Islamización y arabización de Madinat Ilbira

Universidade de São Paulo- GT-OMMM Grupo de Trabalho Oriente Médio e Mundo Muçulmano., 2013

Este ensaio objetiva, num primeiro momento, apontar aspectos positivos da “primavera árabe” com relação aos movimentos de mulheres muçulmanas, em termos de visibilidade internacional e mobilidade social; num segundo momento, elencar barreiras e dificuldades enfrentadas por esse movimentos "pós-primavera", diante das ações dos governos islamistas.

1993

(1) Recent situation in contemporary Arab society-Introduction-The Arab world has undergone extremely rapid changes in the last 20 years (1970-1993). In terms of population, the Arab world's population is showing high growth rates and is gradually deteriorating socioeconomic conditions. The population growth rate of 20 Arab countries including Djibouti, Somalia and Mauritania at the end of 1991 averaged 2.6% per year, of which 12 countries showed an average annual growth rate of 3% or more, and 5 countries showed an average annual growth rate in the 2% range. The exceptions are Oman, where population growth is almost stagnant, Lebanon (1.1%), where population growth is slow under war conditions, and Kuwait (-48.6%), which showed negative growth. On the contrary, these three countries are lowering the overall average growth rate. The average annual population growth rate of 17 countries excluding these three countries is 3.1%. The population of the Arab world exceeds 220 million according to 1991 statistics. Half of them live in the city. The urban population accounted for 27.7% of the total population in 1950, but reached 46.8% in 1980 and has been gradually increasing since then, so it is expected that about 60% of the population will live in the city in 2000. The increase in urban population is not simply the result of increased population growth, but at the same time domestic migrants from rural areas in search of a better profession in the city or longing for a convenient life in the city is also a cause of its increase. The rapid increase in urban population in Arab countries is concentrated in some large cities. In the early 1990s, for example, Damascus, Syria, was home to one-third of the Syrian population, and Cairo, Egypt, was home to a quarter of the population. In Bahrain, the Gulf countries, 80% of the population lives in the city, in Kuwait more than 90%, in Qatar about 90%, and in the UAE 80%. In addition, in Maghreb countries, about 45% of people in Morocco, about 50% in Algeria, and more than 50% in Tunisia live in the city. This rapid increase in the urban population, or urbanization, has severely reduced the quality of life in the Arabs. Problems such as lack of housing, lack of drinking water, inadequate drainage facilities, power shortage, traffic congestion, inadequate transportation network, delay in communication network, education, health and hygiene, and increase in unemployment are becoming more serious. As the population grows, so do urban settlements. Wealthy people are moving to newly developed luxury residential areas in the suburbs, and the interior of the city is being occupied by the poor. Poor people from rural areas have led to the formation of slums on the outskirts of the city, but the government is trying to wipe them out and make them new residential areas. The modern Gulf cities are full of long-term and short-term migrants, including Arabs, Indians, Pakistanis, South Koreans, and Filipinos. The ratio of these foreigners to the total population is 41.7% in Oman even at low points, 90.3% in UAE and 86.1% in Qatar at high places. This situation shows that the economies of the Gulf countries cannot be established without these foreigners. However, this kind of racial mixture and contact with different cultures in the Gulf countries where urban life is the basis, invites unexpected problems, that is, social problems associated with cultural friction, especially drug addiction and crime among young men and women. Looking at the composition ratio of the population, the ratio of young people is extremely high compared to developed countries, and the population under the age of 15 accounts for 45%. Looking at the illiteracy rate, the illiteracy rate for people under the age of 15 has been declining sharply from over 70% in the early 1970s (60% for boys and 85% for girls) to the 1890s. Now, looking at the social side, the Arab society is not monolithic, it is not uniform, and this society is changing rapidly and dramatically. The masses, who have lost control of their destiny, are oppressed, abandoned underdeveloped, repeatedly beaten up, and endured and oppressed, fall into a state of self-estrangement and at the same time being alienated from their rulers. The Arab government makes every effort to maintain its power, but the public has been taken up only when necessary for its own convenience. These governments have always considered the interests of the ruler's class primarily, using and overworking the masses. These Arab governments are now in a difficult situation because they are subordinate to Europe and unable to face the challenges of Zionism and Israel. They consisted of the royal government that had continued since before the war, and military and officer groups and intellectual groups that overthrew the royal government and established ethnic and socialist governments. Behind the seemingly glamorous and prosperous large-scale social and economic development boom that has been prominent since the 1970s, the economic contradictions have been fostered at the same time and there has been an uneven distribution of wealth (more precisely, monopoly by some groups). Not surprisingly, the wealthy who have benefited from these processes included military officers, senior bureaucrats, political party executives, contractors and construction contractors, importexport contractors, etc.. However, the Arab government has been ignoring these so much that he clings to his own interests. As a result, social differentiation and economic contradictions between the ruler and the ruled have widened the gap. On the other hand, as the rulers gradually separated from the masses of the ruled, the ideological foundation of the rulers gradually collapsed. And, culturally, this has surfaced as a crisis of thought. The serious situation of economic contradictions and social problems eventually turned into political expression. New social forces emerged from the existing social and political structure and began to seek new political directions. The existing social forces in charge of the administration and the newly emerging social forces have begun to appeal to the public to acquire the legitimacy of their control. Thus, the masses were once again drawn into the political struggle. Newly emerging social forces, as deployed in Sudan and Algeria, are struggling to break down the ideological foundations of existing rulers and gain control while arguing their legitimacy. In other words, it is the revival of the Islamic movement. The rulers are now unable to neutralize the dissatisfaction of the ruled. The ideology that was the basis of their rule was no longer able to obtain the obedience of each of the Arab masses. One of the typical examples is the claim of democratic freedom by the intelligentsia group. From the 1950s to the 1960s, the Arab masses, especially the intelligentsia group, sacrificed themselves and silently followed the suppression of human rights by the administration for the cause of national defense for the struggle against Israel, achievement of Arab unification, economic development, establishment of Arab socialism, etc. But they have been in the 1980s, claiming themselves against the administration and proclaiming the acquisition of citizenship and human rights. These changes that are occurring in the Arab world today are, of course, being examined and analyzed from all aspects. Population change is a statistical study of demographics, social issues are from the field of sociology, such as crime research and urban studies. And problems brought about by modernization and development are in the fields of political science, economics, and as a matter of thought and culture treated. These real problems are individually analyzed, explained and predicted from specific disciplines. Economics deals with economic actions, sociology deals with social actions, and political science deals with political actions among the actions that human beings perform in real social life. However, religions, which are considered to be areas of private and personal life among human behavior, are treated as cultural issues. However, in recent years, the opposite direction has emerged for such academic differentiation. In particular, when studying developing countries, it is more accurate to integrate the analysis by multiple sciences or to analyze from a compound-eye perspective than to analyze individually by such specific sciences. In other words, it is a reflection that it can be understood in a form close to the truth. This is a point that must be fully noted when human behavior targets a society in which social life and private-personal life are not clearly distinguished, or when these two areas deal with closely and

The Research Journal of Al-Baath University,, 1995

Abstract I start this work by presenting a historical background about the Ottoman domination of the Arab countries, banning Arabic in public schools and replacing it with Turkish (policy of Turification), and European colonization of the Arab countries and the introduction of English and French as the formal languages. Then I talk about the need for using Arabic as the medium which preserves Arabic culture and heritage. Arabic is a necessity on different levels: national, social, educational, and scientific. Then I consider some previous experiments in Arabization and the use of Arabic in teaching science, such as the Egyptian experiment in the 19th century during the reign of Muhammad Ali Basha and Khedive Ismail, and the Lebanese experiment and the American University of Beirut. Moreover, I concentrate on the Syrian experiment in the 20th century. The opening of "The Arabic College of Medicine" in 1919 in Damascus, and the use of Arabic as the language of teaching, the publication of scientific journals and medical magazines in Arabic, the establishment of the Academy of Arabic Language in Damascus and its role in advancing Arabic language and Arabization, the expansion of the Syrian universities and their roles in coining and introducing Arabic equivalents for modern scientific and medical terms, the methodology followed by the staff of the Syrian universities in Arabiztion. The Problems facing Arabization are investigated and recommendations and solutions about them are provided.

Akademik Incelemeler Dergisi, 2011

Özet Büyük çoğunluğunu Arap ve/veya Müslüman toplumların oluşturduğu Orta Doğu ve Kuzey Afrika (ODKA) bölgesinde demokrasinin neden gelişemediği sorusu 2000'li yılların demokrasi alanyazınının en önemli tartışma konularından birisi olmuştur. Bu bölgenin bir "istisna" ve "anomali" olduğu sıklıkla vurgulanmaktadır. Arap Baharı diye adlandırılan bölgedeki özgürleşme hareketlerinin Tunus, Libya ve Mısır'da diktatör liderlerin iktidardan düşmesi sonucunu vermesiyle birlikte tartışma, ODKA bölgesinde Arap Baharının demokratikleşme ile mi, otoriter rejimlerin devamı ile mi, Şeriat yönetimlerinin kurulmasıyla mı sonuçlanacağına dönüşmüştür. Bu makale, ODKA bölgesinde demokrasinin gelişememesini İslam-demokrasi uyuşmazlığı teziyle açıklamaya çalışan dominant düşünce çizgisinin Arap Baharından sonra yerini nasıl bir söyleme bıraktığını inceleme konusu yapmaktadır. Makale, gelişmekte olan yeni söylemin 4 ana konuda (İslam ve İslamcılar imgesi, Batının bölgedeki çıkarları, terörle savaş, İsrail ile ilişkiler) önceki söylemden nasıl farklılaştığını göstermeyi amaçlamaktadır. Makale, gelişmekte olan yeni söylemle birlikte Batı'da İslam ve İslamcılar hakkında daha olumlu bir imge ortaya çıktığı ve bu imgenin kalıcı ve samimi olup olmadığının zaman içinde anlaşılabileceği sonucuna varmaktadır. Abstract One of the most important debate themes in the literature on democratization has been why MENA (Middle East and North Africa) region, with a majority of Arab and/or Muslim population, is failing in transition to democracy. It is very often claimed that this region is an "exception" and an "anomaly". After freedom movements named "Arab Spring" resulted with the fall of dictatorships in Tunisia, Libya and Egypt, the debate took a new form, namely weather Arab Spring will lead, in the region, to decent democracies or survival of the authoritarian regimes or establishments of Islamic governments based on Sharia Law. This paper takes a brief look at the dominant discourse that tries to explain lack of democracy in MENA region with the thesis of Islam-democracy incompatibility. Then the paper examines how this is replaced with a new discourse after the Arab Spring. It aims at demonstrating how the new discourse is differentiated from the previous one in terms of 4 main topics (the image of Islam and Islamists, Western interest in the region, war on terror, relationships with Israel). It draws the conclusion that the new discourse generates a more positive image of Islam and Islamists in the West although it is not clear weather this image is frankly and permanent.

Buku ini berisikan tentang Negara Arab dari segi sosial, kebudayaan, dan peradabannya.

JOURNAL OF INDONESIAN ISLAM

The article scrutinizes the role and action of a number of Muslim organizations established by some prominent kiais in Pamekasan Madura, namely Badan Silaturrahmi Ulama Pesantren Madura (BASSRA/The Board of Madurese Pesantren Ulama), Aliansi Ulama Madura (AUMA/The Alliance of Madurese Ulama), and Forum Kiai Muda (FKM/The Forum of Young Kiais). These organizations, on the basis of their religious thoughts and movements, have been able to massively mobilize and organize their followers while at the same time create a multi-layered sectarianism. The sectarianism promulgated by these organizations seems to disrespectfully neglect interreligious and interethnic relations which rest within heterogeneous reality of the Madurese society. Consequently, the domination of the religious elites seems to "lock" the freedom of thought in religion. This article argues that Islamism in Pamekasan-as a variant of Islam in response to the global phenomena on religious fundamentalism-has uniquely focused on what so-called "nationalization of Islam". It implies that the Islamist groups in Pamekasan attempt to mobilize their followers, on behalf of Islam, in order to not only establish an Islamic state but also to renovate Indonesia.

III. INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON GLOBALIZATION & INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS, 2019

lmasından itibaren üzerinde en fazla tartışılan ve fikir yürütülen alanlardan birisi olmuştur. Temelde uluslararası politikada büyük çaplı savaşların yeniden ortaya çıkmasının engellenmesi motivasyonu ile disipliner özelliğini kazanan uluslararası ilişkiler, çok farklı perspektiflerden çatışmaların önlenmesi konusunda ortaya konan yöntemleri ve bu yöntemler arası tartışmaları bünyesinde barındırmıştır. Bu çalışmada incelenecek olan da söz konusu yöntemlerin, çatışmaların yönetimi ve çözümü süreçlerinde nasıl uygulandığıdır. Bu bağlamda, geleneksel çatışma yönetimi araçlarının başlıcalarından olan uluslararası arabuluculuk ile 1990’lı yıllardan itibaren daha fazla uygulamasının görüldüğü interaktif sorun çözme yaklaşımı incelenerek iki farklı düzeyde kullanılan çatışma yönetimi yöntemleri değerlendirilecektir. Böylelikle, çatışma yönetiminde bir taraftan uluslararası arabuluculuk müessesesi vasıtasıyla devlet ya da uluslararası ve hükümet dışı örgütlerin, bir taraftan da interaktif sorun çözme yaklaşımında ön plana çıkan resmi nitelikte olmayan toplantılar üzerinden birey ya da farklı grupların etkileri analiz edilebilecektir. Farklı düzeylerden gerçekleştirilen girişimlerle uluslararası politikada güvenliği tehlikeye atan çatışmaların önlenmesinin, durdurulmasının ve barışı sürecinin başlatılmasının nasıl mümkün olduğunun ortaya konması bu çalışmanın öncelikli amaçlarındandır. Kullanılan yöntemlerin resmigayrıresmi, diplomatik-diplomatik olmayan, doğrudan-dolaylı olmasına bakılmaksızın aynı amaca hizmet ediyor oluşu ve çatışma yönetiminin tek bir doğru yönteminin olmadığının gösterilmesi de bu çalışmanın varmak istediği sonuçtur. Buna göre, öncelikle çatışma yönetimi literatürü genel olarak incelenecek ve daha sonra uluslararası arabuluculuk ve interaktif sorun çözme yaklaşımı türleri ve kapsamı bağlamında değerlendirilerek, uygulamadaki karşılıkları örnek olaylar üzerinden tartışılacaktır. Sonucunda da söz konusu yöntemlerin farklı düzeylerden gerçekleştirilen girişimlerle çatışma yönetimindeki etkilerine dair çıkarımlar ortaya konacaktır.

Al-Qanṭara, 2021

La vasta correspondencia de ʻUmar II con los gobernantes es examinada para la discusión de la islamización y la aculturación. Desde el punto de vista del califa, estos dos procesos tenían que ser regulados y el dilema era cómo formular una política que estuviera en línea con la ética islámica y, al mismo tiempo, controlar la islamización estableciendo un alto nivel de entrada para los conversos. La lucha contra la aculturación intentaba preservar el dominio político musulmán controlando la administración.

The study exams the origins of military "islamist" resistance.