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1998, American Journal of Public Health
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3 pages
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Several studies have reported large numbers of homeless adults with histories of childhood foster care. 1-5 Others have found that an increased number of homeless parents had children who were placed into foster care.' This study examines the prevalence of adult homelessness among the birth parents of foster children. It also examines whether foster children whose birth parents experienced adulthood homelessness are a special subpopulation of foster children and whether they suffer from more physical, psychological, or social problems than other foster children. Cheryl Zlotnick and Diana Kronstadt are with the Center for the Vulnerable Child at Children's
This article is a modified version of the article I wrote for David Levinson (ed.) Encyclopedia of Homelessness, Thousand Oaks : Sage Publications, p.167-171, 2004
The homeless and poorly housed populations in most western countries contain a large proportion of people who have spent time in foster care while children (in foster homes or families, in institutional accommodation). It appears that homeless youth are more likely than older homeless people and housed people to have been in care when children. Young people with a foster care background have experienced extremely varied situations as regards timing (early or late placement, during some months or several years), itinerary (a single foster placement or repeated moves between placement and family of origin, placement in a single foster family or institution or multiple placements), and the reasons for the placement (physical or sexual abuse, deprived household, etc.). Being placed in foster care constitutes a rupture in young people’s lives, and when added to the psycho-social problems associated with separation, residential instability, institutional living, and unhappy memories of family life, it can adversely influence their personal development by depriving them of individual and family resources. At the end of the foster placement, the young person is frequently left unsupported during the transition to independent living.
Youth exiting the foster care system through emancipation are at an increased risk for homelessness and adverse social, health, and financial outcomes. However, because youth exiting foster care are difficult to locate once homeless, few studies have examined their needs and experiences on the streets. Quantitative interviews were conducted in a large multi-site pilot study of youth (N = 601) seeking homeless services in Denver (n = 201), Austin (n = 200) and Los Angeles (n = 200). Over one-third of the sample (n = 221) included youth who reported a history of foster care involvement. The study aimed to 1) describe youth with a history of foster care in terms of their homeless contexts (primary living situations, time homeless, peer substance use, transience, and victimization) and areas of need (education, income generation, mental health, and substance use); 2) determine how homeless youth with foster care history differ from their non-foster care homeless counterparts; and 3) identify factors associated with longer duration of homelessness among youth with a history of foster care. Findings suggest that youth with a history of foster care were generally living in precarious situations, characterized as dangerous and unstable, and they had significant needs in regards to education, income generation, mental health, and substance use treatment. Although few differences were observed between youth who reported a history of foster care and those who did not, foster youth reported greater childhood maltreatment and longer duration of homelessness. Foster care youth who reported greater transience and childhood physical neglect, as well as those who were living with relatives, friends, foster parents, or in facilities in the 6 months preceding the interview reported a longer duration of homelessness. Implications are discussed for child welfare and homeless youth service organizations regarding the unique needs of foster care youth who become homeless.
American Journal of Public Health, 2009
Homelessness and its associated psychosocial effects continue to plague American urban centers. 1,2 Especially troubling are suggestions that foster care functions as a pipeline to the streets for older adolescents leaving the system. Surveys of service providers and homeless populations suggest that young people exiting foster care have difficulty securing stable housing. However, little research has systematically examined the onset, frequency, and duration of homelessness in this group. The absence of adequate assessments of housing problems and related negative outcomes limits the possibilities for policy and programmatic interventions in an already-vulnerable population.
2019
Voices of Youth: Alanna's Story Alanna is a 23-year-old woman living in Philadelphia. 1 She was placed in foster care* at the age of three, along with three siblings, because her mother was using drugs. Alanna and her siblings spent 7 years in foster care. They were initially placed together in a foster home that Alanna described as abusive. According to Alanna, the child welfare agency "did nothing" the first time Alanna reported the abuse. After she reported the abuse a second time, she and her siblings were removed from the foster home and split up. Alanna and a sister were placed with foster parents who were "really nice." Alanna attended the same school during most of her time in foster care, and she was considered a gifted student. At age 10, Alanna was reunited with her parents and siblings. However, her mother, who has schizophrenia and bipolar disorder, was physically abusive. Her father worked multiple jobs and was often not present. The child welfare agency did not check on Alanna and her siblings to make sure they were safe, nor was her family offered post-reunification services.* Despite feeling unsafe at home, Alanna was class president, on the track team, in the debate club, and interned at the school district. She decided to leave home at age 16 because her mother put her "on punishment" for a month for no apparent reason. After leaving home, she stayed with a sister who lived in transitional housing and then with an uncle whose home was in foreclosure. Like many young people, she experienced literal homelessness and couch surfed with a friend. Alanna continued to attend high school and do "the stuff that I liked to do" despite not having stable housing. Her internship introduced her to a program that provided youth* experiencing homelessness* with basic resources like food, clothing, and assistance with job preparation and college applications. With the program's help, Alanna successfully applied to and attended Penn State University. However, she experienced housing instability during holidays and summer break when she had to return to Philadelphia. Even after earning her bachelor's degree, Alanna struggled financially and was unable to afford a place of her own. Nevertheless, Alanna appeared to be on track to succeed. Just before we interviewed her, she was offered a full-time, salaried position with the School District of Philadelphia. She had just moved into her own apartment and said she finally felt stable because she would earn enough money to pay her bills and "be able to.. .eat and put clothes on my back." Alanna was also pursuing a master's degree and serving as a mentor to and advocate for other youth experiencing homelessness. * An asterisk indicates that the term is defined in the glossary.
Journal of Public Child Welfare, 2011
This study examined the relationship between history of homelessness and current mental health symptoms associated with posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) among 542 alumni of foster care (ages 19, 22, and 25 years). Approximately one in five (19.8%) alumni of foster care experienced homelessness since leaving care, and alumni experienced symptoms of psychological disorders associated with PTSD at rates significantly higher than the general population. Alumni who had experienced homelessness had significantly higher rates of PTSD-related symptoms compared with those
There is a lack of information on the health needs Over the past decade, the number of children in foster care of foster care adolescents in emergency shelters or group homes.
Journal of Sociology …, 2003
This paper investigates the five-year prevalence of child welfare services involvement and foster care placement among a population-based cohort of births in a large US city, by housing status of the mothers (mothers who have been homeless at least once, other low-income neighborhood residents, and all others), and by number of children. Children of mothers with at least one homeless episode have the greatest rate of involvement with child welfare services (37%), followed by other low-income residents (9.2%), and all others (4.0%). Involvement rates increase with number of children for all housing categories, with rates highest among women with four or more births (33%), particularly for those mothers who have been homeless at least once (54%). Among families involved with child welfare services, the rate of placement in foster care is highest for the index children of women with at least one episode of homelessness (62%), followed by other low-income mothers (39%) and all others (39%). Half of the birth cohort eventually involved with child welfare services was among the group of women who have ever used the shelter system, as were 60% of the cohort placed in foster care. Multivariate logistic regression analyses reveal that mothers with one 79 80 Journal of Sociology & Social Welfare or more homeless episodes and mothers living in low-income neighborhoods have significantly greater risk of child welfare service involvement (OR = 5.67 and OR = 1.51, respectively) and foster care placement (OR = 8.82 and OR = 1.59 , respectively). The implications for further research, and for child welfare risk assessment and prevention are discussed. Specifically, the salience of housing instability/homelessness to risk of child welfare service involvement is highlighted.
Pediatrics, 2018
Prenatal homelessness is associated with elevated risks of adverse neonatal outcomes. How the timing and duration of homelessness during pregnancy and/or a child's early life relate to postnatal child health is unclear. METHODS: We interviewed 20 571 low-income caregivers of children <4 years old in urban pediatric clinics and/or emergency departments in 5 US cities. Categories of homelessness timing were prenatal, postnatal, both, or never; postnatal duration was >6 months or <6 months. RESULTS: After controlling for birth outcomes and other potential confounders, compared with never-homeless children, children who were homeless both pre-and postnatally were at the highest risk of the following: postneonatal hospitalizations (adjusted odds ratio [aOR] 1.41; confidence interval [CI] 1.18-1.69), fair or poor child health (aOR 1.97; CI 1.58-2.47), and developmental delays (aOR 1.48; CI 1.16-1.89). There was no significant association with risk of underweight (aOR 0.95; CI 0.76-1.18) or overweight status (aOR 1.07; CI 0.84-1.37). Children <1 year old with >6 months of homelessness versus those who were never homeless had high risks of fair or poor health (aOR 3.13; CI 2.05-4.79); children 1 to 4 years old who were homeless for >6 months were at risk for fair or poor health (aOR 1.89; CI 1.38-2.58). CONCLUSIONS: After controlling for birth outcomes, the stress of prenatal and postnatal homelessness was found to be associated with an increased risk of adverse pediatric health outcomes relative to those who were never homeless. Interventions to stabilize young families as quickly as possible in adequate and affordable housing may result in improved pediatric health outcomes.
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