Liberi dal male con un soldo

Numismatische Zeitschrift, 2012

""Two related types of silver medallions appear to have been struck for the dedication of Constantinople on 11 May 330 A.D. The first, whose reverse depicts a seated figure of Constantinopolis, has been widely catalogued in numismatic literature.1 The second, whose reverse depicts the Dea Roma, has not. This article presents a catalogue of the known exemplars of both types: 15 of the first and 3 of the second. It proposes that these were struck to imitate the tetradrachms of Hellenistic rulers. This conclusion is based on six factors: 1) the average weight and module match those of Hellenistic tetradrachms; 2) the medallion is struck in silver; 3) the thickness and high relief mirror those of tetradrachms; 4) the obverse is anepigraphic with the head cropped high on the neck; 5) the format of the reverse legend is typical of tetradrachms, and the image of Tyche was common on them; 6) Constantine wears a diadem, a revival of a royal accoutrement typical of Hellenistic monarchs. In addition, the argument will be made that these issues constitute something of a brief return to the tradition of civic coinage. This is argued first because civic coinages, including the coins of Roman imperial Byzantium, regularly represent city Tychai, and secondly, because this type appears to have been issued only from the mint of a single city, a highly unusual restriction in the fourth century AD. The medallion can be viewed as valuable iconographic evidence for the cult of Constantinople’s Tyche established by Constantine and of his interest in maintaining Hellenic religious traditions and promoting his new capital as a second Rome.""

2010

Two related types of silver medallions appear to have been struck for the dedication of Constantinople on 11 May 330 A.D. The first, whose reverse depicts a seated figure of Constantinopolis, has been widely catalogued in numismatic literature. 1 The second, whose reverse depicts the Dea Roma, has not. This article presents a catalogue of the known exemplars of both types: 15 of the first and 3 of the second. It proposes that these were struck to imitate the tetradrachms of Hellenistic rulers. This conclusion is based on six factors: 1) the average weight and module match those of Hellenistic tetradrachms; 2) the medallion is struck in silver; 3) the thickness and high relief mirror those of tetradrachms; 4) the obverse is anepigraphic with the head cropped high on the neck; 5) the format of the reverse legend is typical of tetradrachms, and the image of Tyche was common on them; 6) Constantine wears a diadem, a revival of a royal accoutrement typical of Hellenistic monarchs. In addition, the argument will be made that these issues constitute something of a brief return to the tradition of civic coinage. This is argued first because civic coinages, including the coins of Roman imperial Byzantium, regularly represent city Tychai, and secondly, because this type appears to have been issued only from the mint of a single city, a highly unusual restriction in the fourth century AD. The medallion can be viewed as valuable iconographic evidence for the cult of Constantinople's Tyche established by Constantine and of his interest in maintaining Hellenic religious traditions and promoting his new capital as a second Rome.

E. Paunov & S. Filipova (eds.), HPAKΛEOΥΣ ΣΩTHPOΣ ΘAΣIΩN. Studia in honorem Iliae Prokopov sexagenario ab amicis et discipulis dedicata, Veliko Turnovo 2012, 143–186., 2012

Two rare coins kept in the collection of the Social & Cultural Affairs Welfare Foundation (KIKPE), Athens, became the stimulus for other specimens to be sought and for questions to be raised, requiring further study on several levels. Danthalētai, Dentheleti, etc – the name of this minor Thracian tribe appears in several forms. The heavy bronze pieces of the Dantēlētai (head of Dionysos l. / warrior r. with curved sword and light shield, ΔΑΝΤΗΛ/ΗΤΩΝ) constitute a remarkable issue for the Thracian monetary affairs. First the variations of the ethnic name are discussed and then the iconography of the warrior (hair, sword, shield) is scrutinized, with ample literary references and correlation of archaeological parallels on occasion. Numismatic comparanda in stylistic terms are provided both for the reverse and the obverse, while the metrological data are assessed in context. The few glimpses at a known provenance lead obviously to a focal area highlighted between the northern bank of the upper course of Hebros and the Haimos mountain ridge; the role of ‘Emporion Pistiros’ (probably Adjiyska Vodenitsa, near Vetren) is also examined to an extent. All things considered, and viewed in historical perspective, a dating of this coinage in the middle of the third quarter of the 4th century BC (ca. 339–335 BC?) is thought to be quite probable. The bronze coins with the legend ΜΕΛΣΑ (filleted bucranium / fish) present an even more difficult puzzle; for starters, known and not so known pieces were traced. Discussion follows at length on the filleted bucranium and the fish while searching also for stylistic comparanda. The challenge of the strange legend (Melsa) required some necessary commentary before giving a thorough inspection at the chances for a valid interpretation. Certain options —e.g. an attribution to “a Messa of the Apolloniates” that evolved later into Anchialos— are examined and are found lacking, especially under the light of overstrike evidence (two pieces, one on AE of Philip II, the other on AE of Cassander). The latter alongside with other kinds of evidence provide a terminus post quem in or after the last fifteen years of the 4th century BC. Then argumentation is pondered on the hypothesis that the legend should correspond to an unknown so far Thracian chieftain (Melsas); this and some other possibilities towards certain civic issues are rejected. The key for deciphering this riddle seems to lie by the northern coast of the Keratios near Byzantion; close study of historical topography and other clues reveal that probably there is a connection between the site of Semystra and the ΜΕΛΣΑ coins. Several elements are taken into account, such as the filleted bucranium, etc; all in all, this may be a case of syncretism materialized in a period of dire straits, due to the Celtic presence in Thrace after 278 BC; perhaps a sanctuary in the premises of Byzantion, dedicated to the cult of a certain legendary hero Melsas, proceeded to strike a brief coin issue, possibly in association of a religious festival or an important anniversary, at a moment of temporary shortage in small change (maybe some time in the years ca. 275-250 BC). Further on the coinage in the name of Melsas see: Y. Stoyas, ‘The case of the MELSA coins: A reappraisal’, in: U. Peter & V. F. Stolba (eds), Thrace – Local Coinage and Regional Identity, Berlin 2021, 231–262.

Niš & Byzantium, 2011

Since 1998 the Museo Civico di Rovereto-Archaeological Department has been carrying out excavation campaigns at the site of Loppio - S. Andrea, in the Regione Trentino in Northern Italy. The unearthed masonry structures in the dig areas named A and B are parts of a late antique-early medieval forti ed settlement (castrum), characterized by a sequence of different build- ing phases going back to the 6th and 7th centuries. Many nds belonging to weaponry and soldiers equipment suggest that this site, strategically located along the ancient route going from the Adige Valley to the North Garda Lake, was settled for military reasons and housed soldiers with their families. A total amount of 90 coins has been found, mainly consisting of late Roman bronze specimens which served as local small change currency; Gothic and Byzantine coins in silver and gold are also well attested, offering a very representative view of integration of old 4th-5th centuries issues in the trimetallic 6th century monetary system, as well of their re-use within the Lom- bard society.

Numismatic International Bulletin 59:7/8, 2024

This article considers literary references to late Roman and Byzantine coins to indicate that these authors considered coin types to have visual agency even if they did not always interpret them correctly. The conscious misinterpretation of coin types to fit into the narrative of these works of literature indicates the risk of using literary references to analyze contemporary responses to coin types. Ultimately, however, these references are the only sources that suggest that these numismatic images had visual agency in ancient times. Whether you would call them ‘newspapers of the day’ or merely ‘modern-day postage stamps,’ images on ancient coins mattered to their contemporary users. The literary references form a vital source to reconstruct the contemporary reception of these mass-produced imperial messages, but as with every historical source they need to be read with the utmost care. Most of these authors had their own political or religious agenda, for them, coins were no more than a pawn in a literary game.

Numismatic Chronicle, 2023

This study describes all known gold and silver monetiform donatives (mainly solidi, miliarenses, and siliquae) produced in Rome during the reign of Constantine I from the defeat of Maxentius in 312 to the death of Constantine in 337. On the basis of mint marks and iconography, the emissions fall into four groups. The first group consists of gold only and was struck soon after Constantine took control of Rome in October 312. The second group, also exclusively of gold, is linked here to Constantine’s visit to celebrate his decennalia in August 315. The third group includes types also known from other mints struck for the vicennalia in 326, and these emissions must have been produced during Constantine’s stay in Rome from 25 July to 27 September 326.1 In addition, an enigmatic ROM marked bronze emission is interpreted here as a vicennalian type. The fourth group shows Constantine in the rosette-diadem and includes specimens struck for Constans and Dalmatius and must date from the last years of Constantine’s reign. It is proposed here that it was produced for Constantine’s tricennalia in 335–6. Contrary to previous practice, the tricennalia donatives were produced without the emperor’s presence. The tricennalia lasted from 25 July 335 to 25 July 336 and were celebrated twice, as was customary, at the beginning and at the end of the celebration year. The tricennalian emissions include two distinct groups of donatives. It is suggested here that they were produced one year apart, with one group struck for the initial celebrations in July 335, and the other for the concluding celebrations in July 336. In addition, there is an unmarked VOT/XXX type in both gold and silver which can only date from 335–6. In conclusion: precious metal was struck in Rome on only five occasions between 312 and 337; after the victory in 312, for Constantine’s decennalia in 315, for his vicennalia in 326, for his initial tricennalia in 335, and for the end of the tricennalia in 336. The production linked to special occasions indicates that, during this period, struck gold and silver was not produced as coins for general circulation, but as donatives to be given out at special occasions, in particular for Constantine’s regnal jubilees.

Ancient Numismatics 4, 2023

Francesco Capranesi († 1854) was a collector, art dealer and antiquarian based in Rome in the first half of the 19th century. He played an important role in the sale of coins of the Social War (91-87 bc). As a member of the Instituto di Corrispondenza Archeologica di Roma, he took part in important archaeological excavations and had connections with the Vatican Museums, especially the Vatican Medagliere. Capranesi owned five rare denarii minted by the allies rebelling against Rome during the Social War, which are listed in his 1854 will. More coins of this kind can be proved to have passed through Capranesi’s hands. However, only two pieces can be traced: the controversial gold stater of MI.IEIIS.MI, now in the Cabinet des Médailles of the Bibliothèque Nationale in Paris, and a denarius depicting the riding Dioscuri, which Julius Friedlaender, the director of Berlin’s Coin Cabinet, bought from Capranesi in 1845. In the same year, Friedlaender acquired four more denarii from Emil Braun, secretary of the Instituto di Corrispondenza Archeologica di Roma. It is safe to assume that, in addition to the coins mentioned in his will, Capranesi had a larger number of them on hand, all of which came from unidentified sites, and which had probably been sold to him by some farmers and hunters. Since most of the finds including coins of the Italian allies – with the exception of Montecodruzzo (1832) – have come to light only since the 1870s, they cannot provide any useful information on the provenance of Capranesi’s pieces. Furthermore, this paper examines the possibility that other coins of the Italian allies purchased by Capranesi have entered European coin collections such as those of the Vatican, Rome, Florence, Naples, Parma, London, Berlin, Vienna, Paris and Hannover. Other well-known dealers, collectors and scholars, mentioned in the inventories, are also considered. This essay, therefore, sheds light on a period when on the coinage of the Social War increasingly converged the interest of collectors and scholars, a field in which Capranesi played a relevant role since the 1820s.