Making place: humans as dedications in Tiwanaku

08 RWAR 360108.fm Page 123 Friday, April 16, 2004 9:12 AM Making place: humans as dedications in Tiwanaku Deborah E. Blom and John Wayne Janusek Abstract The character of dedication assemblages is frequently linked to the specific place and social context in which they are deposited. At the site of Tiwanaku, political and ceremonial center of a prehispanic state that influenced much of the South American Andes for several centuries (AD 500–1150), human dedications shaped the significance of built ritual environments. We compare the treatment and deposition of human remains in two ritual contexts at Tiwanaku: Akapana and Akapana East. In Akapana, some human remains took on the significance of human sacrifices and, in Akapana East, they appear to have been carefully curated ancestors. In the one, they represented élite bids for power and the encompassing identity of the emerging Tiwanaku community and, in the other, they embodied the common identity of a local residential group. Through human dedications, architectural constructions came to embody the identity of scaled social communities, ultimately uniting the diverse groups, élite and commoner, who inhabited and worshipped in the center of the emerging civilization. Keywords Tiwanaku; dedicatory burials; sacrifice; ancestor worship; architecture; human osteology. Ritual is, first and foremost, a mode of paying attention. It is a process for marking interest. It is this characteristic . . . that explains the role of place as a fundamental component of ritual: place directs attention. (Smith 1987: 103) An appropriate place as much as an auspicious time is an essential aspect of ritual activity. As noted by Osborne (this volume), dedications, as a particular element of ritual, seek to establish a relationship between humans and transcendent beings or forces. Humans are the agents, or those who seek some return or reciprocal relationship, and dedications are offerings given in faith. Dedications are also conducted ‘for the living’, in that ritual activity and, most effectively, dramatic public ritual is choreographed and performed for an audience. Thus, dedications may involve more practical interests, including the World Archaeology Vol. 36(1): 123–141 The Object of Dedication © 2004 Taylor & Francis Ltd ISSN 0043-8243 print/1470-1375 online DOI: 10.1080/0043824042000192623 08 RWAR 360108.fm Page 124 Friday, April 16, 2004 9:12 AM 124 Deborah E. Blom and John Wayne Janusek negotiation of status and identity. Not only must the place be appropriate for the occasion, but the object of dedication must be appropriate to the place, the desired effects and the status of the agents. When the places, effects and agents are of paramount significance, only the most valued objects will suffice. In this paper we examine human bodies placed in dedication assemblages at the site of Tiwanaku in the South American Andes. Located in the Lake Titicaca basin of the Bolivian altiplano, Tiwanaku remained for more than six centuries one of the most influential centers in the South American Andes (Fig. 1). Tiwanaku emerged as the principal political and religious center of the region between AD 400 and AD 600, in the local Late Formative and Early Tiwanaku periods. By AD 700 it was an urban ceremonial center covering some 6km2. The urban core comprised several prominent monumental complexes, including the Kalasasaya, the Akapana and the Pumapunku, each a built ritual environment for a local ideological cult and distinctive ritual practices (Janusek 2004) (Fig. 2). Surrounding the ceremonial core was a vibrant urban landscape comprised of residential neighborhoods, mortuary complexes, local ritual places, waterways and, in some sectors, basins (qochas) supporting fish, gardens and camelid herds. Residential areas consisted of neighborhood areas, or barrios, separated by trampled ‘streets’ or channels and consisting of walled compounds. Some neighborhoods, such as Akapana Figure 1 Study area. 08 RWAR 360108.fm Page 125 Friday, April 16, 2004 9:12 AM Making place 125 Figure 2 Tiwanaku map (from Kolata 2003). East and Mollo Kontu, maintained local ritual complexes, whether modest platforms or buildings (Couture 2003; Janusek 2004). If compounds housed kin-based groups consisting of multiple households, neighborhoods formed more encompassing, diversely affiliated groups or factions that maintained important ritual and political roles. Here, we explore the relation between dedication and place, examining in particular the relation between differences in the treatment of human remains and distinct forms of built ritual environments. We compare human remains in dedication rituals from two ritual complexes, Akapana and Akapana East, which coexisted just as Tiwanaku was emerging as the head of a centralized polity. The complexes are distinct: Akapana was one of Tiwanaku’s principal monumental structures and Akapana East was a non-monumental group of ritual buildings some 200m to the east. As can be seen archaeologically, the rituals themselves were also distinct, in both plan and purpose. Those in the Akapana were involved in the building’s relatively public foundation rites, while those in Akapana East were involved in its more intimate closing or interment rites. 08 RWAR 360108.fm Page 126 Friday, April 16, 2004 9:12 AM 126 Deborah E. Blom and John Wayne Janusek We find that, in such rites, humans, perhaps the most highly valued objects of dedications, helped shape the particular meaning and significance of these distinct places. Human offerings during metaphorical rites of passage, essentially, the ‘birth’ or ‘death’ of a complex, conferred on each complex a life history. Human dedications essentially anthropomorphized each space, rendering them significant by drawing them into the intimate domain of the social life of their associated communities. Each complex embodied its respective community through its association with recently deceased ancestors or sacrificial victims. Differences in the treatment of human dedications, in relation to the different types of places they helped shape, outline the distinct groups that forged the Tiwanaku state and afford some sense of the shared meanings and practices that drew these groups together. Tiwanaku dedications Ritualized dedications involving llamas or humans were important in the ‘life-cycles’ of construction, renewal or closing of building complexes throughout Tiwanaku. Burying fetal llamas or humans was an important part of building or re-flooring a residential dwelling or compound. A fetal or juvenile llama was interred under each of several residential buildings dating to the Tiwanaku Period in the Akapana East barrios, just outside the ceremonial core (Janusek 2004). In one sector, Akapana East 1M, a human infant was placed in the foundation of a compound wall upon its construction. Today in the altiplano, households imagine their dwellings and compounds as scaled micro-cosmic domains with vital dimensions, and laying their foundations is likened to ‘planting roots’ in the ancient rock of the earth (Arnold 1992). Fetal llamas and human placentas are important elements in rituals dedicated to these foundations. Just like similar offerings do today, the Tiwanaku dedications were most likely elements in long sequences of libations and rituals intended to ensure the social regeneration and well-being of the group who inhabited the built environment. In Akapana East, interred fetal llamas were dedicated to a dwelling and its resident family, while human infants may have been dedicated to the regeneration of the group inhabiting the entire compound. More elaborate dedications involving interred human remains accompanied the construction and renewal of more high-status and ceremonial complexes in Tiwanaku. In all cases these involved single or multiple interments of both adults and children or disarticulated bones or body parts in prepared bundles or ‘fetishes’. Due south of the Akapana, on a visual path with Mount Kimsachata, is the small terraced Mollo Kontu platform (Couture 2003). Located amid residential compounds, it appears to have been a local ritual complex maintained and visited by a particular residential neighborhood. Placed under, over and in front of its cobble revetment were fifteen partial or complete individuals in a variety of positions. Couture (2003) interprets this as a single event dedicated to the ritual closing of the platform. As dramatic, fifteen articulated or disarticulated individuals accompanied the razing of a high-status residential complex, the Putuni, just west of the Kalasasaya. The bodies, which included an isolated skull, were placed on old floors and in canals just prior to the construction of an elaborate, painted élite palace in the same location (Couture and Sampeck 2003; Kolata 1993). In both Mollo Kontu and Putuni, the status of the interments 08 RWAR 360108.fm Page 127 Friday, April 16, 2004 9:12 AM Making place 127 as dedications rather than ‘burials’ is supported by the lack of the typical formal preparation in mortuary architecture and grave offerings. Dedications were probably important elements in rituals surrounding the life-cycles of all types of buildings in Tiwanaku, and the status of a particular dedication seems to vary with the relative ‘scale’ or ‘status’ of the structure and its associated community. In all, the most significant interments were adults or children and significant human body parts that had been interred as dedications. Further, osteological analyses of most of the interments in these areas demonstrate no signs of violent death or post-mortem manipulation of the body. In the following sections we examine the human dedications in which the bodies had been cut or otherwise modified upon or after death. These dedications, found at the base of the Akapana and in a mound covering a ritual complex in Akapana East, date to the dynamic early phases of the sixth and seventh centuries, when Tiwanaku was emerging as the primary urban ceremonial center in the region. Akapana The most imposing monumental structure in Tiwanaku’s ceremonial core, the Akapana consisted of several superimposed terraces and was in use for approximately five hundred years (c. AD 500–1000) as a site of communal ritual and elaborate offerings (Fig. 3, Plates 1 and 2) (Alconini 1995; Kolata 1993; Manzanilla 1992; Manzanilla and Woodard 1990; Proyecto Wila Jawira burial forms on file at the University of Chicago; Vranich 2001; see Janusek 2003 for radiocarbon data). Prominent among the offerings were deposits of partial, yet often articulated human (Blom et al. 2003) and camelid (llama and alpaca) (Webster and Janusek 2003) bodies found at the foundation in the south-eastern corner of the Akapana. Analysis of the human bone from the Akapana revealed cut marks and other damage resulting from dismemberment, exposure and carnivore activity. For example, one deposit from the base of the foundation terrace included the lower back to knees of two males in their late teens to early twenties, and a forearm, partial foot and isolated human bones from these or other adults (Plate 3). Associated artifacts included three polychrome keros, a broken incense burner, part of an obsidian projectile point and a bead. Two semi-flexed, articulated camelid skeletons were also present. A nearby deposit consisted of the lower portion (pelvis and legs) of another young adult. Associated with the bones were disarticulated human bones, a partial camelid skeleton and ceramic sherds. Taphonomic analyses of the human remains demonstrate that the preparation of the bodies dedicated in the Akapana required forceful dismemberment of dying or recently dead individuals. Evidence of this activity is seen in peri- or directly post-mortem cut marks, crushing and breaking of the bones, consistent with that necessary to remove the portions of the bodies deposited. For example, for the first individuals described, the damage was observed on the lumbar vertebrae and the distal femora (Plate 4). Because of the location of the cuts deep in the body tissue and the manner of the crushing, which was done while the bone was malleable, the dismemberment would seem likely to have happened just after death. Additionally, carnivore damage was present on three of the femora and one vertebra. Most notable is the presence of bite marks on the femoral head (Plate 5), which indicate that the hip joint was disarticulated at some point. The presence of carnivore damage also 08 RWAR 360108.fm Page 128 Friday, April 16, 2004 9:12 AM 128 Deborah E. Blom and John Wayne Janusek Figure 3 Akapana: reconstruction (drawing by archaeologist Linda Manzanilla, geophysicist Luis Barba and artist Fernando Botas; from Manzanilla 1992). Plate 1 Akapana: aerial view (photo: Johan Reinhard). indicates that the bodies were exposed, not buried immediately. Whether the carnivores were part of the rituals or simply lucky scavengers is unknown. In contrast to the human bone, the camelid remains showed no clear evidence of butchering (Webster and Janusek 2003); their dismemberment occurred after the bodies had partially decayed and could be disarticulated without cutting. Furthermore, the adult camelids tended to be quite large, suggesting that they were specifically raised for ritual sacrifice or that they were culled from special, perhaps élite-managed herds (Webster and Janusek 2003). 08 RWAR 360108.fm Page 129 Friday, April 16, 2004 9:12 AM Making place 129 Plate 2 Akapana: photograph of the location of the deposits (from Manzanilla 1992). Plate 3 Akapana N8042 E5026 N.2A, F.8, Burial 1–2 (photo: Proyecto Wilo Jawira). 08 RWAR 360108.fm Page 130 Friday, April 16, 2004 9:12 AM 130 Deborah E. Blom and John Wayne Janusek aa b Plate 4 Right distal femur, specimen no. 3189a: a) cut marks laterally; b) crushing damage medially (photos: Wolfgang Schuler). 08 RWAR 360108.fm Page 131 Friday, April 16, 2004 9:12 AM Making place 131 Plate 5 Carnivore damage to the left femur head, specimen no. 9942 (photo: Wolfgang Schuler). Plate 6 Akapana N8026–8 E5030 R18, L.6a, Burial 11 (photo: Proyecto Wila Jawira). 08 RWAR 360108.fm Page 132 Friday, April 16, 2004 9:12 AM 132 Deborah E. Blom and John Wayne Janusek On top of the same terrace platform as the other remains was an elaborate offering consisting of hundreds of broken polychrome vessels and most of the articulated torso and upper limbs of a 17–30-year-old individual of unknown sex (Plate 6). Nearby were a partial adult cranial vault, a partial young juvenile cranial vault and an adult hand and foot. Instead of cut marks and carnivore damage, taphonomic changes indicate that these bones were exposed to weathering. Exposure to elements was especially notable on the bones that might have first been exposed as the flesh decayed, such as the fingers and skull vault. Several other deposits in the Akapana consisted of isolated human bones, partially articulated skeletons or combined camelid and human bones. The treatment of many human remains alludes to an esoteric cult of the head, which is consistent with iconography on various media found at Tiwanaku. The skulls of eighteen individuals were absent, and several skulls were found isolated and in one case clustered as a group of three, most without mandibles (Manzanilla and Woodard 1990). Cut marks, which would indicate that the heads had been forcefully removed, were absent on these skulls and the cervical vertebrae. Instead, the heads may have been taken from decayed bodies. Collectively, the Akapana offerings are very different than those found in a contemporaneous ritual complex in the Akapana East neighborhood. Akapana East Akapana East was first occupied in the Late Formative period (c. 100 BC–AD 500), prior to the Akapana’s construction (Fig. 4) (Janusek 1994, 2004). Its east edge was bounded by a modified natural channel that at this time defined the east edge of the early Tiwanaku center and later, as the city expanded, came to form a physical boundary between the ceremonial core and most urban residential areas. At approximately AD 400, one early residential occupation in Akapana East 1, on the west bank of the channel, was covered. Capping the occupation was a thick prepared floor of clean, selected sand and clay supporting a group of buildings. Floors and buildings were built of sediments in distinct colors and textures. Inside floors consisted of red clay and the outside surface of yellow sand. A striking section of the floor in one of the buildings consisted of bands that alternated these two sediments. The floor in each building also incorporated shallow depressions in roughly geometrical shapes, and appears to have supported blocks, statues or idols. Surfaces were most unique in that they were swept entirely clean of all domestic refuse. Just as in places that are kept ritually ‘pure’ cross-culturally, domestic and other refuse here was truly ‘dirt’, or ‘matter out of place’ (Douglas 1966: 36). At some point, the old floors were covered and the walls rebuilt in a major event of renewal. Lining two pits that had been capped under the second floor was a lens of pulverized bone. Finally, the complex was buried under a mound of clean clay and adobe bricks. Features of deposition indicate that the mound resulted from the destruction of the building’s walls in a single event. Prior to the event, the upper surfaces were swept clean. Covering the mound were thin charcoal lenses of burnt organic material, dated to cal. AD 450–690 (SMU-2471) (Janusek 2003), signifying that the formation of the mound was a moment of ritual interment or closing. 08 RWAR 360108.fm Page 133 Friday, April 16, 2004 9:12 AM Making place 133 Figure 4 Superimposed Late Formative ritual surfaces and associated features in Akapana East 1. At least five human bodies were buried in the low mound, and it is unclear whether they were placed in the mound upon the area’s interment or whether they had originally occupied niches in the old building walls. Two of these deposits, an infant and a young adult, displayed no cut marks or taphonomic changes of note, and the adult remains, at least, appear to have been articulated in a seated and flexed position. Nearby and isolated from one another were the two halves of a broken mandible from a male human. The mandible, broken in antiquity, had marks that indicated that the ligaments and tendons attaching it to the upper jaw had been cut (Plate 7). In a nearby deposit were several bones of a 15–18-year-old individual (or perhaps two individuals), with cut marks, including another mandible that appears to have been cut from a skull. In an intrusive pit several meters to the north, we located the partial remains of an 18to 21-year-old male. Visible on the bones of this individual were breaks and cut marks. Most prominent were curvilinear cut marks running around the neck of the femur (Plate 8), as well as cut and crush marks on a rib, the mandible, a scapula and the pelvis. Collectively, the Akapana East remains are indicative of the repeated cutting, scraping and crushing expected from de-fleshing bones held by strong ligaments such as those found at the sacro-iliac and tempromandibular joints. Such light superficial cutting of the remains contrast markedly with the treatment of the remains at the foot of the Akapana. 08 RWAR 360108.fm Page 134 Friday, April 16, 2004 9:12 AM 134 Deborah E. Blom and John Wayne Janusek Plate 7 Cut marks on coronoid process of mandible (Akapana East N7862 E5424, F.4, specimen no. 8908) (photo: Wolfgang Schuler). Discussion Differences in the treatment of human remains in Akapana and Akapana East point to distinct ritual activities. As discussed above, the place in which dedications were prepared and deposited is of paramount importance in understanding what these rituals might have meant in Tiwanaku society. The construction of the Akapana, as the tallest monumental structure in the site, was a feat of conspicuous consumption in and of itself. The central location of the structure and the unrestricted view it afforded means that it was visible to a relatively inclusive audience. The dedication rituals generating the terrace offerings were probably geared towards public display and consumption. This is particularly apparent in the deposit of hundreds of polychrome vessels offered along with a human body. The importance of the Akapana dedications as a communal dedication is further reinforced by the observation of damage on the bones, indicating that at least some of the remains had been exposed to the environment, scavengers and public eyes for some time. Researchers working elsewhere in the Andes have argued that human bodies and body parts exposed in such a way are evidence of sacrifice following warfare or other violent acts (e.g. Bourget 1990; Burger 1992; Castillo 1993; Donnan 1995; Rowe 1946; Shimada 1994; Verano 1995, 1996). In such contexts at Moche sites, for example, young males with healed injuries predominate, bones present evidence for scavenger activity and recent 08 RWAR 360108.fm Page 135 Friday, April 16, 2004 9:12 AM Making place 135 Plate 8 Cut marks on right femur neck (Akapana East N7862 E5424, F.4, specimen no. 8908) (photo: Wolfgang Schuler). violence (e.g. stabbing and decapitation), and chemical dietary data that show that at least some of the individuals consumed diets distinct from those of the general population (Verano 1995; Verano and DeNiro 1993). In many Andean cultures, bodies were dismembered and specific body parts, most commonly the head, were processed as fetishes or ‘trophies’ (Rowe 1963: 279; Cordy Collins 1992; DeLeonardis 2000; Proulx 1989; Silverman 1988; Verano 1995; Verano et al. 1999). Many of these characteristics of sacrifices elsewhere in the Andes are mirrored in the Akapana deposits. Demographic analyses of the Akapana remains establish that the victims were commonly young males. Moreover, strontium isotope analysis on one Akapana individual revealed that the victim moved into the Lake Titicaca Basin region later in life (Knudson et al. 2004). The presence of body parts in the Akapana is also consistent with sacrifice as a result of conflict. Additional evidence for this kind of behavior exists in other Tiwanaku contexts, including the presence of at least one vessel made from a human skull and a well-used weaving implement made from a human tibia (observations by the authors). Iconographic representations of violence and trophy heads are also prominent in Tiwanaku. In spite of this, Tiwanaku human remains in general display little evidence of the violent trauma expected on individuals engaging in extended conflicts (Isla et al. 1998). Therefore, it is possible that both the representations of violence at Tiwanaku and the Akapana dedications were designed to make a statement about the power of Tiwanaku élite without any significant violence actually occurring. 08 RWAR 360108.fm Page 136 Friday, April 16, 2004 9:12 AM 136 Deborah E. Blom and John Wayne Janusek Because of their location at the base of the monument, the Akapana remains might also be interpreted as sacrificial dedications rather than acts of violence. In many Andean contexts sacrifices were carried out in times of danger or disruption, such as changes in or threats to leadership and environmental and other stressors (see Ceruti and Reinhard this volume; also MacCormack 1991; Rowe 1946; Zuidema 1977/8). In addition, throughout the Andes, dedicatory burials were placed under floors or within foundations of monumental buildings, and retainers were buried with important leaders (Andrews 1974; Bruce 1986; Uhle 1903; see Verano 1995 for a full discussion). In these cases, sacrifices were most commonly of women and children, a pattern distinctly different than that found in the Akapana. However, placing the remains of sacrificial victims at the base of the Akapana likely served to consecrate the monument. Because of the importance of the monument and the status of those sponsoring its construction, the only offering sacred enough would have been human life. In contrast, the remains and spatial context of Akapana East differ fundamentally from those of the Akapana. In Akapana East we encountered de-fleshed, carefully curated human remains, which appear to have formed bundles associated with a mound covering extraordinarily clean ritual spaces. We suggest that the Akapana East remains were directly incorporated into the structures, perhaps set into their walls or eaves as ancestral bundles or fetishes, and so were an elemental component of the buildings. Whether this was the case or not, the bodies were purposely placed or left in the mound after the collapse or destruction of the structures as offerings dedicated to the area’s final interment. Whatever the precise nature of the rituals performed in the enclosed chambers of Akapana East, spatial patterns and archaeological features suggest that they involved a profound sense of privacy and intimacy. The cleanliness of the area suggests continual, even obsessive maintenance. The buildings may have enclosed statues, sculptures or idols depicting ancestral images or mythical scenes. Long since removed, totemic stelae and monoliths from this era carved with ancestral and mythical imagery are found out of context throughout Tiwanaku (Browman 1997; Ohnstad and Janusek 2004). The area itself was isolated from the rest of the growing urban center by large, adobe compound walls. Ceremony entailing these human remains, then, was most likely conducted in enclosed buildings within an isolated compound. This ritual space was located some distance from the Akapana and was separated from the monument by domestic compounds. Thus, the complex was associated with the rituals of a local resident group or groups. In all likelihood, the buildings were ritual chambers that held the group’s sacred relictual bundles and idols. Rather than sacrificial dedication, the treatment and archaeological contexts of human remains in Akapana East derive from the careful curation of human bones. The practice of disinterring and de-fleshing deceased relatives and leaders has strong parallels from the Andes (e.g. Arriaza 1995; Verano 2000) to Europe (e.g. Danforth and Tsiaras 1982). The painstaking treatment of the Akapana East remains, and the social and spatial context of their deposition, alludes to relatively intimate and private rituals that stand in sharp contrast to the Akapana dedications. Though speculative, one intriguing possibility is that de-fleshing was associated with rites of ‘compassionate cannibalism’, or consuming the 08 RWAR 360108.fm Page 137 Friday, April 16, 2004 9:12 AM Making place 137 flesh of deceased relatives as documented in the tropical lowlands of western Brazil (Conklin 2001; although see Turner 1983; White 1992). In the lowlands, after the flesh was consumed, the bones were pulverized and buried in pits, oddly reminiscent, in theory, of the bone-lined pits buried between the two superimposed floors of Akapana East. Whatever the case, we suggest that the dedications were elemental to intimate rituals of ancestor veneration. Conclusions The particular places in which human dedications were deposited in Tiwanaku were as central to the accompanying rituals as the dedications themselves. In the Akapana foundation offerings, social power was manifested in acts of sacrificial dedication and affixed to the diverse, elaborate objects and other remains consumed and buried. Through powerful rituals, élite sponsors could maneuver themselves into positions of control through their negotiations with the supernatural regarding the reproduction of society. Human sacrifices and offerings performed also served to define the Akapana as a sacred place. Deposited at an important point of its life cycle, essentially its symbolic emergence from the earth, they conceptually gave life to the structure and, somewhat more abstractly, the emerging Tiwanaku state. The relation between dedication and place was specific and reciprocal. The Akapana, an enormous bid for power by Tiwanaku élite groups, demanded dedications of the highest order, among them specially crafted ceremonial wares, enormous, specially bred llamas and, in particular, human sacrificial victims. In turn, such dedications symbolically breathed life into the structure, and assimilated it to the social and natural worlds of living beings, in the context of élite-sponsored spectacular rites. In contrast, human remains in Akapana East represent another kind of dedication common to the Andean world: the intimate, socially internalized veneration of ancestors. The precise character of the rituals conducted in the complex remains unknown, but the chambers afforded rituals of a more intimate and private nature performed by local resident groups. Perhaps rituals were performed in front of carved statues representing deified local ancestors and in sight of more recent, prepared ancestors who were curated and guarded in niches carved into the walls. Perhaps, in addition, the flesh of the ancestors had been consumed in powerful rites in which the deceased had been incorporated, physically and symbolically, into the bodies of the living relatives or descendants. Such speculation aside, the ancestral dedications integrated into the final mound during the area’s ritual interment marked the symbolic death of the complex. In essence the mound now embodied the ancestral spirit of the associated social group. Although fundamentally distinct in intent and affect, these two forms of dedication at Tiwanaku were both deeply social acts that articulated belief and mobilized religious practice. They manifest a fundamental, common desire to attribute social life, identity and religious power to architectural constructions that were the creation and sacred places of particular types of social groups. Through human dedications, architectural constructions came to embody, in one case, the social power of Tiwanaku élite groups and perhaps more abstractly the broader Tiwanaku community. In the other case, they now embodied the 08 RWAR 360108.fm Page 138 Friday, April 16, 2004 9:12 AM 138 Deborah E. Blom and John Wayne Janusek ancestral identities of a local group or groups who formed part of that community. Shared ideas and practices regarding the transcendence of social, natural and supernatural worlds culturally united the diverse groups, élite and commoner, who comprised the center of the emergent civilization of Tiwanaku. Acknowledgments With Jane E. Buikstra, we presented an early version of this paper in 1997 at the Annual Midwest Conference on Andean and Amazonian Archaeology and Ethnohistory and a related data-based article in Archaeology and Paleoecology in the Tiwanaku Heartland, Vol. II, Rural and Urban Archaeology, edited by Alan L. Kolata. Comments from many colleagues in response to this paper were helpful in informing the present work; this is especially true of those from Alan L. Kolata and Linda Keng. We would like to thank Linda Manzanilla and María Renée Baudoin, for their painstaking excavations of the Akapana in 1988 and 1989, under the support of Proyecto Wila Jawira. Funding for our work was provided by the Wenner-Gren Foundation for Anthropological Research, the National Science Foundation and a Fulbright-Hays Dissertation Research Fellowship. Deborah E. Blom, University of Vermont John Wayne Janusek, Vanderbilt University References Alconini, S. 1995. Rito, Símbolo e Historia en la Pirámide de Akapana, Tiwanaku: Un Análisis de Cerámica Ceremonial Prehispánica. La Paz, Bolivia: Editorial Acción. Andrews, A. P. 1974. The u-shaped structures at Chan Chan, Peru. Journal of Field Archaeology, 1: 241–64. Arnold, D. Y. 1992. La casa de adobes y piedras del Inka: género, memoria y cosmos en Qaqachaka. 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Paper presented at the 63rd Annual Meeting of the Society of American Archaeology, Seattle, WA. Janusek, J. W. 1994. State and local power in a prehispanic Andean polity: changing patterns of urban residence in Tiwanaku and Lukurmata, Bolivia. Doctoral dissertation, Department of Anthropology, University of Chicago. Janusek, J. W. 2003. Vessels, time, and society: toward a chronology of ceramic style in the Tiwanaku heartland. In Tiwanaku and its Hinterland: Archaeology and Paleoecology of an Andean Civilization, Vol. 2, Urban and Rural Archaeology (ed. A. L. Kolata). Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institution Press, pp. 30–94. Janusek, J. W. 2004. Identity and Power in the Ancient Andes. London: Routledge, in press. Knudson, K. J., Price, T. D., Buikstra, J. E. and Blom, D. E. 2004. The use of strontium isotope analyses to investigate Tiwanaku migration and mortuary ritual in Bolivia and Peru. Archaeometry, in press. Kolata, A. L. 1993. Tiwanaku: Portrait of an Andean Civilization. Cambridge: Blackwell. Kolata, A. L (ed.) 2003. Tiwanaku and its Hinterland: Archaeology and Paleoecology of an Andean Civilization, Vol. 2, Urban and Rural Archaeology. Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institution Press. MacCormack, S. 1991. Religion in the Andes. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Manzanilla, L. 1992. Akapana: Una Pirámide en el Centro del Mundo. Mexico City: Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, Instituto de Investigaciones Antropológicas. Manzanilla, L. and Woodard, E. K. 1990. Restos humanos asociados a la pirámide de Akapana (Tiwanaku, Bolivia). Latin American Antiquity, 1(2): 133–49. Ohnstad A. and Janusek, J. W. 2004. Beyond Yaya Mama: Khonkho Wankane and a distinct style of stone sculpture. Manuscript in preparation. Nashville, TN: Vanderbilt University. 08 RWAR 360108.fm Page 140 Friday, April 16, 2004 9:12 AM 140 Deborah E. Blom and John Wayne Janusek Proulx, D. 1989. Nasca trophy heads: victims of warfare or ritual sacrifice? 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Informe final de la temporada 1996. Manuscript on file, Department of Anthropology, Tulane University, New Orleans, LA. Verano, J. W. 2000. Paleonthological analysis of sacrificial victims at the Pyramid of the Moon, Moche River Valley, northern Peru. Chungará, 32(1): 61–70. Verano, J. W. and DeNiro, M. J. 1993. Locals or foreigners? Morphological biometric and isotopic approaches to the question of group affinity in human skeletal remains recovered from unusual archaeological contexts. In Investigations of Ancient Human Tissue: Chemical Analyses in Anthropology, Food and Nutrition in History and Anthropology, Vol. 10 (ed. M. K. Sandford). Langhorne, PA: Gordon & Breach, pp. 361–86. Verano, J. W., Uceda, S., Chapdelaine, C., Tello, R., Paredes, M. I. and Pimentel, V. 1999. Modified human skulls from the urban sector of the pyramids of Moche, northern Peru. Latin American Antiquity, 10(1): 59–70. Vranich, A. 2001. La pirámide de Akapana: reconsiderando el centro monumental de Tiwanaku. Boletín de Arqueología PUCP, 5: 295–308. Webster, A. D. and. Janusek, J. W. 2003. Tiwanaku camelids: subsistence, sacrifice, and social reproduction. In Tiwanaku and its Hinterland: Archaeology and Paleoecology of an Andean Civilization, Vol. 2, Urban and Rural Archaeology (ed. A. L. Kolata). Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institution Press, pp. 343–62. White, T. D. 1992. Prehistoric Cannibalism at Mancos 5MTUMR-2346. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Zuidema, R. T. 1977/8. Shaft tombs and the Inca empire. Journal of the Steward Anthropological Society, 9(1–2): 133–78. 08 RWAR 360108.fm Page 141 Friday, April 16, 2004 9:12 AM Making place 141 Deborah Blom is an Assistant Professor of Anthropology at the University of Vermont. She holds an MA and PhD from the University of Chicago. Her research interests include bioarchaeology/human osteology, mortuary practices, identity, palaeopathology and body adornment in New World complex societies. Her present research is focused in Andean South America at the site of Tiwanaku and other sites in the Lake Titicaca Basin. John Janusek is an Assistant Professor of Anthropology at Vanderbilt University. He holds a PhD from the University of Chicago. He has conducted archaeological research in the Bolivian Andes since 1987. His research interests include material expression of human agency, social identity and power relation in urban and rural settlements. He is the author of Identity and Power in the Ancient Andes forthcoming from Routledge. View publication stats