Players, Performances and Existence of Women's Noh: Focusing on the Articles Run in the Japanese General Newspapers

Hosei University Repository Players, Performances and Existence ofWomen's Nob: Focusing on the Articles Run in the Japanese General Newspapers Yusuke Suzumura Hosei University Research Center for International Japanese Studies Introduction Women had been involved in Nob since its early phase, the days of Kan'ami and Zeami (fourteenth century) m. But women have not been given fair treatment in the history of Noh, even if there was a profound relationship between Nob and womenm. It appears that the contribution of women to Nob in its early stages was somewhat ignored in Nob-history. We can discern seven periods in the history of women Nob performances0 l: (1) Occurrence of female Sarugaku, the origin of Nob (1349-1432), (2) Record of the oldest female Nob and its popularity (1432-1585), (3) Golden age of female Nob (1585-1630), (4) Prohibition of female Nob in the Tokugawa Shogunate (1640.1868), (5) Crisis of traditional Nob, and conflict between relatives in Nob and of women Nob performers (1868-1948), (6) Activities of professional women Nob performances (1948-2004), and (7) Outlook for female Nob performances (2004 · ). In this paper we examine articles on women's Nob performance run in some Japanese general newspapers after the late nineteenth century until )\ now and discuss these articles quantitatively and qualitatively. In this way we t\ will discover and analyse some tendencies or characteristics in discourses about performance depending on the difference in sex, their skill, or their 41 Hosei University Repository Women's Noh in the Japanese General Newspapers status as the Noh performers. But why do we choose general newspapers? Would it not be more appropriate to analyse specialised magazines on Noh? Certainly, these magazines are useful for researching changes in the world of Nob itself. However, the influence of such magazines is limited largely to within the world of Noh. The first Noh approaches was a historical one : Iwakura Tomomi (~~ Atl) ordered the compilation of Fiizokuii Kabu Gemyii Ko (Jll..itHfk'*il&{lift~) by the historians Shigeno Yasutsugu (ll!!lft* *'>and Kume Kunitake <~*:f!Hit). Kabu Ongaku Ryakushi <nUJtff*~~) written by Konakamura Kiyonori ('J,'PftilBI!). Then came the artistically approaches: in 1902 Ikenouchi Nobuyoshi (ii!!P9·fiH%) created the first magazine about Noh called Nogaku (00~) publised until1921. On the other hand, readers of general newspapers have greatly varying interests, and editorial policies are influenced by readers' demands. In this sense it is justified to claim that researching opinions held by a wider public is more meaningful than focusing on the views of specialists. This paper will discuss socially-accepted ideas represented in these articles and clarify that the logic of negative attitudes to Noh performances by women or women Noh players is based on not only the tradition of Noh but also their ability or technique. The Current Situation of Women's Nob Lucy Birmingham, an author and photographer, appropriately described the situation of women's Noh in the world of Nob in her article published in Newsweek on 151h October 2009.w. J\ Ii. About 200 women are registered professionals, members of the 30 to 50 patrilineal family troupes that compose the five Noh schools. But unlike 42 Hosei University Repository most of their 1,200 male Noh colleagues, who debuted on the stage at about 4, many of these women have trained only since their 30s. Their wider acceptance has corresponded largely to the country's faltering economy, beginning in the early 1990s. Noh theater has been plagued by a decline in students and a lack of patronage, and as young men in Noh families have begun to opt for secure office jobs over family tradition, women have stepped in to fill their roles. The move mirrors Japanese women's entry into other traditionally male fields, including politics and train conducting. Actually, opportunities for women have followed economic crises and social change throughout the history of Noh. During the Edo period (160~ 1868), when Noh flourished with the support of the Tokugawa Shogunate, women were banned from publicly performing Noh as part of a government crackdown on individual freedom and morality. But during the Meiji Restoration in the late 1800s, when Noh actors and masters were stripped of their patronage, women returned to the stage. Because teaching women in the higher class Nob was good income for Noh masters, and once women study with such masters and got to learn Noh, they wanted to perform Noh in front of audiences. Finally, in 1948, just after Japan's defeat in World War 11, the country still reeling under pressure from the victorious allies, Japan allowed its first officially recognized professional woman Nob actor, Tsumura Kimiko (jjft+Htr or ~.ft>te=:r. 1902-1974)"). J\ Women in the Higher Class and Nob-Learning In the days of the Shogunate regime, it was not permitted to instruct Yokyoku (IIJI} llll. recitation of the classical drama), one of composition 43 I1Q Hosei University Repository Women's Noh in the Japanese General Newspapers elements of Noh, to women, arguing that it was impossible for women to master. Since then Yokyoku was far removed from the lives of ordinary women(6). Such is the case with Nob as a whole. However, after the Meiji Restoration, learning Nob or Yokyoku became fashionable among women of the higher class. For example, the wife of Marquis Yamanouchi, the wife of Viscount Ii, and the wife of Viscount Todo were famous women who learnt Yokyoku in the Kanze school, the HoshO school or the Kita school in the beginning of the twentieth century. And women learnt Kotsuzumi(ti,Yit), a small hand drum, under the instruction of Misu Kingo (=:g{~ft) and Misu Heiji (=: nt .i¥ n]), a prominent Tsuzumi master of the KO school. Table 1 lists the name of women who studied with Misu Kingo and Misu Heiji as of Table 1 The name of women who studied with Misu Kingo and Misu Heiji (As of 12th December 1906) Name lwakura Osako Sato Shizuko Furukawa Naoko KuboTomiko Shirai Kurako Title The Mother of Viscount lwakura Tomoaki The Wife of Doctor Sato, the Surgeon-General The Wife of Mr. Furukawa, Auditor of the Board of Audit The Wife of Mr. Kubo, former Director of Nippon Railway The Wife of Mr. Shirai, a company member oflwaki Colliery Comapy Haruta Takako The Wife of Mr. Haruta, a company member of NisshO life Insurance Company Egi Eiko The Wife of Mr. Egi Makoto, a lawyer Takeyama Shizuko The Wife of Mr. Takeyama Manzaburo, a company member of Mitsubishi Joint-Stock Company Naito Sabuko The Wife of Mr. Naitii Hikosuke, a secretary of the Railway J\ Bureau NodaTamako The Daughter of Baron Noda Shiota Suteko The Wife of Colonel Shiota Source: T11e Yomiuri Shimbun, 12,. December 1906. 44 Hosei University Repository 12th December 1906 m. There were ten women, including a peeress and the wife of a soldier of high degree, who studied with father and son Kingo and Heiji. However, there was a difference between leaning and performing Yokyoku, and it was too hard for female learners to perform Yokyoku on the stage, because there were strong objections by Nob masters. In July 1908, Egi Eiko, the wife of Mr. Egi Tadashi happened to be selected for performing Yokyoku in the Utai-kai (il!~. Concert of Utat). This Utai-kai was held by the Mainichi Shimbun and at the Kudan Nohgakudo (1L~I'm~:!it)(lll. But male masters of Yokyoku strongly objected to female performance of Yokyoku and as the result Madam Egi had no other choice but to excuse herseH from the opportunity to perform Yokyoku at the Kudan Nohgakudo(9). This case was typical example what happened to females when they had a chance to perform Yokyoku: they had to face up to strong opposition from male masters of Yokyoku. After mid-1908, the situation of surrounding women and Nob gradually changed, because the wife of the Emperor Meiji honoured the Kudan Nohgakudo with a visit and appreciated Nob. This imperial visit prompted not a few women to start to team Yokyoku. The women's association was organised in the Kanze school and the Hosho school, while the Kita school and the Kongo school instructed women who want to learn Nob. For example, the women's association of the HoshO school had around twenty members, including the Mother of Count Iwakura and the Wue of Mr. Haruta Naoya. Seki Hideko (003llr). the daughter of the well known industrialist Seki Muneyoshi (00*~>. studied with Matsumoto Nagashi (~;ifi:-Jf) and Noguchi Masakichi (ftlJi£!.{rf), high ranking masters of the Kanze school. About twenty women learnt in the Kanze school. Egi Eiko was good at Utai, Shimai ({t1.t) and Tsuzumi, but 45 J\ Hosei University Repository Women's Nob in the Japanese General Newspapers had been denied to perform Yokyoku at Kudan Nohgakudo 11 1 " • Noh in the Educational Curriculum There is another interesting case ofToyo Kasei Girl's School ~t(. Olii¥*i&:k now Shibuya Junior & Senior High School). In Toyo Kasei Girl's School, a course of Yokyoku became a part of the regular curriculum and students learnt Yokyoku for two hours a week from May 1909 uu. An instructor of this course was Yamashina Akiko (ll.llli IYJ i'-), a daughter of Yamashina Tokujiro-a head of the Yamashina Family. In this course, Yamashina Akiko taught students seven Yokyoku pieces, Yuya (11ft !1ft), ShOjo {W4 ), Yoshinotennin ("'Sff::RA), Tsurukame (lt!lfft.), Hagoromo (mlit), Funabenkei OMHfi.RD and Koyo (,U~). and five Shimai pieces, Tsurukame (fl!lffl.). Yuya (11Ut). Yoshino (tillff). Fujin (;Ji;A) and ShOjo OJH· )u 21 • According to a remark of Yamashina Akiko, Toyo Kasei Girl's School was the only school which included Yokyoku in the regular curriculum, though there were some schools in where Yokyoku was told 031 • The case of Toyo Kasei Girl's School reflects fundamental attitudes of masters and patrons of Noh. That is to say, learning Yokyoku, Shimai, Tsuzumi etc. was deemed a good activity or an exquisite leisure for women, including even the private performance of these parts of Nob, but not playing Noh at a public theatre and in front of public audiences. The latter point is illustrated by a performance of Utai at Chinzan-so by Egi Eiko. As we mentioned above, her performance at the Kudan Nohgakudo was rejected J\ by the authorities of the world of Nob, but in fact once she performed her Utai at the Chinzan-so (.f{flll.iff). the private residence of Duke Yamagata Aritomo (ll.IJ\tHiJUI), he was greatly impressed by her performance 1141 • Some newspaper articles demonstrate this latter point. For instance, Ikenouchi 46 Hosei University Repository Nobuyoshi, a representative Noh researcher active from the Meiji Era to the early Showa Era and author of Nohgaku Seisuiki, pointed out that learning and performing Utai and Kotsuzumi were not only a fashionable pastime for women, but also an accomplished amusement for women. Ikenouchi argued that these activities were suitable since they were appropriate for female character and intelligence. At the same time he stated that performing Noh was improper for women because moving their body softly and mildly was one aspect of Noh performance, and what was essential in Noh was to perform with strong and energetic acting. For this reason, Ikenouchi concluded, it was inadequate for women to perform Noh plays. In addition he wrote that women could master Utai or Kotsudumi since they were adept in the use of their hands for everything, but it would be hard for them to understand esoteric learning or achieve great success in the field of Noh. For these reason, Ikenouchi concluded Noh was unsuitable for female professionals, but fine as a hobby for women° 5'. Why Was Women's Nob Prohibited? Soroshi (iffillH'~). an alias of the article ran in The Asahi Shimbu11, proffered another argument in favour of prohibiting female performance of Noh. SOroshi said: opening the door to women's performing Noh seemed liberal and progressive, but it might easily corrupt attitudes, easily backsliding to ideas such as "female performers shall use make-up and not using masks (Omote or Me11, Hii, a Noh mask)", adding that "appearances on the Noh stage are highly symbolic and far from the real life figures". In the J\ end this might damage the nature and essential philosophy of Noh. Keeping 0 traditional style and form would be best, and the only way to feel and understand the culture of the Higashiyama Age. This opinion might be 47 Hosei University Repository Women's Nob in the Japanese General Newspapers based on the view of age-old traditions dating back to the olden times. In fact the person, who claimed this notion, used the flame of "keeping a tradition" as a proper reason to reject the female Nob which would be performed publicly or become an occupation of women. In short, SOroshi's argument was based on female actors whose performance was a leisure activity, a hobby or for educational purposes. SOroshi held that learning Nob was good way for women to experience and understand the importance of cooperation, and that such activity would be beneficial to develop women's physiqueu6l. SOroshi's thinking seems to reflect the thinking of feudal rulers bent on maintaining the social order of that period(l7). In a sense, the relationship of dominance and submission based on sexual difference had exercised a strong influence on people in favour of prohibiting female Nob. Noh Performance by Foreign Women Objections to female Nob performances were strong, but things were slightly different when foreign women performed Nob. When Miss DuPont, a US actress, for example, intended to perform some Nob drama at the private stage of Hashioka Kyiitaro Hi liJ ~i:ft~), a Nob master of the Kanze school, on 121h December 1919, it was not reported as a curious or dreadful episode but just as a kind of heart warming topicu81 • One may also refer to an article on the Nob-experience of Anna C. Hartshome, an English teacher of Joshi Eigakujuku (k-=fJ!t~¥A. now Tsudajuku Women's University), -t 1L approbated her strong bent for Nohu'~. Looking at the reasons for such different comments when foreigners were involved in female Nob-performances we should notice that they were beyond the ordinary world of Nob, because these performers were just 48 Hosei University Repository temporary guests had came from abroad, and their status in Japan was basically different from that of Japanese women. In addition, evaluation of Nob by foreigners, especially Western ones, might be useful for improving the social status of Nob among Japanese: Nob at that time was facing a crisis of extinction, being one of the symbols of the ancien regime in the Meiji Restoration and the age of cultural enlightenmentC!O). In fact Hartshome and DuPont acclaimed Nob like "a drama sharing similarity with ancient Greece drama or some Germany drama" (Hartshome) or "feeling and expressing sublimity" (DuPont). We should see such comments in the light of seeking approval from the West, regarded as a model of civilisation for Japanese modem culture. Conclusion It is argued that the new age of modernity began after the Great Kanto Earthquake had struck in 1923. It helped people to overcome the burden of the past. It was "an era when people did not lament a bygone past, but enjoyed a new-born age"cm. It was a time when many new jobs were created and women embraced new roles as workersC221 in professions such as bus girl, elevator girl, department store girl, cafe waitress, typist or nurse, leading to an increase in their numbers and the social evolution of the female progressed. It was against this background of changes in the social environment that some people in the world of Noh advocated women's Nobperformance. Sakamoto Setchou (J;&j[;~ .~). a distinguished Nob critic, often raised the topic of women's Nob performance, and stimulated their activities. In an article of 13th June 1937, Sakamoto reviewed the performance of Tsumura Kimiko and her company and highly valued their spirits increasing the stage 49 -t J\ Hosei University Repository Women's Noh in the Japanese General Newspapers relying on their own power(231 • Sakamoto gave his critical comment on Tsumura in the following words: "true art and performance are precious, and Tsumura's activity is the women's Noh in its true meaning. Thus her remarkable effort deserves respect"' 241 • These articles, of course, were results of continued attempts by relatives of female Noh performers. When such attitudes conformed with changes in social conditions and women's social advancement, evaluations of women's Nob-performance began to metamorphose from rather not positive to rather not negative. These changes in attitudes towards women's Noh, however, were the first step to open up the world of Noh for women. People promoting an increase in the status of women had to wait for some more decades to establish their new position in this traditional society of performing arts. Note (1) Miyanishi, Naoko: A History of Women's Nob - On Its Early Stage- . The Bulleti11 ofthe lntemational Society for Harmony & Combination of Cultures, 7: 4~. 2006. (2) Ibid. (3) Miyanishi, Naoko: A Study of Female Nob in Middle Age. Nihon University, (4) Graduate School of Social and Cultural Studies, 6: 279-290, 2005. Birmingham, Lucy: Nob Go. Newsweek, 15"' October 2009, http:/ /www.thedailybeaslcom/newsweek/2009/10/15/noh-go.html (accessed 31 ~ January 2013) (5) Ibid. (6) (7) The Yomiuri Shimbun, 8"' July 1919 The Yomiuri Shimbun, 12"' December 1906 (8) The Kudan Nohgakud was originally opened on 16" April 1881 at Shiba, Tokyo and donated to the Yasukuni Shrine in 1903. After that this Nohgakudii became to be called as the "Kudan Nohgakud ",because the location of the Yasukuni Shrine was {; Kudan area. See Kobayashi Seki, Eine kleine Geschichte des Meiji-zeitlichen Nil - {; anhand von Schauspielerbiographien der T6ky6ter Schulen. NOAG, 177-178: 185197,2005. (9) The Yomiuri Shimbun, 3"' January 1909 (10) Ibid. 50 Hosei University Repository (11) The Yomiuri Shimbun, 29"' September 1910 (12) On activities of Yamashina Akiko, the following article is beneficial. See Aoki Ryoko: Onna ga Nob wo Enjiru to Iukoto. Gakugekigaku, 10: 1-18, 2003. (13) The Yomiuri Shimbun, 10"' June 1920. (14) The Yomiuri Sllimbun, 3"' January 1909. (15) The Yomiuri Sllimbun, 8"' July 1919. (16) The Asahi Shimbun, 18"' November 1911. (17) Wakita, Haruko:]osei Geino no Genryij. Tokyo: Kadokawa Publishinig, 2001, 221. (18) The Asahi Shimbun, 12"' December 1919. (19) The Asahi Shimbun, 8"' May 1913. (20) Kobayashi Seki: Eine kleine Geschichte des Meiji-zeiUichen No -anhand von Schauspielerbiographien derTokyoter Schulen. NOAG, 1n-178: 185-197,2005. (21) lto, Toshiharu: Nihon no 1920 nendai. In Toshi Taishusyakai no seiritsu, ed. by Hirai, Tadashi et al, Tokyo: Yuhikaku, 202, 1983. (22) Kondo, Tomoko: "Depart-girl" no ti5jo.]apan Business History Review, 40(3): 27-43, 2005. (23) The Asahi Shimbun, 13"' June 1937. (24) The Asahi Shimbun, 17"' June 1937. Aclmow1edgement I express my deepest gratitude to Professor Emeritus Dr. Kurt Wemer Radtke and Ms. Magali Bugne for their comments to this paper. * This paper is a part of results ofAward for Young Individual Scholars' Research on Society and Culture: "llrterdisciplinary Research on 1apan-consciousness• supported by Suntory Foundation (japan). 51 Hosei University Repository Women's Nob in the Japanese General Newspapers Abstract The status of women performers in Nob has been a subject of debate before women's entry into the Nohgaku Kyokai (Nohgaku Performers' Association) in 1948. In 1948, just a few years after the Second World War, several women were allowed to apply for professional status as Noh performers. Before that, women were only permitted to practice Nob as a hobby. Even after women were recognized as Noh professionals, it was not until 2004 that certain female Nob performers were recognized as Intangible Cultural Properties and permitted to enter the Nihon Nohgakukai (Association for Japanese Nob Plays). It means that they were not recognised at the highest levels of professional performance of Nob, though some of them were as skilled as male professionals. After that, however, there still remains a considerable negative attitude to Noh performances by women or women Nob players among critics or audiences. In this presentation, we examine articles on women's Nob performance run in some Japanese general newspapers after the late lg'h century to the present and discuss these articles quantitatively and qualitatively. In this way we will find and analyse some tendencies or characteristics in discourse about performance depending on differences in sex, their skill, or their status as the Noh performers. The paper will discuss socially-accepted ideas represented in these articles. This will make it clear that the logic of some -1:; negative attitudes to Nob performances by women or women Nob players is 1i based on the tradition of Nob as well as their ability or technique. 52