper is going to study references to gṛhasthas, gṛhapatis and gṛhiṇīs in early kāvya literature. It will certainly not be an exhaustive study, but the material we find in Aśvaghoṣa's epics, the Jātakamālās, early Prakrit poetry and Kālidāsa's works is already so rich that adding more would have made the paper even unwieldier.

In order to understand the caste system in a broad manner, it is essential to look at the various strands that entwine the axis of a Brahmanical system of hierarchy, a word that might be used to encapsulate the larger dimensions of the caste system. One strand of this system is based on material access to resources, i.e class, and the other strand is based on gender and appropriation of sexuality, and yet another one is concerned with occupation and endogamy, which is jati. All these three strands impinge upon women's sexuality. The control over women's sexuality is a crucial component in maintenance of the purity of higher varnas.

The term 'Dalit', is a relatively new term used to label the so called low and former untouchable castes referred to in Old Legal Code of 1854, Pani nachalne chhoi chhito halnu parne jat (people from whom water is not accepted and whose touch requires sprinkling of holy water) (Dahal et.al. 2002). In general Dalit is used to refer to the groups who are put in the lowest rung of the social hierarchy in caste system. Its connotation is a group of people who are poor, oppressed, suppressed and exploited. Some tend to indicate the association of the term Dalit to the Nepali/Hindu word Daldal, meaning swamp. Those favouring these meanings see the Dalits as people who are living in swamps, coming out of which is difficult and extremely hard, if not impossible. The swamp is a metaphor for the socio-cultural milieus in which Dalits were trapped throughout the history (Bhattachan, 2005). Further, Upreti (2004) explains how the caste structure is based on Hindu Varna system which divides people into four categories according to their occupational activities viz., the Brahmin (learned people, priests), the Chhetri (warriors), the Vaishya (trader and agriculturist), and the Sudra (people in menial services). Originally, it had merely meant the type of work which anyone could do but gradually it became a hereditary idea. This transformation of Varnas led to the present complex and rigid caste system in Nepal. One hypothesis is that defeated Drabids were compelled by Aryans to serve them. Later on Drabid was referred to as untouchable and inferior or low class. They were confined only to their traditional occupations in exploitative manner. In the more recent history Dalits did not get access to land and other productive resources in agrarian society because the king and the state had distributed land only to nearly related people, service holders, priests, and their supporters.

Many people share in the creation of this work. I received exemplary scholarly guidance and unfailing support from my supervisors Professor Lenore Manderson and Dr Wendy Smith. Lenore extended my scholarly capacities in every way. She imbued in me a confidence as an anthropologist through her genuine interest in me, and my work, and by consistently treating me as her equal. Wendy offered particularly salient guidance in the first year, and contributed her expertise based on years of field experience with new religious movements. They both significantly shaped this work. I am grateful to Monash University and the Australian Government for the Australian Postgraduate Award and Endeavour Research Fellowship that facilitated my fieldwork and gave me the freedom to write. Thank you. I would particularly like to recognize the support of my father Robin Ramsay. While his eyes would often glass over while I spoke about ethnography, hermeneutics and phenomenological existentialism, Pa made it clear how proud he was of me. What else could a daughter ask for? Dadi Janki, Sisters Jayanti, Mohini and Nirmala, and Brother Nirwair all played particular and important roles in making this research possible. To the BKs of New York and to dearest Sister Kamlesh, and all the sisters and brothers of Orissa, in particular from Jhanjiri Mangla centre, from the bottom of my heart, I thank you. A special appreciation to my mother Barbara Bossert-Ramsay, who loved, cared for and sustained me in every conceivable and inconceivable way. Her absolute support created the perfect environment in which I could muse over my data, write happily, and feel a steady sense of comfort and peace. And thank you for doing the first reading of everything I wrote. Without you, I would not have completed this thesis. Dear Dadi Prakashmani, my friend and spiritual grandmother, gave me an example to which I aspire. Dadi supported new, creative and different forms of enquiry that explored the field of spiritual knowledge and mystical experience. In memory of her extraordinary life, and her imperishable influence upon mine, I dedicate this work to her. Glossary Alokik: Not of this world. Ashram: See 'centre.' Avinashi Gyān Yagya: The earliest name of the Brahma Kumaris World Spiritual University (BKWSU), adopted sometime in the 1940s. Baba: An affectionate term meaning 'father.' BapDada: The combined form of Shiv Baba and Brahma Baba. Bhawna: Deep feelings of love, belonging and sentiment. Bhog: Food that has been cooked and offered to God with ceremony on special occasions. Brahmā bhojan: Food that has been cooked and offered to God. BK: An acronym for someone who self-identifies as following the path of Brahma Kumaris Raja Yoga. Brahma Baba: The founder of the Brahma Kumaris. Brahmā Kumār/i: Spiritual son or daughter of Brahma Baba, respectively, male and female member of the Brahma Kumaris. Brahmā Kumaris Ishwariya Vishwa Vidyalaya: Official native title of the organization, anglicized as Brahma Kumaris World Spiritual University Brāhman (caste): The highest priestly caste. Historically brāhmans adhered to a pure lifestyle and follow the highest lifestyle principles of non-violence. Brahmin: An anglicized version of brāhman. Used among BKs to identify BKs. "Is she a Brahmin (Is she a BK)?" Centre: A place where BK ascetics reside and the main teaching house of the Brahma Kumaris. Also referred to as 'ashram' in India. Confluence Age: The metaphysical age that overlaps the end of Kaliyuga and the beginning of Satyuga. Cooperative Soul: Someone who does not necessarily abide by BK philosophy and principles but supports and facilitates the work that the organization does. Cycle: An eternal, predestined, cyclic and endless repeating period of 5,000 years. Dada: Lit., Elder brother, father, grandfather. Fig. A senior male BK who has been in the organization since its inception. A form of respectful address to elder men. Dadi: Lit., Grandmother. Fig. A senior female BK who has been in the organization since its inception. Dedicated/ surrendered: A BK sister or brother who lives in a centre and has dedicated his or her life to teaching and living the principles of the BK path. Didi: Lit., Elder sister. Fig., Senior sisters who joined the organization in the 1950s and 1960s. Didis are considered the middle management of the organization. Double Videshī: Double Foreigners. BKs who are of a nationality other than Indian. Drama: An eternally repeating play that takes place on the stage of the world. It is a closed system that contains three forms of energy: souls, matter and God. Drishti: Lit., vision or insight. Fig., a significant, sacred and important BK practice where, with the eyes open, good energy is passed between souls. Gyān: Spiritual knowledge or wisdom. 'Coming into gyan' and 'leaving gyan' are terms BKs use when somebody enters or leaves the path of BK Raja Yoga Instrument: The consciousness with which BKs endeavor to do service. E.g. "Shiv Baba is getting it done through me. I am God's puppet. I am just His instrument." Kālī: Dark fearsome mother goddess, worshipped especially in East India. Kalīyuga: The age of death and darkness that exists presently. Lokik: Of the world. Madhuban: The Headquarters of the Brahma Kumaris, located in Rajasthan, applies to all campuses on Mt Abu. The spiritual 'home' of BKs. Maryāda: Lifestyle principles adhered to by BKs, considered the highest form of living.

2006

Like wealth, power is best seen when it changes hands. The transfer of monastic responsibilities is a moment that demands a definition of the power over men and resources at stake, and an assessment of the means put at the disposal of those who exercise that power. In this paper, I look at the rules and rituals of investiture of Hindu abbots [1] in contemporary India in order to investigate, from this limited perspective, the conception of religious authority prevailing in their community. After some introductory remarks about Hindu monasticism, its development and main characteristics, I examine and compare the procedures of selection and installation of two abbots. My examples are drawn from institutions belonging to two representative Hindu monastic traditions, the Daśanāmī founded by the monist (advaita-vedāntin) theologian Śa kara (VIIIth c.), the Nimbārki by the theist (vai ava vedāntin) theologian Nimbārka (XIIth c.). For the latter, I rely on the extensive anthropological and historical research I have been doing since 1988 on the Nimbārkī monastery of Salemabad (Rajasthan, North India); for the first one, on different published studies on the South Indian monastery of Sringeri [2] as well as on interviews I conducted there myself in November 2003. The two monasteries belong to Hindu groups whose theological and soteriological assumptions and ritual practices are very different and who have been arch rivals on the Hindu religious scene throughout history ; nonetheless, they have enough in common to justify a comparison. In fact, the issue examined here is not unique to them and shows in a more general way how rituals of ordination and investiture participate in the legitimation of Hindu monastic authority in modern Hinduism. The Hindu monastery as a sectarian institution Hinduism admits ascetics, but unlike Buddhism, it is not first and foremost a monastic religion. Though the Buddha repeatedly gave advice to laymen, his main teachings were addressed to those who had left society and social norms behind them. In principle, if one is to achieve the aim of the Buddhist teaching, he or she must adopt the monastic way of life. It is not that an assertion in favor of world withdrawal is absent from Hinduism. As is well-known, the upani ads express the conviction that release (mok a) from transmigration (sa sāra) can be attained directly through ultimate knowledge (j-āna), and that to acquire this emancipating knowledge one should give up all activities incumbent on those who live in the world. But this teaching is counterbalanced by an equally legitimate stance upholding the importance of activity, particularly ritual activity. This explains why, in principle at least, religious life comes to be organized around two opposite poles and in two corresponding models of conduct, that of the married householder (g hastha) on the one hand, and that of the celibate renouncer (sa nyāsī), on the other. In Brahmanical Hinduism, then, the necessity for world renunciation (sa nyāsa) is only one point of view. This helps to explain why, in reality, the radical steps of world withdrawal and assumption of the ascetic lifestyle are only taken by a few.