HERAKLES/MELQART: THE GREEK FAÇADE
OF A PHOENICIAN DEITY1
186
Rodrigo Araújo de Lima2
Abstract: Whilst one of the most prestigious cults in Antiquity, the Greek and
Roman worship to the god Herakles settle down on an ancient Phoenician
liturgy dedicated to the god Melqart. With the support of epigraphy, textual
documentation and archaeological material culture, it is possible to establish
the differences and the proximities of these two deities. In this article, I will
present some of the main theories on the origin of the divinized ancestral until
its recognition as the Greek hero via interpretatio graeca, which culminated in
the identification of the Far West of the Mediterranean as the famous Herakles/Melqart Pillars.
Keywords: Melqart, Herakles, origin, liturgy, cult, Archaeology, Epigraphy,
Primary Sources.
Resumo: Enquanto um dos cultos mais prestigiados na Antiguidade, a veneração grega e romana ao deus Héracles e Hércule se estabeleceu sobre uma
antiga liturgia fenícia dedicada ao deus Melqart. Com o suporte da epigrafia, da
documentação textual e da cultura material arqueológica é possível estabelecer
as diferenças e as proximidades dessas duas divindades. Nesse artigo apresentaremos algumas das principais teorias sobre a origem do culto desse ancestral
divinizado até a sua identificação com o herói grego via interpretatio graeca, essa
que culminou no reconhecimento do Extremo Ocidente do Mediterrâneo enquanto as Colunas de Héracles/Melqart.
Palavras-chave: Melqart, Héracles, origem, liturgia, culto, Arqueologia, Epigrafia, Fontes Primárias.
Resumen: Como uno de los cultos más prestigiosos de la Antigüedad, la veneración griega y romana del dios Heracles se estableció sobre una antigua liturgia fenicia dedicada al dios Melqart. Con el apoyo de la epigrafía, la documentación textual y del material arqueológico, es posible establecer las diferencias y
la proximidad de estas dos deidades. En este artículo presentaremos algunas de
las principales teorías sobre el origen de la adoración de este ancestro deificado
hasta su identificación con el héroe griego a través de interpretatio graeca, que
culminó en la identificación del Extremo Occidente del Mediterráneo Oriental
como las columnas de Heracles/Melqart.
Palabras clave: Melqart, Heracles, origen, liturgia, adoración, Arqueología,
Epigrafía, Fuentes Primarias.
1 This article was developed from our Master Thesis entitled The Columns of Herakles / Melqart in
the Late Bronze Age: the use of GIS in understanding the Phoenician expansion into Tartesic territory
from Gádir (9th to 6th centuries BCE). Under the supervision of Dr. Maria Cristina Nicolau
Kormikiari (MAE-USP). This article has both and integral part taken from subchapter 3.3.1 in
Chapter 4 of the dissertation, as well as an updated debate on the issue we have discussed.
2 PhD student in Archaeology at the Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology at the University
of São Paulo under the supervision of Dr. Maria Cristina Nicolau Kormikiari (MAE-USP)
and the co-supervision of Dr. Romero Tori (POLI-USP), FAPESP scholarship holder case
2018/08593-4. Member of the Laboratory of Studies on the Ancient City (LABECA). To consult
other publications by the author: https://usp-br.academia.edu/RodrigoAraújodeLima. E-mail:
rodrigo.araujo.lima@usp.br.
Dossiê
Introduction
Solar God, farmer, navigator and colonizer. The god of dying and being
reborn par excellence. Being one of the faces of Baal, he reigns in both celestial
and terrestrial space. In his egersis (Greek: ἔγερσις) - the resurrection – this
divinity sets and reborn by the grace of Astarte in the endless cycle of the stars.
His deity radiates into the orbit of the firmament, making Melqart the true
king of the city.
187
Melqart is a reasonably new deity in the Tyrian pantheon, not appearing
in Ras Shamra’s texts and being first commented in the 9th century BCE in Aramaic written on a stele found in the Northern of nowadays the city of Aleppo
(KAI 201 apud RIBICHINI, 1999, p. 563; NEVILLE, 2007, p. 86). Sergio
Ribichini (1999) states that in the inscription dedicated to Bir Hadad, king of
Aram, present Syria, the deity initially receives the epithet of a warrior god.
On the other hand, it is known much more of this Tyrian god as pointed out by Elena Moreno Pulido (2009, p. 1) as a deity essentially connected
to the vegetation and fertility. This author ponders that Melqart could be an
assimilation of ancestral gods like Yam or Baal. According to his fruitful and
passionate attributes, common in the eastern deities, the god would rise each
spring and die each winter. To Moreno Pulido, in Syrian-Palestine, Melqart
accumulated along with the agrarian attributes, also marine, colonizer and civilizer characteristics, which converged in its title as the god of commerce and
overseas navigation (MORENO PULIDO, 2009, p. 1).
Melqart, The Tyrian Baal (MLQRT B’L SR)
Melqart (MLQRT) could be translated as the king of the city with the
prefix (MLK) being the title of king and the suffix (QRT) being the city. It
may possibly have been vocalized as / mīqi / or / melq / (King) and / qart
/ (City). For Ann Neville (2007) his name refers directly to the city of Tyre
(Ṣūr), in close relation with the ruling dynasty, being represented as the archetype of the king of Tyre, responsible for the welfare and protection of his
subjects (NEVILLE, 2007, p. 86) However, in view of his chthonic characteristics, the term city can also be interpreted as the world of the dead, according to
Mesopotamian traditions (RIBICHINI, 1999b, p. 563).
Although one of the youngest deities of the Phoenician pantheon,
Melqart origins are ancient, dating back to the 2nd and 3rd millennia BCE.
The MLQ (or could have been more than just one) who ruled Syro-Palestine
Dossiê
would have been deified after his death and placed as an ancestor of the reigning monarchs. The Ugarit archives refer to this late king as a / rephaim /, maybe a substantial number of ancestors who had the privileged status among the
dead, being invoked by the ruling kings to return to their hometown to provide the fertility of the earth and healing of the sick (NEVILLE, 2007, p. 86).
188
In the 10th century BCE, King Hiram I of Tyre establishes the great
festival of egersis in honour of Melqart to commemorate the death, resurrection and awakening of his deity, from human origins, deified by the Tyrians,
becoming a complete god, (NEVILLE, 2007, p. 86).
According to Kormikiari, (2017, p.115) Herodotus (II, 44) is an important source concerning the cult of Melqart. According to his account, the
Tyrians paid tribute to the deity as if he were a hero who would have been a
mortal. The author goes on to recall that Menander of Ephesus, which in turn
is cited by Flavius Josephus (Jewish Antiquity, VIII, 146), narrated the destruction of several temples in Tyre by King Hiram, contemporary to Solomon. The
new places of worship were dedicated to the honour of Herakles (i.e. Melqart?) and Astarte. King Hiram would have been the first to celebrate the egersis
of Herakles in the month of peryton (i.e. February-March).
According to Corinne Bonnet (1988, p. 37) the feast took place between
February 16 and March 17 and would not be the only one that took place in
honour of the god. Ribichini (1999, p. 565) states that there would be gymnastic games celebrated in Tyre every five years in honour of Melqart.
In the Far West, an environment also reached by the Phoenician navigators, it is likely that the Tyrians, together with the founding act of Gadir,
nowadays Cadiz - archaeologically attested as, until now, a 9th century BCE
foundation - also delimited an area for building a temple dedicated to the god.
Possibly located on the islet of present-day Sancti Petri, to the South of the
ancient archipelago of the Gadeira’s Islands, this temple would be associated
with the other two places of worship that existed in Gadir, such as Baal, supposedly located on Kotinussa, and Astarte, also allegedly located on the island
of Erytheia. It is possible to reflect on the possibility that the temple was strictly related to a ritual known as egersis that would happen twice a year (LIMA,
2018).
The temple probably had a view of the navigators coming to Cádiz Bay,
but nevertheless, it would have little vision of the lands of the interior of the
Iberian Peninsula, making it a landmark for those approaching Gádir (LIMA,
2018).
Dossiê
In opposition to Bonnet (1988, p. 37) María Eugenia Aubet (2001, p.
154) states that the cult would take place in the spring, shortly after the end
of the rainy season, so it is possible to consider the divinity as having both
solar and agriculture attributes. José Luis Escacena Carrasco (2009, p. 112)
points out that the egersis was a festival celebrated sometime between February and March. However, the author himself acknowledges that there are
disagreements regarding how many times it was performed and what were its
dates, which could vary throughout the year, transferring the service to June or
December (ESCACENA CARRASCO, 2009, p. 112).
189
According to Alfredo Mederos Martín (2015, p. 194) the cult would last
for three days and the entry of foreigners into the city would be prohibited as
reported by geographer Pausanias in his work Description of Greece, written in
the middle of the 2nd CE, (10, 4.6):
Κλέων δὲ ἀνὴρ Μάγνης, οἳ τῷ Ἕρμῳ προσοικοῦσιν, ἔφασκεν ἐς
τὰ παράδοξα ἀπίστους εἶναι τῶν ἀνθρώπων οἷς ἂν μὴ παρὰ τὸν
αὐτῶν γένηται βίον θεάμασιν ἐπιτυχεῖν λόγου μείζοσιν: αὐτὸς δὲ
καὶ Τιτυὸν καὶ ἄλλους ἔφη πείθεσθαι γεγονέναι κατὰ τὴν φήμην:
τυχεῖν γὰρ δὴ ὢν ἐν Γαδείροις, καὶ ἐκπλεῦσαι μὲν αὐτός τε καὶ τὸν
ἄλλον πάντα ὄχλον ἐκ τῆς νήσου κατὰ τὸ Ἡρακλέους πρόσταγμα,
ὡς δὲ αὖθις ἐπανήκειν ἐς τὰ Γάδειρα, ἄνδρα εὑρεῖν θαλάσσιον
ἐκπεπτωκότα ἐς τὴν γῆν: τοῦτον πλέθρα μὲν πέντε μάλιστα
ἐπέχειν, κεραυνωθέντα δὲ ὑπὸ τοῦ θεοῦ καίεσθαι. (SPIRO’s version, 1903)
Cleon of Magnesia on the Hermus used to say that those men were
incredulous of wonders who in the course of their own lives had not
met yet greater marvels. He declared that Tityos and other monsters
had been as tradition says they were. He happened, he said, to be at
Cadiz, and he, with the rest of the crowd, sailed forth from the island in accordance with the command of Heracles;1 on their return
to Cadiz they found cast ashore a man of the sea, who was about five
roods in size, and burning away, because heaven had blasted him with
a thunderbolt (Translation of JONES, LITT and ORMEROD,
1918).
As in the account, the liturgy would consist in the immolation of the
god in the midst of a final ritual of his cremation, with the intention of his
rebirth and immortalization by the virtue of fire (AUBET, 2001, p. 153-154).
For Bonnet (1988, p. 79) there would be, on the first day, a succession of ritual
events where the god was burned on a pyre. Besides this, would be an altar
where animal and vegetable offerings were made. On the second day, the god
Dossiê
was buried in the presence of his priests, the king, and a female character, possibly a priestess, who would wear horns and a sceptre representing Astarte,
Melqart’s goddess. At dawn on the third day, the god would rise with two birds
in his hands.
190
However, for Mederos Martín (2015, p. 194) on the first night of the
liturgy, women held celebrations, holding vigils, lamentations and funeral
banquets. On the second day, the Phoenicians were in procession toward the
sea, carrying the wooden representation of the god to the coast and setting it
ablaze. On the third day, the resurrection of the god occurred.
From the divergences between the modern authors as to how the celebrations were held, it seems that different liturgies could exist between Tyre,
Gadir and possibly the other Phoenician foundations. However, the existence
of a liturgical archetype of the celebration, such as the constitution of three
days of events in one or two periods of the year, is noticeable. The change of
season also seems to be one of the canons of this ceremony, with spring being
the most recurrent. Possessing also chthonic aspects, the act of public immolation of the god’s image to the faithful would represent the beginning of a fertile
period, where the earth would be at the peak of its fertility.
In Tyre, within the celebration would happen the hieros gamos (Greek:
ιερός γάμος) time which the monarch attended the feasts and joined with a
priestess of Astarte or the queen herself, interpreting (or doing it) the sexual intercourse union between Melqart and Astarte (AUBET, 2001, p. 154).
Mederos Martín states that the union happened during the god’s death (2015,
p. 194). There would also be in this celebration an individual charged with
carrying out the resurrection of divinity.
Known as MQM ‘LM, this priest was primarily responsible for the liturgy of Melqart’s egersis. He would be, according to Escacena Carrasco (2009,
p. 111), the most knowledgeable of the Sun cycle. It would probably be an
astronomer in charge of announcing to the priests the death of the god, based
on the counting of the days and the reading of the stars. From the egersis, there
is/was only a marble vase from Sidon (fig. 1), dating from the 4th century BCE
which narrates the practices of the celebration, woefully lost during World
War II.
Escacena Carrasco points to the main character of this vase as Baal,
however, this deity could designate Melqart since both possess solar qualities
and are often confused by the epithet B’L (2009, p. 110). The inscriptions
of the Sidon Vase, contain Melqart’s binding with the fire by the epithet B’L
KR. According to Elena Moreno Pulido (2011), as an ambivalent element, fire
Dossiê
favours both life and death. Melqart’s decaying body would then be immolated
by the flames for the renewal of his creative energies as the fields are burned
(fire-fallow cultivation) for his most fertile return (MORENO PULIDO,
2011, p. 106).
191
The Sidon Vase disappeared from the Berlin Museum during World
War II, making it impossible to search for a better understanding of the liturgical practices of egersis from this artefact. Fortunately, photographs were taken of the faces of the vase representing different moments of the celebration.
Dossiê
Fig. 1 - Sidon vase. Inverted colours for easier visualization of the decoration (ESCACENA
CARRASCO, 2009, p. 108). Edited by Rodrigo de Lima, 2019.
From the previous notes (pages 3-4), I consider the temple of Melqart,
closely linked with the shrine of Astarte. Thus, it’s plausible to think on the
coexistence of both from the beginning of the foundation of Phoenician cities
as in the case of Gadir (MEDEROS MARTÍN, 2015, p. 194). Maybe in the
form of natural landmarks, inasmuch as the archaeological register lacks the
religious structures of these places.
In the 7th century BCE, the god appears as Milqartu, being as Eshmun,
the mediator of an agreement between the king of Tyre, Ba’alu, and the king of
Assyria, Assar-adan. If the treaty were breached, the two deities would punish the transgressor by destroying their lands and enslaving their people. The
disobedient would still be deprived of food, clothing and olive oil (SAA 2, 5
IV: 14; ANET, 534 apud RIBICHINI, 1999, p. 563). In another 9th century
BCE testimony, the god is attested as Melqart Lord of Ṣūr (MLKRT BSR)
(BORDREUIL 1990, p. 19 apud RIBICHINI, 1999, p. 563).
192
Herakles Archegetes (Ηρακλήσ αρχηγέτησ)
According to the interpretation of Manuel Álvarez Martí-Aguilar
(2014), based on Pompeu Trogo’s account (44.5) the spread of the Melqart
cult in Iberia would have occurred prior to the founding of Gadir. The same
author states that the city of Carteia, in present-day San Roque, would be a
possible candidate for the establishment of a foundation dedicated to Melqart.
According to this interpretation, Carteia would have been founded by the Gadirites (i.e. the citizens of Gadir) who began their expansion along the Atlantic
and Mediterranean shores and was referred by the ancient authors as Heraclea
since it was believed to have been founded by Herakles (2014, p. 26).
ἐνταῦθα δὴ ὄρος ἐστὶ τῶν Ἰβήρων τῶν καλουμένων Βαστητανῶν,
οὓς καὶ Βαστούλους καλοῦσιν, ἡ Κάλπη, τῇ περιοχῇ μὲν οὐ μέγα
τῷ δ᾽ ὕψει μέγα καὶ ὄρθιον ὥστε πόρρωθεν νησοειδὲς φαίνεσθαι.
ἐκπλέουσιν οὖν ἐκ τῆς ἡμετέρας θαλάττης εἰς τὴν ἔξω δεξιόν ἐστι
τοῦτο, καὶ πρὸς αὐτὸ Καρτηία πόλις ἐν τετταράκοντα σταδίοις
ἀξιόλογος καὶ παλαιά, ναύσταθμόν ποτε γενομένη τῶν Ἰβήρων.
ἔνιοι δὲ καὶ Ἡρακλέους κτίσμα λέγουσιν αὐτήν, ὧν ἐστι καὶ
Τιμοσθένης, ὅς φησι καὶ Ἡράκλειαν ὀνομάζεσθαι τὸ παλαιόν,
δείκνυσθαί τε μέγαν περίβολον καὶ νεωσοίκους. (STRABO, Geography. 3.1.7, versão de MEINEKE, 1877).
Here is situated Calpe, the mountain of the Iberians who are denominated Bastetani, by others Bastuli. Its circumference is not large, but
it is so high and steep as to resemble an island in the distance. Sailing
from the Mediterranean into the Atlantic, it is left on the right hand.
At a distance of 40 stadia from this [mountain] is the considerable
and ancient city of Carteia, formerly a marine arsenal of the Iberians. Some assert that it was founded by Hercules; of this number is
Timosthenes, who tells us it was anciently called Heraclæa, and that
vast walls and ship-sheds are still shown. (STRABO, Geography.
3.1.7, translation by HAMILTON and FALCONER, 1903).
Dossiê
There is no new speculation about the name Carteia, Drietich (1936)
and Millás (1941) according to Martí-Aguilar (2014, p. 27) already considered Carteia as a theophoric nomination, which may be the abbreviation of
MLQRTYH (i.e. Island of Melqart?).
193
During the 2nd century BCE, in Malta, a bilingual inscription (KAI 47)
(fig. 2) reveals Melqart as being equivalent to Herakles ἀρχηγέτης. This same
epigraph considers the god to be Ṣūr›s Baal (B›L SR). Here I recall that Baal,
besides being the supreme god of the Phoenician pantheon, also is translated
as a honorific title of Lord / Chief, making Melqart the Lord of Tyre.
Dossiê
Fig. 2 – One of the two Malta’s cippi at the Louvre Museum. The bilingual inscriptions initially at
the top in Phoenician and the base in Greek. The image has been modified for better identification
of the writing on the base. Available at: https://tinyurl.com/y248otgz, accessed 9/4/2019. Edited
by Rodrigo de Lima, 2019.
1.
2.
3.
4.
L`DNN LMLQRT B´L SR `S NDR
`BDK `BD´SR WH`Y `SRSMR
SN BN SRSMR BN B`D´SR KSM´
QLM YBRKM
194
Version: “(1) To our lord, to Melqart, lord of Tyre: (that is) what
he did (2) his servant Abdosiri and his brothers Osirisama, (3)
the two sons of Osirisamar, sons of Abdosiri; because he heard
(4) your voice. May he bless you!” According to Sznycer (1975,
p. 195).
1. ΔΙΟΝΥΣΙΟΣΚΑΙΣΑΡΑΠΙΩΝΟΙ
2. ΣΑΡΑΠΊΩΝΟΣΤΎΡΙΟΙ
3. ΗΡΑΚΛΕΙΑΡΧΗΓΕΤΕΙ
Version: “(1) Dionysus and Serapion, the (sons) (2) of Serapion, Tyrians; (3) to the Heracles founder”. According to Sznycer
(1975, p.195).
This religious syncretism and the concept that this god was once a man
may be the key to understanding how Melqart will be interpreted by the Hellenics and the Latins (NEVILLE, 2007, p. 86). The Greek Heracles and Roman Hercules are divinized heroes, whose, as Melqart were both mortal and
immortal.
In addressing the patterns of economic activity in ancient societies,
Eleftheria Pappa (2010) comments that temples would play a central role in
securing trade treaties, while this would also be strengthened by family ties
that would ensure trade security, especially those dedicated to Melqart. The
author points out that supernatural sanctions such as swearing to the gods
were endogenous features of ancient societies. To this end, Pappa presents
the example of the treaty regulated by divine forces that sealed the vassalage
agreement between Assyrian King Assar-adan and the Tyrian prince Ba’alu in
the first half of the 7th century BCE. This agreement warned that, if broken, it
would incur the wrath of the gods, causing shipwrecks in a windstorm.
Apart from the issue of contracts, Pappa argues that religious syncretism
could also regulate economic mechanisms, in what she defines as an investment
in trust since it merged patron cults and deities to protect negotiations as well
as they would also reduce costs and facilitate technological exchanges (2010,
p. 284-285).
Dossiê
Melqart’s temples are closely linked with the expansionist enterprise.
According to Diodorus Siculus (20: 14.1), Melqart, referred in one passage
as Heracles, accompanied the founding of the new cities. Given their function,
their sanctuaries are always in relation to the sea, in environments that could
be frequented by sailors and merchants. The foundation of settlements is usually accompanied by the establishment of this sacred place. Unlike Astarte,
Melqart was not part of the indigenous cults (NEVILLE, 2007, p. 87).
195
Pappa comments that the monuments dedicated to Melqart, where
Phoenician trading posts are known as MQM, possibly vocalized as / maqom
/, would probably have been installed to extend worship to non-Phoenician
communities in order to foster trade (2010, p. 285). According to Cristina
Kormikiari, / maqom / would be an emporium-sanctuary, that is, it could be
part of a religious centre as well managing business practices and agreements
(KORMIKIARI, 2015, p. 88).
On this religious syncretism, there is an example of another locality that
was supposedly frequented by the Phoenician communities such as the island
of Thasos where a large Herakleion was located southwest of the city agora, at
the main entrance of the asty (Greek: ἄστυ) of Limenas. Juliana Hora (2018)
reminds us that according to Herodotus (Histories, II, 44) Herakles was perhaps one of the most important patrons of Thasos. This male deity was often
represented in the coins and his worship would have been, according to the
tradition, implanted by the Phoenicians (cf. Hora, 2018).
Gaditanian Herakles (Hercules-Gaditanus)
Fig. 3 - One of the five ex-votos found near the islet of Sancti Petri. One can notice the Egyptian
characteristics. Available at: https://tinyurl.com/y5hlkxpd, accessed 9/15/2019. Edited by
Rodrigo de Lima, 2019.
Dossiê
The sacred environment of the Herakles / Melqart temples would be
part of a strategy for treaty-signing with other peoples, as is believed to have
occurred in the Iberian Peninsula. Under the aegis of divinity, commerce was
carried out by establishing relations between allochthonous and autochthonous. According to Neville (2007, p. 87) Herodotus (II.115) suggests that
the Phoenician temples were places of asylum for sinking travellers, as well as
offering the practice of sacred prostitution of both sexes, a hospitality practice
that may have corroborated for the attendance of these sacred environments.
Concerning liturgical practices and their participants, Zamora López
(2017) identifies the MQM ‘LM, probably vocalized as / mīqimʾēlīm / official
directly linked to the egersis during the Melqart cult. Through epigraphic evidence in Greek there is indication that in the resurrection ritual of the Tyrian
Herakles, there would be one responsible for the cult. This officer would be
the egerseites toû Hērakléous equivalent to / mīqimʾēlīm /. The author notes
that often to this occurrence there is a second expression, MTRḤʿŠTRNY,
which helps to detail the role of the officer. Interpreted as a possible reference
to Astarte. Thus, Zamora López (2017, p. 66) proposes that during these rituals, the / mīqim ʾēlīm / would consummate the marriage of the two deities,
who also represented the monarchy and the priesthood. To suppress the lack
of a Phoenician word for the name of this holiday, Kormikiari introduces the
term / marzeah / or / marzeh /, using both Hebrew, Ugaritic, Phoenician,
Punic and Aramaic to, according to the author “designate the liturgical celebration of a banquet that also included a sacrifice in honour of a deity”(KORMIKIARI, 2004, p.139).
In fact, Cadiz archaeological remains found on the city’s beaches show
an innumerable accumulation of inhumations and cremations associated with
ressignified dry wells as sacred deposits and faunal remains that would have
been consumed, such as wine, incense, olive oil and aromatic oils (cf. LIMA,
2018, pp 256-402). Also found are animal sacrifices that corroborate the liturgical practice that the Gadirites would celebrate for their dead a banquet
in honour of the dead or dedicated to a deity. The term / marzeah or marzeh /
denotes both the festival and the religious body. It is supposed to consist only
of a small group of the great Phoenician citizen families (MARKOE, 2000,
p.120; KORMIKIARI, 2004, p.139; NEVILLE, 2007, p. 73-74).
From the temple of Melqart gadirite, later known as Hercules Gaditanus,
there was nothing left architecturally, only five ex-votos representing the image
of the deity (fig. 3) were recovered, as well as a few later bronze statues, since
this great temple, was intensely visited by important characters, from Hannibal to Julius Caesar. The temple was allegedly destroyed by Alí ben `Isá ben
196
Dossiê
Maymūn in 540 CE, yet its monumentality was immortalized in the verses of
poet Abu Utman al-Saduni (apud ALMAGRO-GORBEA, 2014, p. 162):
(...) hay un negro que está de pie en la cima de un pináculo, / como si
sobre él estuviera crucificado el viento. / Adelanta la pierna derecha
y casi la alza, / como quejándose de un esfuerzo descomunal. / En la
diestra presenta una llave que tú tomarías por ofrenda, / si no fuera
porque él está compungido. / Y un pergamino en la izquierda, mano
que lleva cerrada como si nos quisiera ocultar su contenido. De la mar
señala el poniente y su región / mirando erguido hacia el ocaso del
sol […] / Os digo que en sus noticias hay un portento, / así que no
preguntéis / si es de oro o de latón (...).
197
(...) There is a black figure standing on a pinnacle as if the wind crucified him. Advance with the right leg almost upwards. Like he was
making a huge effort. In his right hand, he holds a key that you would
take as an offering, if not because he is sorry. And a scroll on the left, a
hand that is clenched as if to hide its contents. From the sea it points
to the west and its region, aiming high at the sunset (...). I tell you that
in your news there is something spectacular, so don’t ask me if it was
gold or brass (...). (My version).
According to Moreno Pulido, Melqart / Herakles is the true titular god
of the Extreme Western region of the Mediterranean Basin. The author states
that the myth of the oracle of Tyre, the hometown of this divinity, would have
been one of the reasons why the Strait of Gibraltar became known as the Pillars of Hercules (2009, p. 1).
However, for Pappa, as far as the western Mediterranean Basin is concerned, the term Pillars of Heracles / Hercules does not allude to the rocky
group bordering the Mediterranean Sea (in this case, the Rock of Gibraltar
and the hill of Ceuta). For the author, this term would only be a poetic play
of words about the temples erected by the Phoenicians in Gadir (Spain) and
Lixus (Morocco). It would, therefore, have been the interpretatio graeca of the
Phoenician entrepreneurs since the Herakles expeditions would have taken
place in the same region (2010, p. 285).
Final Thoughts
In this article, I intended to introduce Melqart / Herakles as a deity
that was part of the Mediterranean Basin serving as an important agent in the
enterprise of maritime expansion, as well as in the mediation between allochthonous and autochthonous communities. Whereas religiosity is established
Dossiê
as a point of contact between the different, the rites would also function as a
mechanism of differentiation. As is evident from Kleon of Magnesia’s account
that he is obliged, along with his crew, to depart from Gadir, probably ordered
by the inhabitants and the priesthood of the city. This account demonstrates
how the civic body would behave at the time of religious festivities. This deity
that dies and is resurrected by virtue of fire also presents itself as an essential
element in the establishment of festivities that marked the beginning of a new
season, guiding the calendar by way of the stars. Thus, the joy was reserved for
the Phoenician community as the mourning of the liturgy of Melqart’s death
and rebirth. This would have helped in strengthening the local identity before
foreigners. Through its cycle of living, dying and being reborn, Melqart / Herakles has become a symbol of power, expansion and fundamentally connection
by blending into the different worldviews of the most varied Mediterranean
communities.
198
Acknowledges
I would first like to acknowledge the Coordination for the Improvement of Higher Education Personnel (CAPES) for the support given during
the writing of my master’s dissertation, which culminated in this article. And
also I would like to thank the São Paulo State Research Support Foundation
(FAPESP), for the current development of our PhD’s thesis, research that
keeps its focus on understanding the dynamics among the communities that
settled in Iberia in Antiquity and dialogues intrinsically with this article.
References
Primary Sources
DIODORUS SICULUS. Library of History. Tradução de Russel M. Geer. Cambridge; London: Harvard University Press, 2006.
FLAVIUS JOSEFUS. The Works of Flavius Josephus. Tradução de William
Whiston. Edinburgh: Nimmo. 1865.
HERODOTUS. The Histories. Tradução de A. D. Godley. Cambridge: Harvard
University Press, 1920.
PAUSANIAS. Descriptions of Greece. Tradução de W. H. S. Jones. Cambridge:
Harvard University Press, 1918.
Dossiê
PAUSANIAS. Pausaniae Graecia Descriptio. SPIRO, F. Leipzig, Teubner, 1903.
STRABO. Geography. Tradução de H.C. Hamilton e M.A. Falconer. London:
George Bell & Sons, 1903.
STRABO. Geographica, MEINEKE, August (ed.) Leipzig: Teubner, 1877.
199
Obras Arqueológicas e Historiográficas
PRADO, A, L. A. Normas de transliteração de termos e textos em grego antigo.
Classica. Revista Brasileira de Estudos Clássicos. V. 19, n. 2, 2006, p. 298-299.
ALMAGRO-GORBEA, Martín. La tumba de Melqart del Herákleion de Gadir.
Madrider Mitteilungen, Wiesbaden, v. 53, p. 159-202, 2014.
ARÉVALO GONZÁLEZ, Alicia; MORENO PULIDO, Elena. La imagen
proyectada de Gadir a través de sus monedas. In: DOMÍNGUEZ PÉREZ, J. C. Gadir y el Círculo del Estrecho revisados: propuestas de la arqueología desde un enfoque social. Cádiz: Servicio de Publicaciones de la Universidad de Cádiz, 2011, p.
339-373.
AUBET, María Eugenía. The Phoenicians and the West: Politics, Colonies and
Trade. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001.
BONNET, C. Melqart. Cultes et mythes de l’Heraclès tyrien en Mediterranée. Revue des Études Anciennes, Leveun, Tome 92, n. 3-4, 1988. p. 446-449.
ESCACENA CARRASCO, José Luis. La égersis de Melqart. Hipótesis sobre una
teología solar cananea. Complutum, v. 20, n. 2, 2009, p. 95-120.
HORA, Juliana. A cerámica de figuras negras tasienses no contexto arqueológico:
múltipla Ártemis e o feminino na Tasos arcaica. Tese de Doutorado. Museu de Arqueologia e Etnologia da Universidade de São Paulo, 2018.
KORMIKIARI, Maria Cristina Nicolau. Expansão fenício-púnica no Mediterrâneo Central e Ocidental: realidades próximas e distintas. PHOÎNIX, Rio de Janeiro,
21-1, p. 86-101, 2015.
KORMIKIARI, Maria Cristina Nicolau. Jogos fenício-púnicos. Revista do Museu
de Arqueologia e Etnologia, n. 29, p. 112-118, 2017.
KORMIKIARI, Maria Cristina Nicolau. O comércio, as trocas e o sistema do dom
entre os fenícios. In: Interação social, reciprocidade e profetismo no mundo antigo. Ed.
UES, 2004. P. 127-154.
LIMA, Rodrigo Araújo de. 2018. As Colunas de Héracles/Melqart no Final da
Idade do Bronze: o uso do SIG na compreensão a expansão fenícia em território tartésico a partir de Gádir (séculos IX ao VI a.C.). Dissertação de Mestrado. Museu de
Arqueologia e Etnologia da Universidade de São Paulo, São Paulo, 2018.
MARKOE, G. E. The Phoenicians. British Museum Press: Londres, 2000.
MARTÍ-AGUILAR, Manuel Álvarez. Hijos de Melqart. Justino (44.5) y la koiné
entre los siglos IV y III a.C. Archivo Español de Arqueología, v. 87 2014, p. 21-40.
MEDEROS MARTÍN, Alfredo. La fundación de la ciudad de Gadir y su primer
santuario urbano de Astarte-Afrodita. ISIMU, v. 13, p. 183-199, 2015.
Dossiê
MORENO PULIDO, Elena. Hércules en el Hades. Iconografia Hercúlea en las
monedas de la necrópolis de Gadir. In: CAMPO, Marta. (org.). Mites, ofrenes funeràries i monedes. XV Curs d’historia monetària d’Hispania, Barcelona: Museu Nacional d’art de Catalunya, 2011, p. 103-124.
MORENO PULIDO, Elena. Melkart – Herakles y sus distintas advocaciones en
la Bética costera. XIII International Numismatic Congress, Glasgow, 2009.
NEVILLE, Ann. Mountains of Silver & Rivers of Gold: The Phoenicians in Iberia. Vancouver: Oxbow Books, 2007.
PAPPA, Eleftheria. Early Iron Age exchange in the West, Phoenicians the Mediterranean an the Atlantic. (unpublished thesis) Oxford: University of Oxford, 2010.
RIBICHINI, Sergio. Beliefs and Religious Life. In: MOSCATI, S. The Phoenicians. New York: Rizzoli, 1999a, p. 120-152.
RIBICHINI, Sergio. Melqart. In: VAN DER TOORN, K. et al. Dictionary of
Deities and Demons in the Bible. Leiden; Boston; Kölhn: Brill, 1999b, p- 563-565.
SZNYCER, Maurice. Antiquités et épigraphie nord-sémitiques. In: Annuaires de
l´École pratique des hautes études, p. 191-208, 1975.
WAGNER, Carlos. Santuarios, territories y dependencia en la expansion fenicia
arcaica en Occidente. Arys, v. 3, 2000, p. 41-58.
ZAMORA LÓPEZ, José Ángel. The miqim elim. Epigraphic evidence for a specialist in the Phoenician-Punic cult. Rivista di Studi Fenici, Roma, XLV, 2018.
Sites
Labeca
Disponível em: https://tinyurl.com/y5t83jkh acessado em 04/08/2019.
Perseus Digital Library
Disponível em: https://tinyurl.com/367pgk acessado em 06/08/2019.
200
Dossiê