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SOCIAL COLLAPSE AND CLIMATE BREAKDOWN
Jonathan Neale, from The Ecologist, 8 May 2019
A huge number of people - 350,000 and counting - have
downloaded Jem Bendell’s paper Deep Adaptation: A Map for
Navigating Climate Tragedy.
Here I want to develop one thing that Bendell talks about: social
collapse.
But first, for those who have not read his research paper, there
are three key truths Bendell tells.
Three truths
Firstly, climate change has been moving much faster than
scientists predicted. Things are going to get very bad within the
lifetime of some of us now living. We don’t know and can’t
know how bad, or how quickly this will happen.
Everyone that Bendell speaks with bases their predictions on their
political beliefs. That’s true of everyone I talk to too.
Bendell chooses to think that social collapse is inevitable,
catastrophe probable and extinction possible. That’s my guess
too.
A second truth: scientists have, for many reasons, been under
constant pressure to downplay the dangers and extent of climate
change, and not to scare the mob.
Non-governmental organisations have constantly colluded with
governments and corporations to conceal the scale of the
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catastrophe, and to push solutions that will not solve it. Scientists
and NGOs do this because their funders demand that.
A third truth: Bendell says it is hard, at first, to accept what is
coming. I have found that too.
Climate politics
I first got involved in climate politics because I’m a freelance
writer and in 2004 I decided to write a book about climate
change. I thought it would be interesting and there would be a
market, God forgive me.
I got involved with a climate action group – the Campaign against
Climate Change – and started reading. Several months later I
began having the same nightmare most nights for months. In
that nightmare I was trying to tell some people something, and
they were not listening.
What was happening is that I was understanding the implications
of what I was reading. One reason is that I take science seriously,
and I understand numbers. The other is that I already understood
social collapse.
That was bad enough. For the next four years I knew what would
happen if we did not act. Then at the end of the UN climate talks
in 2009, on a Friday lunchtime in Copenhagen, I read the text of
the agreement Barack Obama had just made the other
governments agree to.
That text ended the Kyoto agreement and said that henceforward
no government would have to make compulsory cuts in
emissions. Every government could choose what cuts or increases
they wanted. The Paris talks in 2015 extended that to 2035.
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I understood what Obama had done immediately. That text ended
the possibility of action for a generation. Since then, I have
understood social collapse is coming.
Memories
Two memories keep coming back to me. In one I am six years
old. Mr. Dhillon is my father’s best friend in Ludhiana, the city in
Indian Punjab where we live.
Mr. Dhillon tells me the during partition his parents hid a Muslim
under their house – under the porch, I think. Mr. Dhillon is above
me, smiling down. I understand he is proud, and that there is
some terrible tragedy in the air around him. He tells me they
saved the Muslim’s life. I have few memories from that age, but
that one I have remembered.
The Partition between India and Pakistan was not ancient history
then. It was seven, one year older than me. What Mr. Dhillon told
me was important to him because no one else he knew, just his
parents, had done that.
A million people, more or less, had died in a few weeks in Punjab.
Half of them were Hindus and Sikhs killed by Muslims. Half were
Muslims killed Hindus and Sikhs.
I grew up knowing that it is people like us, people all around us,
who do the massacres. And that very few of us are lucky enough
to be Mr. Dhillon’s parents. And that he was telling me to try to
follow their example.
Terrible famine
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In the other memory I am twenty-three, a young anthropologist
beginning my first fieldwork, in the town of Lashkargah in
southwestern Afghanistan.
Walking back to the only hotel in town for my supper, I pass a
teenage boy standing on the side of the road. He says something
quietly. I am well past him by the time I understand what he
said. I am so proud of myself. It is the first Pushtu sentence I
have understood outside of a lesson. But I am too embarrassed or
shy to go back to him.
He said: "I am hungry".
To the north of Lashkargah a terrible famine was beginning. I
understood within weeks that boy was a refugee from that
starvation. That famine, I know now, was caused by drought
caused by climate change. Like every famine it was also caused
by inequality and cruelty.
In the North of the country the government delivered foreign aid
grain. The district officers put armed soldiers around the piles of
grain in the middle of the towns to prevent the hungry getting
the food. The poor sold their land at knockdown prices to the
rich to buy wheat from the district officers at five and ten times
the usual prices. Those with no land to sell died.
Endless grief
My friend Michael Barry asked some starving people why they did
not storm the grain piles. One of them said: "The King has
planes. They will come and shoot us down."
Those were Russian planes, flown by pilots trained in America. US
Aid knew what was happening to their grain aid. I know that
because the wife and daughter of the man who ran US Aid told
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me so as I drank scotch in their nice house in Kabul. They were
upset because they could not get their husband and father to do
anything.
I have told that story many times since, in many ways. I will go on
telling it, boringly, until the day I die. I tell it to make an
important point about what serious climate change will feel like –
and what it already feels like for many millions.
No one dared to storm those piles of grain. But when the ‘leftist
strongman’ Daoud, the King’s cousin, staged a coup two years
later, no one would die for the King. The famine had left him with
the mark of Cain. And when the communists staged a coup
against Daoud four years after that, no one fought for Daoud, the
King’s cousin, either.
The story of Afghan politics after that is endlessly complex. But
the direction is clear: war after war, betrayal after betrayal,
endless grief. Always in the background, the failure of the rains,
across all of Central Asia, for decades.
Social collapse
It would be wrong to reduce the Afghan tragedy to climate
change. There was much else involved, many great powers,
unspeakably murderous invasions by Russia and the United
States, and dishonest greedy resistance leaders. But as time goes
on, in our world, climate change becomes more and more of a
driver of such tragedies.
The massacres at Partition and the Afghan tragedy are not what
most people in Britain mean when they say ‘social
collapse’. Bendell himself is clear enough: "Starvation,
destruction, migration, disease and war." He’s right.
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But what most people mean is what you see over and over in the
dystopian movies. There are little groups of savages wandering
the roads, scavenging and fearful, making tentative friends to
keep the dark at bay. That is not remotely what it’s going to be
like.
That fantasy of disorganized savages goes back to the ugly ruling
class British thinker Hobbes in the seventeenth century. He
believed that only the firm supervision of the state prevented a
war of all against all.
This is a long running fantasy among all elites, because their
deepest fear is that the rest of us will loosen their iron grip. It is
fantasy that still appeals to people who grew up in privilege. It is
the fantasy that informs the Pentagon, who warn us that climate
change will mean "civil unrest". I cannot imagine a world so
degraded that we did not react to runaway climate change with
civil unrest.
Millions dead
The most influential promoter of this view of ‘social collapse’ has
been Jared Diamond. Many of my friends love his book Collapse,
because they see it as a warning about climate.
But in fact he tells one historically inaccurate story after another
about how civilisations fell into dark ages because they strained
the environment too far. Most of these stories are actually about
how a population overthrew tyranny and went back to living in
smaller scale, more egalitarian communities. (See Questioning
Collapse by Patricia NcAnany and Norman Yoffee.)
But that’s not what we are going to face either. We have enough
experience of horror in modern history to know what the ‘social
collapse’ of climate change will look like. Consider the middle of
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the twentieth century, when sixty million were killed. Probably a
small number compared to what we will face, but useful for
thinking on.
Of those sixty million, think of the killing fields of Stalingrad. The
six million dead Jews and Gypsies. The two or three million who
died in the Bengal famine because the government of Atlee and
Churchill decided they needed the Indian railways to move war
material, not grain.
There were one million famine dead in northern Vietnam because
the Japanese army made the same decision. The three million or
so dead in the North China famine. Then there were the dead of
Hiroshima and Nagasaki. (The US Air Force bombed two cities,
because although the first bomb won the war, they still had
another design of bomb to test.)
Or think about the fire bombings of almost all Japanese cities
which killed far more people than the atom bombs, mostly in
more painful ways. And there were all Stalin’s deportations and
camps. The murdered at Partition in India. The many millions
dead in actual uniforms, which seems so old fashioned now. The
tens of millions raped here and there.
Green inequality
All these numbers are approximate, you understand. No one was
counting properly.
Almost none of those horrors were committed by small groups of
savages wandering through the ruins. They were committed by
States, and by mass political movements.
Society did not disintegrate. It did not come apart. Society
intensified. Power concentrated, and split, and those powers had
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us kill each other. It seems reasonable to assume that climate
social collapse will be like that. Only with five times as many
dead, if we are lucky, and twenty-five times as many, if we are
not.
Remember this, because when the moment of runaway climate
change comes for you, where you live, it will not come in the
form of a few wandering hairy bikers. It will come with the tanks
on the streets and the military or the fascists taking power.
Those generals will talk in deep green language. They will speak
of degrowth, and the boundaries of planetary ecology. They will
tell us we have consumed too much, and been too greedy, and
now for the sake of Mother Earth, we must tighten our belts.
Then we will tighten our belts, and we will suffer, and they will
build a new kind of gross green inequality. And in a world of
ecological freefall, it will take cruelty on an unprecedented scale
to keep their inequality in place.
Our grandchildren
Our new rulers will fan the flames of new racisms. They will
explain why we must keep out the hordes of hungry homeless the
other side of the wall. Why, regrettably, we have to shoot them or
let them drown.
Why, unfortunately, we are running out of food for the refugee
camps in the desert the other side of the wall or across the
channel. Why the people on this side of the wall who look like the
people on the other side of the wall are now our enemies. Why we
have to go to war.
It is easy to hear those voices, because they are all around us
now.
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I think a lot about my grandchildren. Bendall’s timing is, I think,
right: "In the lifetime of those now living," he says. Not in twelve
years. I think that is possible, but unlikely. In the lifetime of my
grandchildren, very probably. Of course I worry they will die. But
that’s not really what I fear. More I worry about what they will
have to watch and have to do to survive.
The usual version of the wandering savages is not just a mistake.
It’s a lie that conceals the state. But it also conceals what Mr.
Dhillon told me. It was our neighbours, he was telling six-yearold Jonathan. Because it was something important to him, and
something I needed to know. It will be your children, or your
grandchildren.
Becoming the perpetrator
If you look at the places where people are living social collapse,
what you see is that anybody can become the perpetrator.
Anyone who knows the recent history of Syria understands why
someone might find themselves in a Christian death squad, a
Hezbollah death squad, an ISIS death squad, a Kurdish spotter
calling in American death on the heads of Sunni Muslims, an
American special forces, a Russian pilot, a medic with the White
Helmets saving lives, a soldier in the Free Syrian Army, an
Assadist nurse saving lives in an emergency room, a prisoner in
an Assadist torture camp, an interrogator or a father holding his
dead child on the shores of the Med.
Anyone who has lived through the last forty years in Afghanistan
or Somalia understands the same. There are so many accidents of
birth and experience. There but for the grace of God go I.
And of course there are right choices and wrong ones. The
differences matter, and there are rivers of blood between them.
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But you cannot assume you, or anyone you love, will come out on
the right side. That is part of the tragedy.
Syria. Afghanistan. Somalia. Darfur. Southern Sudan. Somalia.
Eritrea. Iraq. Haiti. Congo. There are invasions in the history of
many of those countries. Not all. Mostly American invasions. Not
all. There is serious climate change already in all of them except
Congo. The climate change is not the main thing driving the
collapse in most of them. Yet.
Except for Darfur and Chad. What is happening there is insanely
complex, and partly driven by a proxy oil war between China and
the US. But the rains failed in Darfur and Chad in 1968, and they
have never properly returned. Some years are better, some years
threaten famine. At heart what has happened there is a war
between herders and farmers for disappearing grass.
Socialist solutions
Never expect a pure climate change horror. Always it will arrive
dripping with the blood and excrement of capitalism and empire.
Scientists and environmentalists have discovered the problem of
climate change. They have told us all about it. Brilliant. Without
them we would march uncomprehending into hell. And now most
people know. This is a great achievement.
But scientists and environmentalists are conservative people. The
green movement is mostly white, mostly posh, mostly in the rich
north. The deep wish of many environmentalists is to be a small
business person.
Most of the those suffering now are in the global south, or they
are poor, or people of colour in rich countries. But the movement
against climate change is still small in the poor countries.
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The solutions we need are socialist solutions. The kinds trade
union activists have always liked. We need a hundred and fifty
million climate jobs now to rewire the world. Not business jobs,
but public sector jobs.
Political alternative
Yet the unions have done little about climate change until almost
yesterday. The socialists have done far less.
There are two possible reactions to this divide. One is to slag off
the other side. Socialists, anarchists and trade unionists point out
that Extinction Rebellion is a bunch of posh people who do not
understand climate justice. Environmentalists point out that
socialists and trade unionists have done nothing.
Another political alternative is emerging, though. I have been part
of what unions did, and small as it was, I can hear student
strikers all over the world repeating what we said. They talk about
a Green New Deal and climate jobs because that’s the only
solution that makes sense. I heard Greta Thunberg call for a
general strike last week.
This is breakneck, eyeballs out time for every union climate
activist in the world. We have solutions. Tell everyone. Even more,
get your mates out the door.
Another piece of news from last month. The coordinator of
Friends of the Earth Mozambique wrote that everyone there
understands now that the cyclones are climate change. Maybe
she exaggerates. But many people there now know this. This
knowledge can transform the world.
Climate jobs
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When the famine hit Bengal in 1943 the Indian National Congress,
the opposition to the British colonial government, did nothing.
The links are complex, but that’s why they had the partition
massacres four years later.
When the famine hit northern Vietnam early in 1945, the tiny
bands of communists in the mountain jungles came down into
the city and led crowds trying to seize the grain silos. Within a
year they controlled the North.
Until now those who suffer most have mostly blamed God, under
various names.
I have a dream. In Mozambique, or South Africa, or anywhere,
those who suffer collapse march on the American embassy. They
demand the small amounts of money they need to survive on the
land. And they demand eight million climate jobs in the United
States. For Americans. And a million climate jobs in South Africa.
I have often mentioned this dream in front of audiences of NGO
people and environmental activists. It goes down like a lead
balloon. They know they cannot bite the hand of the funders. But
also they fear the rage of the mob.
Uncertainty
Imagine a million victims of the storms, or a million farmers who
have watched their crops die. Imagine their rage on the streets.
Anything could happen.
The soldiers could mow down the crowd. The soldiers could fire
on the crowd. Or not. The crowd could lynch the people in the
embassy, or not. The black people of Washington DC could march
on the White House.
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Here’s another thing about uncertainty. Maybe we have time. But
more important, there is no one tipping point, then feedbacks
and runaway climate change. There are many tipping points, each
worse than the last.
The key factor is the basic driver of the feedbacks – carbon
dioxide emissions from coal, oil and gas. The more of that, the
more the feedbacks. The end-Cretaceous mass extinction that
wiped out land dinosaurs was terrible. But the end-Permian mass
extinction was far worse than the other great extinctions in
geological history, because the drivers were worse.
At each point we can act to slow down and reduce the damage.
That’s the good news. It doesn’t mean we will be OK.
Military dictatorship
But also remember that social collapse is not the end. Remember
Darfur. The rains failed there in 1968. There was drought, rape,
murder, revenge, hunger and starvation. People buried the dead
and got on with living and made peace for a while. Repeat.
Then in 1985, in the midst of the first really bad famine, the
people rose up in Khartoum, the capital of Sudan. They stormed
the grain silos, the workers came out in a general strike, and the
military dictatorship fell. Many of the crowd storming the grain
silos were refugees from the famine in Darfur and the West.
The main opposition, the Umma, led by al_Mahdi, a graduate of
the University of Oxford and the grandson of the Mahdi, came to
power. His government would not, or could not, give people what
they needed. There was another military dictatorship, more
hunger, civil war in the South and Darfur.
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To read what it was like to live in those times makes your head
hurt and your stomach lurch. So think what it would be like to live
through those times.
Now, the people of Sudan have moved again. It started in
December, in Atbara, the old center of the most strongest union,
the railway workers, and the communist party. The protests
started because the government tripled the price of bread.
Now people are demonstrating all across Darfur too. They march
to surround the military garrisons. In the center of Darfur, the
crowds march from the many camps for displaced persons,
marching on the army, demanding the abolition of the militias,
the opening of the prisons, above all the right to return to their
land.
Despair and rage
People have learned in fifty years. The leadership of this uprising
lies with Sudan Professional Association, an alliance of new
unions of doctors, teachers, veterinarians, lawyers, pharmacists
and others.
This is because people do not trust al_Mahdi’s Umma, the
communists or Turabi’s Islamists any longer. The crowds in
Khartoum surround the military headquarters, nonviolent,
because they know they must bring over the ordinary soldiers to
their side. They have been hundreds of thousands and are now at
least a million. They know they cannot permit a transitional
military government.
I don’t know how it will turn out. No one knows. But there are two
lessons. One is about what happens when collapse comes to
where you are. People survive, and endure. They learn and come
back again.
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The other is that if those people in Darfur and Sudan, or in the
other Darfurs elsewhere and those to come, make it their
business to halt climate change, they can change the world.
I don’t want to sound hopeful here. The lesson of Bendell’s paper
is that wisdom only begins when we let in the grief, despair and
rage of understanding the climate tragedy. But what we are
seeing in the climate strikes, Extinction Rebellion and all the rest,
is that hope can only begin when we allow the grief and rage to
course through us.
Life and death
I know why people want to go off grid, run for the hills, live in
bioregional communities. But they are so wrong. They abandon
the people of Khartoum, Shanghai, the Mekong Delta,
Birmingham, London, New York, New Orleans, Mumbai, Kolkota.
Shame on them.
Maybe many are going to die. I don’t want to say extinction is
impossible. I read James Hansen’s book six years ago. There is a
terrifying chapter in there. But there is a good way to die. I
learned that when I was an AIDS counsellor in London for six
years, back before we had the drugs to keep people alive.
I watched how my patients died, and how the gay men I worked
with died. The former drug injectors and the heterosexuals
mostly died in lonely shame. Sometimes I was the only person
they could talk to.
But the gay men who were out, who had been part of gay
liberation, they died for the people around them, the people who
would follow them. They were not stoics – that kind of fake
courage would be no use to the others. They showed panic and
despair.
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But they also showed, by the way they lived, you can do this too.
And the other men of their community, and the lesbians, and
their families, held them. And because of that strength they won
the drugs that let so many who followed live.
They had politics. They had love. They died well. Die like that.
And try to live like Mr. Dhillon’s mother and father.