Danish Neo-Latin Epic as Anti-Swedish Propaganda

Acta Conventus Neo-Latini Torontonensis: proceedings of the seventh International Congress of Neo-Latin Studies: Toronto, 8 August to 13 August, 1988 Toronto. Edd. Alexander Dalzell, Charles Fantazzi, Richard J. Schoeck, Binghamton, N.Y.: Medieval & Renaissance Texts & Studies, 1991, p. 721-727 Danish Neo-Latin Epic as Anti-Swedish Propaganda Karen Skovgaard-Petersen In the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries a number of Latin historical epic poems were written in Denmark, dealing with the history of Denmark. Some of these are annalistic in nature, i.e., they recount the history of Denmark over a longer period of time. They are normally dedicated to the reigning Danish king, and can be characterized as versified, panegyrical, national history. Others are, like classical epic poems, centered around a single conflict. In this paper I shall deal with three such "classical" epics. The three poems are united by their common theme, namely a DanishSwedish war. During this period Denmark and Sweden were constantly competing with each other, often with open warfare as the result. This tense situation was expressed in a great number of polemic literary works in both countries. The goal was to denigrate each other, not least in the eyes of outsiders. Historical writing in Latin was a useful tool in this literary battle, and historical epic also served the cause of national propaganda.1 These three epic poems are very much engaged in This article only deals with Danish poems. A survey of Swedish anti-Danish poems in the 1550s and 1560s is found in: Kurt Johannesson, "Retorik och Propaganda vid det äldre Vasahovet," in Lychnos 1969-70. Stockholm, 1971. 1 polemics against Sweden. In the following I shall provide examples illustrating the way in which authors utilize classical epic models in order to accomplish their own polemic ends. The largest of these epics is Margaretica (10 books, 6666 lines) from 1573, written by Erasmus Laetus (1526-1582), who was by far the most prolific Danish Neo-Latin poet. At this point in time the so-called Nordic [p. 722] Seven Years War between Denmark and Sweden had just ended, more or less indecisively. Margaretica deals with a great Danish victory over Sweden some 200 years earlier, in 1389, but the poem nevertheless contains a large number of allusions to the recent Seven Years War — which therefore, indirectly, is made to look like a great Danish victory. It is not just any previous Danish victory over Sweden Laetus has chosen as his subject matter. The poem deals with the victory of the ruling Danish Queen Margaret over the Swedish King Albrecht (Laetus has appropriately dedicated the poem to a contemporary ruling queen, Elizabeth of England). This victory paved the way for the so-called Union of Kalmar between Denmark and Sweden which lasted until 1523, under the rule of Danish kings. Once the union was dissolved, the Swedish kings were at pains to distance themselves from this previous dependence; so when Laetus chose precisely this battle as the subject of his epic, it was clearly intended as a provocation. In one of the central scenes Queen Margaret lies awake at night in fear of the numerous threats of war which had been given by the Swedish king. The scene has models in the Aeneid where Aeneas often lies awake with the gnawing uncertainty as to where he is going to lead the Trojans. Like Aeneas, Margaret receives the answer in a dream. This answer, given by her deceased husband, is a description of the glorious Danish kings who are to reign over the Union of Kalmar — that is if she now responds to the challenges of the Swedish king by going to war. This prophecy is modelled upon Anchises' foretelling to Aeneas of the future greatness of Rome in the sixth book of the Aeneid. Thereby the union between Denmark and Sweden is made to form a counterpart to Rome in the prophecy of Anchises, a suggestion that must have been highly provocative to Swedes at the time. Virgil's Aeneid is in fact the most important literary model for Margaretica. Among other things, Laetus has borrowed a number of features from the description of the Trojan war, in the second book of the Aeneid, for his portrayal of the battle itself — Sweden of course playing the part of the defeated Troy. In addition, the figure of Queen Margaret has much in common with Aeneas, but unlike Aeneas she shows practically no signs of human weakness. She is a perfect monarch, while her opponent, the Swedish King Albrecht, is a tyrant pure and simple. Albrecht's intention with the war is to conquer the Scanian provinces (today the southernmost area of Sweden which was part of Denmark until 1658). With this Laetus is clearly alluding to the Swedish king during the recent Seven Years War, Erik 14, who had declared, correspondingly, that his highest goal was to make the Scanian provinces Swedish. However, [p. 723] Erik 14 did not achieve his goal, and thus Laetus can use this in his polemics as an example of Albrecht's — and indirectly of Erik's — ridiculously exaggerated ambitions. When Laetus published Margaretica, in 1573, Denmark was still the leading country of the North. Eighty-five years later, in 1658, the balance of power between the two countries was completely reversed. In the course of the Thirty Years War, Sweden had become one of the leading European powers, and had now conquered the Scanian provinces along with a number of other areas from Denmark. The Swedish king Charles 10 Gustav even planned to bring the whole of Denmark under his rule. At a certain point he actually controlled most of the country, but the Danish capital Copenhagen was still left to conquer. Consequently, he surrounded the city in the autumn of 1658. Even this rather unflattering situation could become glorious in Danish antiSwedish epics. The Swedish siege of Copenhagen is the subject of no fewer than two Latin epics, owing to the fact that the Swedish king was not successful in his attempt to take Copenhagen, and Denmark thus remained independent. One of these poems, Amagria vindicata (1 book, 926 lines), is written by the Danish philologist and scientist Ole Borch (1626-1690).2 It deals with a single encounter, in which the Danes overcame the Swedes on the island of Amager a little outside Copenhagen. The poem is almost solely concerned with the Swedish King Charles who has surprisingly many traits in common with his Swedish predecessor Albrecht in Laetus' Margaretica. Just as Laetus' Albrecht is convinced that he will conquer the provinces of Scania, Charles considers it a small matter to The Amagria vindicata was probably written shortly after 1660, but it was not published until 1693 (see the Bibliography). 2 conquer the whole of Denmark. Both kings are advised against these presumptuous projects; and both entirely ignore the warnings. They do not become aware of their unjust greed until they have suffered well-deserved defeat. One morning Charles tells his men that he has had a dream the night before, in which one of his great predecessors on the Swedish throne Gustav Adolf (who died in the Thirty Years War) appeared before him (Amag. 167-70): Adfuit & toto Gustavus luridus ore Hei mihi! quam pallens? quam loti sanguine vultus? Exhaustaeque genae, capitisque orbata capillis Area, & a Lycio praecordia fossa tumultu? [p. 724] Here Borch quotes Aeneas' description of Hector, who appeared to Aeneas in a dream, shortly before the fall of Troy (Aen. II. 270-79): in somnis, ecce, ante oculos maestissimus Hector … raptatus bigis ut quondam, aterque cruento puluere perqué pedes traiectus lora tumentis. ei mihi, qualis erat … squalentem barbam et concretos sanguine crinis uulneraque ilia gerens, quae circum plurima muros accepit patrios. In the same way as Aeneas is surprised at Hector's miserable appearance, Charles is surprised at the sight of the badly injured Gustav. Both figures appear in a wounded state as they looked at the moment of death.3 And just like Aeneas, Charles only partially comprehends the fact that it is a bad omen when this formerly great hero and fellow countryman suddenly appears in such a pitiful state. Charles simply declares that only women and children are scared by that kind of dream (Amag. 171-73): Talibus at trepident puerilia pectora visis, Borch's words Lycio tumultu arc almost certainly a reference to the battle of Lützcn in 1632 where Gustav Adolf died. 3 Effoetaeque nurus: non vana insomnia Regem Terruerint … He does admit, however, that he was shaken by a strange chill (Amag. 181): Sed mihi nescio quid frigusculi in ossa penetrat — a phrase that recalls Aeneas' account from the ominous beaches he arrives at right after his flight from Troy (Aen. III. 29-30): mihi frigidus horror/membra quatit gelidusque coit formidine sanguis. But even this sign of warning is dismissed by the Swedish king. He proclaims confidently that the Danes shall be conquered in any event (Amag. 182): Quidquid id est, Dano delebitur omne cruore — echoing Laocoon’s foreboding pronunciation regarding the Trojan horse (Aen. II. 49): quidquid id est, timeo Danaos et dona ferentis. Thus, in Charles' speech, we find a number of allusions to the vague premonitions of imminent danger among the Trojans, before the fall of Troy and during the flight from the city. With this, the defeat of the Swedes is alluded to, in this poem as in Laetus' Margaretica, by means of the fall of Troy in the Aeneid. It is no coincidence that Charles is the same type of tyrant as Albrecht. Borch has clearly copied his own Swedish scoundrel from Laetus' Al[p. 725]brecht. Indeed, in Borch's poem Albrecht is the great and awful example of a Swedish king who suffers well deserved defeat at the hands of Denmark. In his dream, Charles is warned, not only by the appearance of Gustav Adolf, but also by the Swedish saint, the holy Birgitta, who lived in the fourteenth century and was a contemporary of Albrecht. She addresses him thus (Amag. 157): semialberte . . . nimium fremis — Albertus being the Latin form of Albrecht. This is likely to be an allusion to Laetus' Margaretica, where Albrecht's fremitus, his blustering behaviour, is a continuous theme. The first words of Margaretica actually are: Alberti Sueonum fremitus … canimus, and the last: Alberti fremitus fatali in sede quieuit. In Borch's poem Charles is a new Albrecht, that is, yet another boastful Swedish king who finally suffers a crushing and deserved defeat to Denmark. Margaret's dream in Laetus' poem and Charles' dream in Borch's poem function in much the same way. In both poems the dream is an attempt to persuade the principal character with the help of historical examples of Swedish crimes and defeats. Margaret is encouraged in her dream to take up the fight against the Swedes, as her deceased husband not only describes to her the future Union of Kalmar, but also reminds her of earlier Swedish crimes which must now be punished. Charles is warned, in his dream, against the war with Denmark: First, saint Birgitta tells him about his coming defeat and death (in 1660), then he sees a former enemy, the duke of Kurland,4 call forth the punishment of the gods upon him, and finally the ominous figure of Gustav appears. Unlike Margaret, Charles does not obey the divine advice given in the dream, and continues the war with Denmark in spite of the warning. For the reader, however, these dreams also point beyond the plot itself. The battle is placed in a greater historical perspective: In both dreams the battle is portrayed as a consequence of Sweden's previous crimes, and in turn, a number of later Swedish defeats are presented as consequences of precisely this battle. It is one of the characteristic features of classical historical epics that the subject is placed in a historical perspective through various forms of prophecies and accounts of previous history —thus appearing as an event of particular significance in the history of the nation. Laetus and Borch have borrowed this feature in their dream scenes, and given it a polemical turn by limiting their account to a series of historical Swedish crimes and defeats and Danish triumphs. Another traditional epic characteristic that lends the subject of the [p. 726] poem particular weight and significance is the interest of the gods in the action. This feature is utilized to the fullest in the second epic on the siege of Copenhagen in 1658, the Hafnia Liberata (1 book, 1351 lines) of Henrik Harder (1642-1683), who later became better known as a writer of epigrams.5 Here, the plot begins with the fury Megaera who is aggravated at the prevailing peace in the North — a lot of wonderful wars are going on in the rest of Europe, but in the North peace seems to have come to stay. She seeks out her sister in the underworld and encourages her to help stir up a war in the North again. They agree that it would be best to ally with the Swedes, since the Danes cannot be convinced to use delusion and cunning, so they proceed to the Swedish court and have their snakes poison the hearts of the king and his men. The Swedes are thus joined with the evil of the furies, and the entire subject of the poem, the siege of Copenhagen, is then presented as a battle between Good and Evil. Harder has taken this introduction from Claudian's poem In Rufinum (from around 400 a.d.). Here the fury Allecto is correspondingly irritated by the peace The Swedish troops had in 1658 captured Mitau, the capital residence of duke Jacob of Kurland, and taken him prisoner. 5 Like Borch's Amagria vindicata Harder's Hafnia Liberata was not published until 1693 (see the bibliography), but probably written in the early 1660s. 4 that exists in the world under Emperor Theodosius. She, too, becomes allied with her friends in the underworld, where Megaera, also here one of the leading furies, suggests the young Rufinus as a means to disturb the peace, and then Rufinus is presented as the quintessence of everything evil. With this Harder suggests a parallel between Rufinus and Charles, both of whom are tools of the furies in their attempts to bring about unrest. Of course the design of the furies is in vain. Claudian's Stilicho and Harder's Danish king are both able to conquer the enemy with whom the furies have confronted them. They fight with the gods on their side. In Harder's poem God is offended by the Swedish violation of peace, and once he has decided to save the besieged city, the Swedish defeat is only a matter of time. All these poems are unmistakably on the side of the Danes in the conflict. A correspondingly propagandistic message is found in Claudian, who continuously tried to promote the policy of Honorius and his general Stilicho in his poems. As far as I can see, however, only Harder has made use of Claudian, in describing the Danish-Swedish war as a struggle between the powers of good and evil. But the distinctions between good and bad are very clear-cut in all the poems. None of them make the Swedish king into a tragic hero who is able to arouse the sympathy of the [p. 727] reader (as for instance Turnus in the Aeneid). Throughout, the central and unmisunderstandable message is that Sweden deserved to lose and Denmark to win. To sum up: I have tried to point out how classsical historical epic is transformed into national polemics. In the poems of Laetus and Borch, the divine messages in the dreams are modelled upon central prophecies in the Aeneid. Thereby the subject of the poem is placed in a wider perspective of national history; but this perspective is, in these two poems, simply an enumeration of Swedish shortcomings and Danish successes. Similarly, in Harder's poem, another epic device, the involvement of supernatural powers, contributes towards associating the opponent parts, Danes and Swedes, with Good and Evil, respectively. Finally Harder's use of Claudian is perhaps worth noticing. In Claudian's straightforward propagandistic poetry, court poets of later ages must have found a more readily adaptible model than in the subtle narrative of Virgil's Aeneid. University of Copenhagen Bibliography Borch, Ole. "Amagria vindicata." In Deliciae Poetarum Danorum, edited by F. Rostgaard. Copenhagen, 1693. Henrik Harder. "Hafnia Liberata." In Deliciae Poetarum Danorum, edited by F. Rostgaard. Copenhagen, 1693. Kurt Johannesson. "Retorik och Propaganda vid det äldre Vasahovet." In Lychnos 1969-70. Stockholm, 1971. Laetus, Erasmus. Margaretica. Frankfurt ani Main, 1573.