The Commemorative Stupas at Gdan sa mthil – A Preliminary Study

THE COMMEMORATIVE STUPAS AT DENSATHIL A PRELIMINARY STUDY OLAF CZAJA

This article deals with the bkra shis sgo mang stupas of the monastery of Densathil (Gdan sa mthil), which once was owned by the Rlangs Phag mo gru pa clan. 1 It will be argued here that, for understanding those Densathil stupas, the bkra shis sgo mang rgyal po (1110-1170) and of which its iconographic programme is preserved in form of a dkar chag, is of crucial importance. Analysing photographs taken by Francesco P. Mele on an expedition by Giuseppe Tucci and fragments from 1 in Tibet: The Rlangs Clan and the Political and Religious History of the Ruling House of Phag mo gru pa." which was submitted in 2006 at Leipzig University, Institut für Indologie und Zentralasienwissenschaften. Its publication is under preparation. For a comprises recent research, as do some parts of the last paragraph. I am very grateful to Christian Luczanits and Erberto Lo Bue, who kindly invited me to write this article, adding to the contributions of their panel found in this volume. The paper was initially intended to be presented at this conference but for some unexpected reasons my participation did not realise and the paper could not be delivered in Bonn. I am indebted to Peter Schwieger, who generously granted permission that this paper could be included in this volume. Furthermore, my gratitude must be expressed to those individuals and institutions that helped me to obtain photographs and granted me permission to reproduce them in this article: Martin Brauen (Völkerkundemuseum Zürich), Stella Calvert-Smith (Christie's), Leiko Coyle (Leiko Coyle Asian Art), Stacey Gannon-Wright (Michael C. Carlos Museum), Cory Grace (Freer Gallery of Art and Arthur M. Sackler Gallery), Amy Heller (Nyon), Suzy Lebasi (Prahan, Melbourne), Thomas Pritzker (Chicago), Ulrich von Schroeder (Weesen) and Piper Wynn Severance (Los Angeles County Museum). Moreover, many thanks again go to Christian Luczanits, who generously sent me the hand-out of his presentation given at Bonn, which I unfortunately missed. Furthermore I am also grateful to Per K. Sørensen for allowing me to make use of his forthcoming publication Rare Tibetan Texts. the destroyed bkra shis sgo mang stupas one might be allowed to attempt to At the beginning a few remarks on the artistic phenomenon of the bkra shis sgo mang structure will be given. This is followed by a brief discussion of how many bkra shis sgo mang were once housed at Densathil. Then the basic outline of the iconographic programme will be sketched out with some references to the bkra shis sgo mang seen on the photos by Mele. Additionally, the interior structure of the bkra shis sgo mang stupa for Phag mo gru pa will be presented in detail, hoping that it might broaden and deepen our understanding of the peculiarities of this art work. With regard to the surviving pieces of art, a further focus will be directed on the iconographic evaluation of a selection of fragments which probably are from this very monastery and which came most likely from the sixth tier of a bkra shis sgo mang. These its historical dimension and its religious, political and social aspects in the last part of this paper. Finally, several problems will be outlined to be addressed in future research.

THE BKRA SHIS SGO MANG OF DENSATHIL

The sculptural art of Densathil has long been known to a Western audience. Giuseppe Tucci, who travelled to Densathil in 1948 together with his photographer Francesco P. Mele, left behind an enthusiastic account of his visit. 2 Fortunately, Mele grasped that opportunity for taking photographs, 2 abbots and princes of that lineage, whose two branches held the secular and spiritual throne through many generations. They were huge gilt-bronze monuments carried out by Nepalese craftsmen, perhaps with the help of the very skilled local workmen: the Tsetang princes must have gathered the pick of the available architects, and sculptors and their successors did their level best to achieve the same standard. Here could be thousand statues', as the architectural lines of those buildings were smothered with a wealth of carvings and reliefs that knew no limits. The whole Olympus of Mahayana seemed to have assembled on those monuments. As I cast the light of my torch on the by darker hues and deep shadows. On each of the four sides of the plinth, the shapes of the protectors of the cardinal points were carved, to mark out the sacred area and which, as it later turned out, became a documentary treasure of a lost past. The commemorative stupas, which can be seen in his photos, housed in the main hall of Densathil, were erected for the deceased abbots of this monastery (see the Figures). While several historical sources exist which allow to outline the succession of those dignitaries, regrettably little information is found on Auspiciousness' (bkra shis sgo mang), as these commemorative structures are called. 3 During the Cultural Revolution this sanctuary was destroyed and nothing was left but the walls. 4 In the next decades fragments of the bkra shis sgo mang found their way out of Tibet. They came to be greatly admired by connoisseurs of Tibetan art, private collectors and museums. The tradition of erecting bkra shis sgo mang stupas for the abbots of Densathil dates back to the death of the Grags pa brtson 'grus (1203-1267). When he passed away, such a structure was built to commemorate that event. However, it looks as if this construction had a precursor in the bkra shis sgo mang po (1110-1170), who had established a religious community at Phag mo gru, hence his appellation as Phag mo gru pa, and who is traditionally counted as ward off the evil powers. Their hard, rugged images, like of mail-clad warriors, sharply contrasted with the buoyancy of some female deities gambolling festoon-like around the upper part of the oldest chortens. A huge gilt Buddha smiled impassively against the middle of the wall. As I could make out from the inscription on the plinth, the statue was commissioned by King Changchub Gyantsen (Byang c'ub rgyal mts'an). The inscription also carried the names of the artists and purported that the statue had been carved according to the models of Nepalese art. On the Buddha's either side were statues of Champa and Chenrezig. On the several altars facing the chortens were heaped statues of the most different size and ages. Some were Indian, but most of them were Nepalese. … In a neighbouring temple I could see two more chortens containing the mortal remains of Drongon Pagmotru." (Tucci 1956: 127f). 3 For a brief discussion of this designation and a list of the relics at Densathil, see ings of religious dignitaries of the Rlangs Phag mo gru pa. 4 This, admittedly, is an assumption based on the fate that numberless religious setgather information on how exactly it happened. For the present study, this point can, however, be neglected, because it does not touch the character of this art historical discussion.

community. This bkra shis sgo mang was designed and commissioned by one of his pupils, 'Jig rten mgon po (1143-1217). a stupa (a stupa without a bkra shis sgo mang structure) was erected for his remains. Rivalries among his numerous disciples became leadership, the Bka' brgyud pa school known as the 'Bri gung pa steadily develat Phag mo gru remained uncertain. It was only in 1198 that a big council was held, on which main pupils of Phag mo gru pa such as 'Jig rten mgon po, Stag lung pa Bkra shis dpal (1142-1209/10) and others gathered. It was decided to build a monastery around the famous grass-hut of Phag mo gru pa. 5 Afterwards, some time before 1202, 'Jig rten mgon po made the plan to erect a bkra shis sgo mang for his beloved teacher. He received its arrangement of established iconographic and artistic concepts, but due to the visionary way they were received, new modes seem possible, too. Therefore it could be that certain deities and their arrangement bear iconographic features which are not met with in textual sources.

For the realization of this prestigious undertaking of building a bkra shis sgo mang between 1198 and 1202, most probably in the latter year. When the erection of the bkra shis sgo mang bkra shis ) of Phag mo gru pa was brought from Densathil. It was welcomed with a ceremony and placed on top of the bkra shis sgo mang. This transfer caused much controversy among the religious dignitaries at that time, as they mgon po had to return the stupa. The bkra shis sgo mang, however, remained at 'Bri gung and a new stupa was erected for it and put on its top. bkra shis sgo mang dkar chag written by Shes rab 'byung gnas (1187-1241), the entire sculptural programme is given and discussed in detail, being based on an outline of its tiers and directions. Different versions of this text, an extended and a short one, were prepared. Furthermore, a text (available in two editions) is important, which deals with bkra shis sgo mang was conducted. 6

6 The titles of those texts were slightly mixed up, but, after consulting its contents, a correct evaluation can be done easily. The extended version is found in both the Collected Writings of 'Jig rten mgon po and the Collected Writings of Shes rab 'byung gnas, see KCh-I, KCh-III. The short version is found only in the former work, KCh-II. The dkar chag listing the religious items of the consecration ceremony is also published in both the Collected Writings, KCh-A, KCh-B. Luczanits 2006 holds the opinion that the dkar chag is ascribed to 'Jig rten mgon po, ibid. 1. Given his observation that the stupa in terms of its shape and symbolism is not described, but the deities only, one has to conclude that this statement is based on the View on the interior of the main hall of Densathil; photo by The general outline of this bkra shis sgo mang and its relation to those of Densathil will be discussed here, but, before turning to it, a detailed overview of the number of the commemorative structures once existing at the monastery of Densathil should be inserted because of its art historical THE NUMBER OF BKRA SHIS SGO MANG destroyed bkra shis sgo mang to know how many of these structure there were once at Densathil. The opinion can frequently be found that there were eighteen big stupas (which usually is understood by scholars in the sense of bkra shis sgo mang). 7 To a high degree responsible for this notion is Sarat Chandra Das, who had visited Densathil and reported: summit is the old lamasery of Densa-til, the principal building nestled This temple differs somewhat from all other buildings of this kind I have seen in Tibet, the plan of it approaching rather that of a modern building in Bengal. I notice here eighteen beautiful silver and copper chorten tablets of gold, each six feet long and six inches broad, hung from the ceiling, besides six piles of similar but smaller tablets in a corner. Of all the monasteries in Tibet, this is perhaps the richest in religious treasures, and the Government of Lhasa takes particular care of it.

short version only (KCh-II). Certainly, one has to broaden one's textual base by including the extended versions as well, namely KCh-I and KCh-III, and additionally KCh-A and KCh-B. By this it becomes evident that its author is Shes rab 'byung gnas (see numerous details on the symbolic aspects of the bkra shis sgo mang and its actual shape are found in the extended versions as well as in the KCh-A and KCh-B. 7 See for instance Stoddard 2002, who speaks of eighteen big stupas in Densathil, ibid. 443. While in this statement she does not clearly distinguish between stupa and bkra shis sgo mang, her following discussion leaves no doubt that in her opinion eighteen bkra shis sgo mang stand in Densathil. Her assumption is based on the reports of Das and Tucci, the pictures of Mele and some unnamed Tibetan literature. seed and some fossils, among which some grains of barley. The next said to have sprung from the hairs of Je Phagmodu, the founder of the Densa-til lamasery." 8 chorten" (which leaves open whether or not all those stupas were bkra shis sgo mang). It was already observed by W.W. Rockhill, who edited this published report, that the [ bshad]. 9 He knew that Das had translated parts of that geographical treatise and published it in 1887. In it the number of eighteen chorten is given. edge and whether or not he made a full investigation when he was in Densathil. The well-known geographical work, the , which was written by Smin grol No man han, contains a short description of bkra shis sgo mang stupa in Densathil, lower section; photo by Pietro F. Mele, 1948;Völkerkundemuseum Zürich. the monastery of Densathil. The bless-bestowing statue of Phag mo gru pa is named, as well as eighteen silver reliquaries ( ) commissioned during the reign of the eighteen successive abbots (gdan rabs). 10 Again one should note that this Tibetan author does not speak of eighteen bkra shis sgo mang. Tucci could have shed light on the matter, because he visited Densathil in 1948, but unfortunately he does not address this question in his account.

In Tibetan literature, several personalities are reported to have visited Densathil. Their accounts are often very sketchy, naming only a few religious items. An exception is represented, however, by the reports written by the still important, by the Chos kyi 'byung gnas (1699/1700-1774). 11 The former gives a very concise overview on the artistic and religious wealth of Densathil, and also includes a few observations on the bkra shis sgo mang without providing their actual number. This lack of information is compensated by the report made by the , who clearly states that eight bkra shis sgo mang rten) of the succession of traveller, namely Kha stag 'dzam yag, who speaks of eight golden stupas (gser sdong brgyad). 12 Furthermore, it may be added that this number also corresponds to the list of abbots until the decline of the Rlangs Phag mo gru pa ruling house after 1434. This resulted, for example, in the taking over of the abbotship by the incarnation line and the considerable limitation of the economical scope of this family, which no longer had the power or the money to commission such structures. Textual research allows us to attribute the commemorative structures (bkra shis sgo mang) to the following abbots ( snga) of Densathil:

10 Wylie 1962: 32, 90. It can be doubted that all those reliquaries were made of silver. It is important to notice that his description is not based on own investigations, but in such things as the , so I have heard it said." ibid. 91. This account mchod-rten gilded with silver." ibid. 171, n. 517. This, however, can be ruled out.

3.

Grags pa rgyal mtshan (1293-1360); 15 4.

Grags pa shes rab (1310-1370); 16 5.

Grags pa byang chub (1356-1386); 17 13 bkra shis sgo mang, which was erected at the monastery of Densathil, was part of the commemoration service for the late Grags pa brtson 'grus (1203-1267). It was commissioned by the 1280), who succeeded him on the throne of Densathil, Roerich 1988: 581, DThMP [122/21]. In the built a golden [bkra shis] sgo mang as inner support (nang rten) for the rgyal ba rin . According to this source, it is the earliest [bkra shis] sgo mang of Densathil, GBYTsh [541/10-12]. Both the Chos kyi rgya mtsho record a bkra shis sgo mang for Grags pa brtson 'grus, Tucci 1971: 204f., NY [182/4]. The later personality furthermore notes that it took twelve years to complete it. 14 When the bkra shis] sgo mang was built for him under the supervision of one of his pupils named Spu rtogs, DThMP thil was then successively occupied by Grags pa ye shes (1240-1288, tenure 1281-1288) and Grags pa rin chen (1250-1310, tenure 1289-1310). In my opinion, bkra shis sgo mang were not commissioned for them. There are no Tibetan documents which record such an erection. Furthermore, as outlined above, the total number of eight for the bkra shis sgo mang naturally restricts the number of candidates, especially so if such structures built for other abbots are known (see below). Additionally, one should recall rten each for both these personalities being placed on the eastern side of the main hall ( for 'Jig rten mgon po, Phag mo gru pa and Grags pa 'byung gnas to the right and left respectively. This suggests that two stupas enshrined their remains, but were not bkra shis sgo mang. 15 In 1311, shortly after the death of Grags pa rin chen, the Grags pa rgyal mtshan (1293-1360) was installed as the new . During his exceedingly long tenure, the Phag mo gru pa became the new hegemonial power in Tibet. When he passed away, the Si tu Byang chub rgyal mtshan (1302/03-1364) let build a bkra shis sgo mang for his elder half-brother, TS I [325/16] (1356-1386). When he passed away, his younger relatives the Bsod nams grags pa (1359-1408) and Grags pa rgyal mtshan (1374-1432) among others let erect a bkra shis sgo mang, as it is stated in the biography of Grags pa byang chub written by Tsong kha pa, TJ [182/20]. 18 Grags pa byang chub was followed by Bsod nams grags pa (1359-1408). The latter stepped down in favour of the gnam gang gsar ba Dpal ldan bzang po (1383-1407), mtsho names his bkra shis sgo mang, NY [183/4]. 19 In 1408 Bsod nams grags pa died and the nyer brgyad ba Bsod nams bzang po (1380-1417) became the new of Densathil. Until now no sources came to light, which might clarify for which of both these personalities a bkra shis sgo mang was built. It is known that the Phag mo gru pa ruler Grags pa rgyal mtshan (1374-1432) was involved in the commission of three bkra shis sgo mang, HRChB [388/5], MBOT [49B3]. As mentioned above, Tsong kha pa writes in his biography on Grags pa byang chub (1356-1386) that Grags pa rgyal mtshan erected a bkra shis sgo mang for him. Surely, the second of those three has to be the one for Dpal ldan bzang po (1383-1407), while the third must be for Bsod nams grags pa or Bsod nams bzang po. In the biography of Stag lung pa Bkra shis dpal brtsegs (1359-1424), it is recorded that Bsod nams bzang po, TLChB [384/10]. The funeral was conducted by Bsod nams rgyal mtshan. In the he is said to have built a [bkra shis] sgo mang whose number of deities was outstanding, HRChB [401/10]. (In the no mention is made of a bkra shis sgo mang or any mchod rten.) Perhaps one has to regard this funeral and the erection of the bkra shis sgo mang as interlinked and hence identify this stupa as the reliquary for Bsod nams bzang po. Even though Gzhon nu dpal, too, notes in his that Bsod nams rgyal mtshan built a bkra shis sgo mang with deities more than any other previous structure (and for whom it was constructed, Roerich 1988: 594, DThNgP [699/10]. 20 bkra shis sgo mang for one Lha gzigs ras pa, NY [183/5]. He writes that the sgo mang of the Lha gzigs ras pa has 3962 deities and a gilded copper parasol (of) the mandala of Dus 'khor.

not met with in the biographies of members of this clan. Based on his pupils, one might think that Grags pa rin chen (1250-1310) was called in this this personality by his common epitheton and also his nick-name,

With exception of the seventh in this list, all others can be documented in historical writings. This means that these huge commemorative stupas were executed between the second half of the 13 th 15 th century, a period of roughly 170 years. Such a chronological frame limits the number of fragments which may be considered as formerly being part of any Densathil stupa; an 18 th century imaginable as coming from a Densathil bkra shis sgo mang. Moreover, since bkra shis sgo mang are eight, the suggestion is allowed that the number of bkra shis sgo mang were fashioned with more or less similar stylistic features). Logically, it is very unlikely that fragments such as panels with offering goddesses from Densathil, represent twenty stylistic groups for example.

THE OUTLINE

The mention of panels depicting offering goddesses leads to the question of how the bkra shis sgo mang structure might have looked like, which shall be roughly described in this paragraph.

namely Gser thog pa. (Additionally, one might remark that a is recorded for him without a bkra shis sgo mang.) Another candidate could be Grags pa byang chub (1356-1386), but eventually this assumption can be ruled out, because Sangs rgyas rgya mtsho provides in his a solution for this problem. Concerning the foundation of Mon mkhar phyugs dgon, he remarks that it was established by a pupil of Tsong kha pa: the one who has three names, namely the Bsod nams rgyal mtshan, Lha gzigs ras pa alias the , GDChB [224/3]. Reviewing the biography of Bsod nams rgyal mtshan, the appellation of was indeed applicable to him, because, in 1405, after he had asked his beloved teacher Shes rab don pa for the and the , he spent the coming years clad in cotton only. Furthermore, one should note that in the the Phag mo gru pa ruler Grags pa 'byung gnas (1414-1444/45) is credited to have commissioned a huge stupa of silver, having the design of a bkra shis sgo mang, at Densathil: Roerich 1988: 594. Perhaps it was this very statement which led to the view of eighteen stupas made of silver. Based on genealogical and chronological considerations, one has to identify this structure with the bkra shis sgo mang for Bsod nams rgyal mtshan.

In general, a bkra shis sgo mang was made of a variety of precious substances. 21 Also the inner structure ( ) is said to be made of precious substances. The panels of the intersection (bar), the space between the interior and the sculptural part, were similar (mnyam) and proportionate ( ). The measurements were perfect. The outer part ( ) consisted of the beautiful dwellings of the palace. The bkra shis sgo mang measured mtho) in extent 22 and thirty-three or seventy spans (mtho) in height. 23 Basically, the entire structure stood on a big so-called -ground ( ). That is found on one of Mele's photos as being symbolized by a motif consisting of alternating (Fig. 5, bottom right corner). As it can be seen on his picture, that part could be 24

In the centre of this huge lotus stem the six-tiered structure was positioned, on which the deities resided. The description given by Shes rab 'byung gnas makes it clear that the whole structure was regarded as an organic whole. He writes that the petals of the huge lotus spread in all directions covering everything. It was adorned with the fully ripened bunches of leaves and fruits. In ) of the twigs, branching everywhere, crowds of Buddhas and Bodhisattvas resided. On the outer side there were pillars (ka ba) made of offering goddesses and a lotus, a pure vessel ( ) and the Samantabhadra which is like a cluster of clouds" ( ). 25 It might be worthwhile to have a look at a sketch based on the dkar chag and on Mele's photos (Figs 1 and 2). The inner structure (nang gi khog ) is situated at the centre of it, not visible from the outside (Fig. 4,A). 26 The panels of the intersection (bar) probably represent the architectural structure ( Fig. 4,B), while the beautiful places of the palace (Fig. 4,C) cor-This is followed by pillars which are to back (Fig. 2,D).

Mele's photographs and some surviving fragments of those caryatidposture ( Fig. 5). Supporting a capital, both stand back-to-back and, therefore, only one pedestal. According to the dkar chag front are female Bodhisattvas ( ). They are said to be Rgyal ba las rnam par rgyal ba [ma] and Dgra las rnam par rgyal ba [ma], respectively. Which one stands at which side is not indicated. The dkar chag they hold a rdo rje and a small vessel (ril ba brid ka ra). The other pair of 25 26 The other text written by Shes rab 'byung gnas which informs on the religious items Outline of the horizontal con- Fig. 4: struction of a bkra shis sgo mang;

are said to be offering goddesses ( ) holding garlands of ). They look towards the bkra shis sgo mang and therefore cannot be seen.

On the outermost corner there were semicircular columns, which are of clouds of offerings to Samantabhadra' ( ; Fig. 4,F). They can be seen on some of the photographs of Mele (Figs 5-7). Between those columns and the corner of the panels there were free-standing visible on the Densathil bkra shis sgo mang stupas 5,6,8).

The six-tiered structure, on which the deities resided, was positioned at the centre of a huge lotus. The uppermost part of this structure was adorned 27 The sathil show that the stupa containing the remains of the deceased abbot was wrapped in cloth (Figs 6,8). It also seems that it may have been adorned by what appears to be an ornament symbolising sun and moon. Interestingly, bkra shis sgo mang called by him the reliquary shrine ( ), that it had images of the sun and moon cast in gold. It could well be that he meant a part of the 27 ), KCh-I [113/3], KCh-III [404/1]. This possibly suggests that it was a double-petalled brim. The pictures of Mele show that for the bkra shis sgo mang at Densathil (at least those he documented) a double-petalled brim was not chosen (pls 4, 5). In the short version of the dkar chag it is stated that it was a seat of blue lotuses ( ), bands of pearls ( ) and lotuses ( seems to me to be a mistake (the number is given in KCh-I [113/3], KCh-III [404/2]). The outline suggests that at each of the twenty points (in a wider sense corners) one

This results in only thirty petals left for covering the brim of twenty panels. Thus, in average, mere 1.5 petals are supposed to decorate the brim of a panel, which appears to me very unlikely, unless one assumes that those petals were of extraordinary size and proportions (and admittedly must have looked rather oversized in comparison to bkra shis sgo mang in total) was rather only thirty-three instead of seventy spans (mtho).

pinnacle, but it could also be that he thought of embellishments, placed on the uppermost tier. 28 Moreover, Shes rab 'byung gnas noted that directly behind the stupa there was a curtain (rgyab yol), which can be also observed on Mele's pictures (Figs 6,. With respect to the bkra shis sgo mang ) was made on both sides of the curtain. On the right side there was a marvellous image of Phag mo gru pa, representing the Buddhas of the Past an image of him made from a variety of substances, representing the Buddha of the Future. The photos taken by Mele do not allow to determine whether the curtain behind the stupa of the bkra shis sgo mang at Densathil had any artistic embellishments. trimming (Figs 6,. Faintly visible, but recognisable in their outline there are also the mandalas mentioned by textual sources (Fig. 7).

Having given this rough overview, I would like to turn to the six tiers. 32 Each stupa containing mortal remains was surrounded by a given number of holy teachers and saints who were of special importance for the Bka' brgyud pa tradition. In the dkar chag of the bkra shis sgo mang at the southern, western and northern side. 33 The middle of this assembly was in the dkar chag, the photo shows that at the uppermost level of this bkra shis sgo mang more teachers and monks were placed than previously on the bkra shis sgo mang for Phag mo gru pa (Figs 7, 9).

The second tier below the uppermost level was reserved for several deities of highest religious and doctrinal rank. 34 seventy-two deities (Figs 6,6a, pa. 36 of a bkra shis sgo mang that the second tier is devoted to Gsang ba 'dus pa. 37 If this mandalic arrangement applies to a bkra shis sgo mang photographed ever, as it can be easily recognised, the details to be seen do not allow for an exact statement on this. 38 Another picture taken by Mele shows another bkra One should note that the extended version of the dkar chag by (bskor is said that his consort is inseparable from him ( ). Therefore it could be that the other Buddhas and their respective consorts were not in a (in bas-relief as the photos of Mele suggest) with a single Buddha statue in front of them is also imaginable. 37 This means that, beside the visual evidence (of fragments and Mele's photos), the side of a (the?) bkra shis sgo mang of the bkra shis sgo mang for Phag mo gru pa. 38 One can only say that a many-armed, sitting deity is visible, which most likely has no consort. In the case that it is indeed a depiction of the Gsang ba 'dus pa mandala this could possibly be explained by the fact (also to be observed in other instances, rent notion and proclivities in the dogmatic sphere. Moreover, it appears to be very bkra shis sgo mang reproduced and a simple sculptural (and iconographic) copy was made.

shis sgo mang at Densathil (Figs 6 and 7). Again, a convincing and satisfying this level, it may be suggested that it was directed to the southern side, but this causes some iconographic problems that can be hardly ignored. Until a full survey of this matter is accomplished, one might (extremely tentatively) propose that the investigation could be interesting whether or not this part showed the eastern side and hence a particular tradition (and presentation) of the Gsang ba 'dus pa mandala.

Still on the eastern side of the bkra shis sgo mang rdo rje dbyings) mandala (Pl. 4a, no.10-14). 39 Shes rab 'byung gnas writes that in the central panel abides Rnam par snang mdzad with faces in all directions ( ) and the hand gesture of supreme enlightenment ( rgya can in the world ( ). He is accompanied by four ) 40 and eight surrounding offering goddesses ( ). 41 Next to him, to his left and right, there are the other Buddhas who belong to the mandala there were Rin chen 'byung ldan and Mi bskyod pa, while to the left Snang ba mtha' yas and Don yod grub pa resided, each of them surrounded by eight attendants. 42 Probably this part can be seen on some of Mele's photos (Figs 5,6). Sadly, the main deity of the central panel on Fig. 6 is hidden by a ceremonial scarf and therefore cannot be seen. It is, however, possible to observe that eight minor deities in bas-relief are lined up in two vertical rows, each framed by scrolls. 43 behind the back of Rnam par snang mdzad. These are possibly the four deities said to stay in a hidden manner. Another photograph allows another glimpse of the deity, which very likely is Rnam par snang mdzad ( Fig. 5, centre of 40 Namely, (1) Rigs kyi yum Sangs rgyas can ma, (2) Lha mo Ma ma ki, (3) Lha mo Gos dkar mo and (4) Dam tshig Sgrol ma. Luczanits (2006: 4) gives the interesting ), which can be taken as signifying their representation as symbols. 41 42 sems dpa' Byams pa, Mthong ba don yod, Ngan song kun 'dren and Mya ngan dang 'gro ba, Nam mkha' mdzod and Ye shes tog. The attendants of (3) Snang ba mtha' skyong and Dra ba can gyi 'od. The (4) Buddha Don yod grub pa is surrounded by forty-nine deities. 43 The deities at the bottom of these rows are not fully visible, their heads only can be seen. the uppermost tier). Apparently, the hand gesture of highest enlightenment with its characteristic display can be discerned. Both panels to the left of the main deity, which according to the dkar chag are occupied by Snang ba mtha' dhas ( Fig. 6). It seems as if the left one displays the abhaya gesture with his supposedly represents Snang ba mtha' yas, can be seen only vaguely. It looks as if it rests on his lap. The two remaining panels do not add much to this. A Buddha statue is probably situated to the right. Some of the surrounding bkra shis sgo mang a feature which originally derives from the iconographic concept of the bkra shis sgo mang This can be similarly stated for the next tier, of which a part is clearly visible on Mele's photos (Figs 5,5a,). This level is dominated quently is called Buddha tier. The centre of the eastern side is occupied by mtshan) and minor marks ( ). Two attendants each stand to his left and right side. 44

44 On his right side there are Byang chub sems dpa' Byams pa, who holds a small roundish vessel ( , and Khro bo chen po Gzhan gyi mi thub pa, who grasps a wheel (and) a rdo rje or according to another ). The attendants of the left side are Byang chub sems dpa' Kun tu bzang po holding Equal to all central Buddhas, regardless of their respective direction, is the ornamentation of the throne. Shes rab 'byung gnas says that it consists of the four kinds of ornaments ( ), such as an elephant and so on. -), which grows within a pure vessel of big treasures ( ).

is addressed as Buddha of the Pure Era (Bskal ba bzang po'i sangs rgyas). He is said to display the hand gesture of touching the earth and is supplemented (kha bskangs) by mind symbols (?, ). The last information does not make it fully clear to me which kind of depiction is meant.

Turning to Mele's photos, one can easily recognise the tier of Buddhas as described by Shes rab 'byung gnas in his dkar chag (Figs 5,6). A Buddha statue showing the earth-touching gesture and having at least two attendants, as is proposed for the eastern direction, is visible. A highly decorated throne can be hardly seen. Numerous Buddhas en miniature, executed in bas-relief, are distributed over the back of this panel as well as the other ones. While for the tiers discussed above many questions still remain unsettled and many more additional data are necessary to answer them, the parallel between the dkar chag and the Densathil stupas is obvious for this part of the structure. This is also recognizable for the next and last tier. This tier, following the Buddha tier, derives its name from the group of offering goddesses which are repeatedly depicted at this level, forming its characterizing element (Figs 5 and 5a,20-24). 45 It can be shown that, based on the dkar chag, the panels a small house ( grasping a bow and an arrow. With regard to the entire tier of Buddhas, Shes rab 'byung gnas notes that the attendare admonishing (the Buddha) to turn the wheel of dharma/give teachings as soon as the mind (of enlightenment) is generated (sems bskyed) and the eight Khro bo stay as if they guard the vessel of big treasures ( All are said to have three faces and six hands. Furthermore, it is stated that the head jinas (rgyal ba ), while Lha mo Dug sel ma's head is adorned by the master of the family ( ). 48 Bhattacharyya (1987: 192) gives a of this deity. Here the right and left heads are blue and white. Her three left hands show the with noose, a blue lotus and a bow. One should note that, obviously Bhattacharyya translated as Padma dkar po translated it. Furthermore, Bhattacharyya describes her as resting on the expanded hood of the serpent, translating . Therefore, he understood this term as being or being born on the head (being) the expanded hood of a serpent. But, most likely, a translation should be preferred that the expanded hood of a serpent is (imminently) hanging over her head. Moreover, he says that she is resplendent with the auspicious marks of a virgin (for ). Here the description of Padma dkar po possibly could be improved by rendering his youthful maiden as virgin ( ), if one is inclined to interpret the term in this way. A yellow Dug sel ma with three faces and six arms is found in the listed by Padma dkar po, GPThGTsh [159/4]. According to them, her three faces are golden, golden-bluish (ser sngo) and white. They are adorned with the heads of seven snakes. Her three right hands carry a sword, a rdo rje and an arrow. Her left arms hold a snare Detail of Fig. 6 showing part Fig. 9: of the bla ma of the uppermost tier.

The photos taken by Mele suggest that the structures seen on them and as outlined in the dkar chag are nearly similar that one is inclined to take them for to such a identical, even though the photos arguably document at least four different bkra shis sgo mang. 49 ), which has a variety of sculptures of dharma protectors. They will be introduced later by discussing a number of fragments in comparison to the statements given by Shes rab 'byung gnas in his inventory. It will become evident that his dkar chag is indispensable for understanding the bkra shis sgo mang of Densathil. However, before turning to this point, one should outline the interior structure of the bkra shis sgo mang in order to complete the paragraph, because not only it illustrates and underlines the importance and intriguing nature of this bkra shis sgo mang, but also provides an additional way of understanding Tibetan art, which usually is missing in art-historical considerations, although they are in fact indispensable.

THE INNER STRUCTURE

As noted above, Shes rab 'byung gnas did not simply write an inventory listing the deities of the bkra shis sgo mang, but also record of the religious items inserted in the bkra shis sgo mang during the consecration ceremony. This text published in two almost identical editions reports the consecration for the bkra shis sgo mang after the , the stupa of Phag mo gru pa, was returned to Densathil and a new stupa was constructed at 'Bri gung and put on top of the bkra shis sgo mang as a replacement.

During the consecration ceremony, the entire bkra shis sgo mang (the structure occupied by these numerous deities) and the stupa were regarded as 50 ) and a bow. She marks of a youthful maiden ( ). Her head is embellished by Mi bskyod pa. She sits in a playful position ( ). Cf, also other listing the same attributes, and . 49 50 A brief table of contents on the relevant points is given at the end of this paper so that the next paragraphs can be followed easily. For the rough sketch of the entire bkra Factually, it was divided into three main sections (Fig. 3, I-III). Starting with the most sacred, it began with the highest part of the stupa for Phag mo gru pa, namely the wheels (cakra, ) including the pinnacle ( , tog). 51 Therefore, for the part from above up to the wheel of the reliquary ( rten inner structure was built in a mode that is in its main aspects characteristic for the other parts. A divine palace ( constructed. Then pure resin of the sal tree ( ) 52 was spread shis sgo mang, the stupa ( ), whose actual appearance is unknown today, is ( ) or Bka' gdams pa stupa ( ). On some early thangka partly having a Bka' brgyud provenience, a stupa bearing such features can be seen, Kossak & Singer 1998: no.3, 18, 20, 23c and 27. For three-dimensional tu states in his account that the for Phag mo gru pa was a Bka' gdams stupa ( ) with sun and moon images casted in gold and a parasol of gilded copper ( ) with a thirty-two deities mandala of Gsang 'dus pö' ( ). He proposes that the designation Du ru ka derives from a name of a country, namely Tur ki (Turkey). Hence one should understand this particular type ( It is probable that he followed in this the famous work on materia medica composed by De'u dmar Bstan 'dzin phun tshogs, which was one of his main sources. De'u dkar) is Tu ruska, ShGShPh [231/4]. He remarks that this name originates from Kla ), a name that it shares with Si hla, but should not be confused. There are two types. The white one, which comes from the upper/western regions (stod) is like the teeth of horses and called ). This is of good quality. The other one, which is a bad quality, comes from Kla klo and Mon and is of dark brown ( ) colour, hence called ). 53 Inside there was a structure shaped like a kind of divine palace ( ), which was made of pure khim ( , i.e. native copper) 54 , which is linked to the rule of rten) were placed together with seats, parasols, clothes and offerings. 55 The foremost rten) which found their place there was a statue of Phag mo gru pa, standing on a sun disc ( ). Then, in the middle of a three-storeyed palace ( ) of leaded brass ( ), there were:

Based on the latter author, one might therefore be inclined to regard Du ru ka as explicitly formulated one in the medical work, as one might expect. Blo gros rgyal , which comes from the upper/western regions (stod), must be of the white type like horse teeth (rta so ma), while the dark/ black ( MPZhL II [294/6]. Similarly, Skyem pa Tshe dbang says the same on , but ),

(whether or not it is identical with Gu gul), see VNgP [276/18], MPGG [98/9]. The name of Du ru ka (and its alternative spellings) is not given with regard to . It ( ser) and drying out. Based on this, it could be that this resin was also used because of its dehydrating properties. It seems worth investigating whether or not this substance is a means of preventing rust of any kind. (However, see also for the problematic issue of establishing medical use of Tibetan materia medica based on one sort of writ-Medicinal Plants in , article is under preparation.) 53 The Tibetan formulation , which similarly is to be found in other paragraphs, allows for this interpretation only, because of the particale tsam and the use of the terminative case instead of implies that such a hide was intended to be formed out of fragrant substances in this case. For the actual use of animal hide, see Hatt 1980: 209. 54 Lo Bue (1991: 41-44) had already discussed the complex nature of this term and its corresponds to 55 Please note that for this overview numerous details are not given, such as the sophisticated mode of wrapping up in various clothes, offerings of a variety of medicinal substances and so on. For a complete list see both dkar chag a Bka' gdams style stupa is described in Hatt (1980). an arrangement of the so-called seven Sta mgo ma, relics of the Buddha symbolising the seven successions ( ) of the Buddhas (bde ) or the seven lineage bla ma; bones of Mar pa Chos kyi blo gros (1002/1012-1097); bones and white hair of Sgam po pa Bsod nams rin chen (1079-1153); black hair of Phag mo gru pa; as main item ( gtso bo), the teeth of Phag mo gru pa; a hundred thousands names ( ) of the lineage bla ma 56 and like the and so on. 57

beryl and so on, fragrant substances like sandalwood (tsan dan), gorshisha (gor shi sha ) 58 and so on, pure medicine like camphor ( ), saffron ( ) and so on, and auspicious supports ( ), like wood and leaves and fruits of the bodhi tree (byang ). 59 While this concerns the space close to the and the garbha of the stupa for Phag mo gru pa, Shes rab 'byung gnas gives two particular the pinnacle ( , tog; Fig. 3). Similarly to the arrangement given before, the ) and hair of Phag mo gru pa's head; as main relic ( gtso bo), teeth of Sgam po pa; 100,000 names ( ) of the lineage bla ma and of the pinnacle (tog). It is remarkable that, while for the other parts of the bkra shis sgo mang several kinds of relics of those religious dignitaries could be chosen, for the pinnacle, the highest point of the stupa symbolising the enlightenment, mostly bone relics ( ) were taken. 60 opinion, seen together with their vertical arrangement-here bone relics, but

The wheels ( ) also had a special importance and consequently were consecrated separately. Again in an arrangement like before, several items were placed into the three storeyed divine palace ( ) made of leaded brass ( ; Fig. 3, I). Given here its condensed list, these were: ten times hundred relics ( ring bsrel) of Buddhas ( ) symbolising the Buddhas of the Pure Era ( sangs rgyas); eight thousand leaves of the bodhi tree ( ); many fruits of the bodhi tree and garments of the Buddha ( sangs ); a stupa ( mchod rten) of earth from the eight great pilgrimage sites ( ); some parasols; the white bone ( ) of Mar pa; a statue of Mi la ras pa (1052-1135) with his teeth in its heart; 61 the of Mi la ras pa; the white bone ( ) of Sgam po pa;

60 Martin (1994: 274) had already pointed out that the meaning of the term is of this term denotes bone, because the very detailed inventory chart on the inserted items was also written to address the issue which items exactly. the golden wheel of dharma with a thousand spokes. The second main part of religious items concerned the dome (garbha, ), which was divided in an upper and lower part, and included also the lotus (seat; Fig. 3, II). Once more one encounters the threefold structure: outside there was a divine palace ( space was taken by a paste of pure resin of the sal tree ( ) thick like the hide of an elephant and the innermost part was a palace ( brang) of clothes ( ), an idea of 'Jig rten mgon po's as Shes rab 'byung ma), was coloured and came from Khyi/Byi than. Regarding the space between the (bre) and the lotus ( ), Shes rab 'byung gnas records that within the inner side there was a sandalwood (tsan dan) (trunk) that had turned supreme ( ), which is his 62 The texts were written in gold. Its book covers (glegs shing) came from Khyi than and were made from crystal (shel). It had images ( ) of the lineage bla ma ( ) and one hundred thirteen image of Buddhas and Bodhisattvas made from gold which came from Khyi than. The clothes and the ropes of the books (glegs thag) were made of leaded brass ( ).

description of the fact that it was the central pole ( , srog shing). Outside it had a ring (?, ), which was covered with leaded brass ( ). Ropes ( ) of brocade ( ) and a type of silk (dar chen) were neatly bound on this in the four directions.

Inside the (bre), on the corners where the faces (gdong) of the were, several statues were placed like: a statue of Phag mo gru pa known as the Sku lugs ma; 63 ) of Naropa (1012-1100); 64 ) of the ; an Indian ( rgya gar ma an Indian ( rgya gar ma) statue of Thub pa chen po; Spyan ras gzigs and and other statues as well, together with the of the (bre) and other items. Below it, in the even middle ( ), which connects the (bre) and the upper part of the dome ( placed:

1. ), the precious reliquary ( rten); 2.

) of the Rtsi lung pa, given to 'Jig rten mgon po; and 64 For the interpretation of the term as high aspiration rather than tutelary deity I follow Martin (2001: 147ff). I am grateful to Erberto Lo Bue who pointed this article out to me. 65 Shes rab 'byung gnas notes that it was to this deity to whom prayers were directed, (1994: 610) in his review of the by David P.

3. ) respectfully addressed and venerated as a ) was made of a variety of precious substances and measured a full cubit ( ) in size. Its interior was structured in a mode which was already observed for other parts, namely a layer of fragrance (dri) like resin of the sal tree ( ) and so on and then, as its innermost part, a three-storeyed palace ( ) made of leaded brass ( ). Inside of it there were various relics, which, given in the order of Shes rab pinnacle (tog) and the wheel ( ) with countless Buddhas and Bodhisattvas, namely: many relics of the Buddha ( ) from Sta mgo; many relics of teeth ( tshems) from Sog; many relics from Tsha rong; many relics of teeth from 'Jang; many relics of teeth from Sha ping; many relics of teeth from 'Dan; and many relics of the Buddha ( sangs rgyas) from Sing ga. It seems reasonable to assume that this group of relics (and Buddhas) correnoted at the beginning and was said to represent relics of the Buddha symbolising the sevenfold successions ( ) of the Buddhas ( ) or the seven lineage bla ma.

Beside that, Shes rab 'byung gnas records: many other relics of the Buddha ( sangs rgyas); many relics of the noble Sthavira ('Phags pa Dgra bcom pa); bones, hair of the head, nails of hands and feet, and pieces of cloth of Sgam po pa; and hair of the head, nails of hands and feet, cloth, blood, dirt of the feet ) 66 of Phag mo gru pa.

gtso bo) of the upper part of the dome ( stod), which one has to imagine inside this precious reliquary ( ) and which was put up in the following way: below there was a marvellous crystal vessel (shel gyi snod) said to be from the treasury of the king of China ). On its surface there was a hat ( ) of 'Jig rten mgon po. Inside it there was a palace ( ) housing a tiny silver image ( ). That palace ( ) was actually a reliquary box ( ) of silver. Its front side (ya khebs) had a top (tog can ), while its rear side (ma khebs garlands of pearls ( ). Its inner sides (nang logs) were well perfumed with fragrance ( ). Its interior the big skull ( ) of Phag mo gru pa; four teeth ( tshems) of Phag mo gru pa; the big increasing bone ( ) of Phag mo gru pa; 67 all imprints, hair of the head, nails of hands and feet, garments, blood, heart and dirt of the feet of Phag mo gru pa; and of the stupa (mchod rten). ), which connects the (bre) and the upper part of the dome ( aspiration' ( ) of the Rtsi lung pa, given to 'Jig rten mgon po. It was a reliquary ( ) having sun and moon and measuring more than a cubit ( rten) of previous lineages ( ), such as relics of the Buddhas (de ) and so on and, in particular, for: hair of the head, nails of hands and feet, bones and blood of Sgam po pa; hair of the head, nails of hands and feet and blood of Phag mo gru pa; and more than two thirds of all bones of Phag mo gru pa. 68

68

The Rtsi/Rtse lung ba was a close disciple of Phag mo gru pa and ; Roerich 1988: 563). He was a native of 'Dan ma in Mdo khams, but later went to Dbus to study there. When Phag mo gru pa did not accept the invitations to come to Khams, Rtsi lung ba occupied the throne (chos khri) there. He founded a monastery in 'On, wherefrom he also obtained his name Rtsi lung ba or Rtse lung ba. He became one of the main teachers of 'Jig rten mgon po and took the duty of a when the For this consecration the stupa was lavishly adorned and then inserted.

was an image ( ) of the Buddha ( ), which measured one cubit (

The space between the upper part of the dome and the lotus ( ) was occupied by different items arranged according to the four directions. Its plan was as follows:

east: the walking-stick ( ) of Phag mo gru pa; south: a skull cup ( ) of Naropa given by the latter to Mar pa; west: Sutra books like the ( ); north: the Collected Works of Phag mo gru pa and the names of the Buddhas ( ) In the space between them there were: mendicant's staff ( a mask ( ) of Sgam po pa; the painted imprints ( ) of Sgam po pa; and a painted image ( ) of Phag mo gru pa. In the lower part of the dome ( ), a pair of woollen boots (chags this part. Moreover, it contained: a silver vessel ( ); 69 latter received the full ordination. He is said to have erected a for Phag mo gru pa, see for instance HRChB [328/4], Roerich 1988: 565, and the various biographies on 'Jig rten mgon po. With regard to this stupa, Shes rab 'byung gnas writes in this dkar chag that after the death of Phag mo gru pa when all pupils gathered for distributing the relics equally, the Rtsi lung ba managed to lay hands on a big part of it much to the distress of other pupils. He, moreover, then asked those other pupils whether they themselves were going to build a stupa or whether they would place their share into his stupa, which they agreed to. It eventually contained so many relics. It looks as if 'Jig rten mgon po walked in the footsteps of his teacher by having a strong desire for gathering as many relics as possible. 69 It was inserted, because it seemed that the tip of the lower end (rting) of the walking stick ( ) was on the verge of touching the lotus. Therefore this vessel of the upper dome ( ); of the lower dome ( ); of the lotus ( ); ) rtsis can; and Tantra and Sutra books.

space spanning from the three garlands ( ) of lotus ( ), (rdo rje) and blue lotus ( ) to the seven tiers (bang rim) where the deities reside, reaching up to the ground ( ; Fig. 3, III). 71 As Shes rab 'byung gnas notes, an inner structure was executed which had pillars (ka ba) made of sandalwood and in the same number in exactly the same manner as the outer structures of pillars which had deities ( ). In the very centre there was a sandalwood pillar which had turned supreme (

) and made its central axis inside (nang byas). The pillars outside were covered with leaded brass ( ) and the part of pillars called in ) were arranged crosswise (rgya gram). They had beam seats (gdan) which were decorated with various textiles and clothes. 72 The central pillar was adorned with various eulogies/decorations (?,

) and diadems ( ) of silk ribbons or scarves ( ). The 70 Most likely this Sangs rgyas mnyam sbyor refers to a text which probably is the , as the is usually called in short. Different textual versions of it exist. If that is the case, the reason for its choice it remains unknown to me for the time being. 71 KCh-A [96/1], KCh-B [376/2 f.]. Naturally, it is surprising that Shes rab 'byung gnas speaks of seven tiers, even though it is clear that, in his dkar chag which gives but it also could be that it was meant in general. Perhaps the seven tiers of the interior structures corresponded to the four upper tiers (without the uppermost), the big lotus wreath, the sixth tier (of the dkar chag ground, which was possibly elevated, as can be seen on a photo of one bkra shis sgo mang stupa at Densathil (Fig. 1). 72 For instance, they had clothes (gos) with patterns (ri mo can) of lions, elephants and so on. In the dkar chag but it is not explicitly said that they were a decoration. It could be that they were truly made of cloth, but in this paper the view is preferred that those textiles had decorative purposes only and hence those beams seats were designated accordingly. foundation ( ) of this structure situated beneath the ground ( ) was also made of sandalwood. It was decorated with a cross (rdo rje rgya gram Within this interior structure stood a divine palace ( ), which was quadrangular and was made of precious substances. It had a plan bkra shis sgo mang. It was executed as a seven-storeyed palace ( ). After a thick paste ( ) of pure sal tree resin ( ) and ) was rubbed as thick as the hide of an elephant, the palace ( ( ), not leaving any gap ( ). Inside it the items were arranged across a space of three tiers. A particular part of a garment of 'Jig rten mgon po became its base ( ), which was covered with several layers of a variety of textiles. On this a manyrten) were placed. dam) of 'Jig rten mgon po, namely the well-designed footprints ( ) of Phag mo gru pa, which were commissioned in gold. Being clad (or wrapped) in valuable garments and clothes, they formed the base for eight times by Phag mo gru pa. It possessed a special blessing for removing any disease. After it was lavishly adorned, it was endowed with the seat of lope?). Moreover, this interior room contained: the drinking cup ( ), which Tilopa (988-1069) gave to Naropa; 73 the drinking cup ( ) of the Sangs rgyas ye shes; 74 all essential instructions ( ) of Phag mo gru pa; writings ( ) of 'Jig rten mgon po, his , i.e. ; and 73 Gold was poured into it, and it had an image of Sgrol ma ( ). 74 It had a seven-deity mandala of Sgrol ma ( ).

the of the lineage bla ma. These as well as numerous other texts formed the section of handwritings ( ), which was complemented by a section of personal books ( ) such as: letters ( ) of Phag mo gru pa; the the of the Rgyal po; and the and so on. Moreover, the , the and many more, such as the writings ( ) of 'Jig rten mgon po containing the conversations ( ) of Phag mo gru pa written down in small notes ( ) and the complete writings ( ) of 'Jig rten mgon po. Naturally, the arrangement partly reminds of the items found in Phag mo gru pa's grass-hut in the monastery of Densathil. Then, a multitude of further relics and statues were in it, namely: appeared; a statue ( ) of 'Jig rten mgon po; the Indian deity ( rgya gar gyi lha crown ( ); 'Phags ma Sgrol ma wearing a wonderful crown ( ); Khro bo Mi g.yo ba kneeling down and having canine teeth of gold; a silver statue ( ) of Thub pa chen po; 'Jig rten dbang phyug made from wood of the bodhi tree and having a crown ( ); a golden 'Jig rten dbang phyug wearing a wonderful crown ( cod ); ); ); a statue of Byams mgon; ), the ) of the Maitripa (b. 10 th century); 75 ) of Naropa;

a woven thangka (

This was further supplemented by items, which were: a rdo rje and bell of Naropa; an iron rdo rje 77 a rdo rje of Srong btsan sgam po; a lead rdo rje the Brahmin thread ( ) of Dpal chen Rga lo Gzhon nu dpal (1110/14-1198/1202); and a of Dpal chen Rga lo brought from India. Then, on the right side of this interior room, a collection of eulogies on authentic words ( ) and treatises (bstan bcos), which were commissioned in gold and in which (the Buddha) had perfectly expounded the primary characteristics, was placed together with garments and offerings. 78

75

, was instrumental in the transmission of the system and others teachings, which gained utmost importance for the Bka' brgyud pa schools (Roerich 1988: 725, 841f., Tatz 1987. He is said to have practised meditation upon Sgrol ma (Tatz 1987: 695, 699ff Opposite, on the left side, there was a collection of eulogies ( ), commissioned in gold, of Tantras ( ) and treatises (bstan bcos) of secret mantras (gsang sngags) together with garments and offerings, and the Tantras ( a variety of garments and offerings.

Outside of this sanctum, placed in front of the pillars (of the inner structure described here) there were various eight-petalled lotuses. On their dharmodaya,

), which were piled on top of each other (nyis brtsegs) and had auspicious emblems (?, rten ). 79 Finally, many precious substances were added, which completed bkra shis sgo mang. 80

79

were the usual triangular depictions, but it could also be that they were real texts. This seems especially plausible in view of the fact that all remaining items, which Shes rab 'byung gnas lists, are such. It consisted of Tantra and Sutra texts (for details see there). Their number must have been substantial. Shes rab 'byung gnas writes that there were more than three thousand. Additionally, there were also Indian books with the words of Buddha ( ). It is not absolutely clear from his description whether those were placed also on the lotuses or simply placed in the space between the pillars and outside the divine palace ( ). 80 Furthermore, Shes rab 'byung gnas records also details on the consecration of the bkra shis sgo mang, or, in his own words: ) were made of precious substances (rin ) and brocade ( ), which were, although not explicitly said but one can assume it, put in the seat of those deities. Inside those palaces were several relics, such as the bones of Mar pa put into brocade ( ), or the bones of Sgam po pa put into brocade ( ), measureless written on silk (dar chen) with perfumed ink/saffron ( ) and so on (see there for more details.) In particular, he notes several statues, which possibly were part of the bkra shis sgo mang or should be imagined as separate from it. In a statue of ( ) of Phag mo gru pa, which had the letter ka in the seam (sne mo) of its petticoat ( ), one tooth (mtshems ) was placed. In another statue of him, having the letter kha, a tooth (mtshems can) was placed. Then in a third, bearing the letter nga, a golden rdo rje that has one relic (ring bsrel) in its centre (lte ba) and which was inserted in leaded brass having ) was placed. Similarly, statues of Sgam po pa, Lho

The inventory of the religious items deposited during the consecration ceremony is indeed a unique source, which provides a rare insight into rab gnas) of the entire commemorative stupa. It informs us about a dimension inseparably connected with the erection of the bkra shis sgo mang and its religious of the iconographic programme should be concluded by examining the sixth tier through the iconographic analysis of art pieces which have survived the destruction of the monastery of Densathil.

FRAGMENTS

A number of fragments exists, which seem to be related to the sculptural art of Densathil. Some of them are now in museums and private collections or appear from time to time on the art market. Even though one can recognise several of them as possibly and, in some cases, very probably coming from different tiers of the bkra shis sgo mang of Densathil, the relevant discussion in this paper will focus on the sixth tier, formed by the guardians of the teachings (chos ; Figs 5, 10). 81 Shes rab 'byung gnas writes on this part of the bkra shis sgo mang lha mo and mgon, two and two in each cardinal direction. This results in a total number of on the photographs and inferable from the surviving fragments. A part of bkra shis sgo mang documented by Mele shows some of them ( Figs 5 and 5a, nos 25-32). Easily noticeable are the impressive of which several pieces (with and without frieze) are preserved in Western collections. which received some consecrating items (the teeth (mtshems) of Sgam po pa himself, rten) of Padmasambhava himself), and he concludes his description by admitting that he is not able here to tell them all. 81 character. Some issues will be addressed which still remain to be solved and which require an in-depth study in iconographical matters that will be done in future. Following the dkar chag, one learns that these were repeated at every transition point which marked the iconographic assembly of a cardinal direction. Its total number therefore is eight. The group of these , employed for the iconographic programme of the bkra shis sgo mang, however, is nine. Thus one does not occupy the rank of a main deity 82 Shes rab 'byung gnas describes them as lifting up a of athletes (gyad), while their faces are slightly turned towards the observer. This is a feature indeed to be seen on the photos and a characteristic of the ments, by the order of 'Jig rten mgon po, their heads were adorned with nine ). 83 Their countenance had the appearance of big fully darkened clouds, of heads of dragons roaring loud with thunder and ornamented by streams of lightning ( ) coming out of their mouths. In general, they are said to removing all obstacles.

EAST Right to one of the was Rnam thos sras (Figs 5, 10, no. 2), who is clearly visible on pictures taken by Mele (Fig. 12). Shes rab 'byung gnas writes that he has one face and two hands, but does not mention his attributes, which probably were those to be discerned on the photos, namely a mongoose in his left hand and an banner in his right. He is sitting on a snow lion. On the 82 This group of nine includes (1) Mtha' yas, (2) Rigs ldan, (3) Dung skyong, (4) Padma, (5) Padma chen po, (6) 'Jog po, (7) Stobs kyi rgyu, (8) Ma dros pa and (9) Nor rgyas. With the exception of Rigs ldan, all of them are the main deity for one time, surrounded by the remaining members of that group. For example, Klu'i rgyal po chen po Mtha' yas is surrounded by eight , namely Rigs ldan, Dung skyong, Padma, Padma chen po, 'Jog po, Stobs kyi rgyu, Ma dros pa and Nor rgyas. On the fragments of still possessing a plaque, the number of minor deities is eight. 83 The , which have been passed on to us, show a varying number of minor heads. Only a thorough investigation could proof whether the number varied for different bkra shis sgo mang, or whether some of them possibly are demolished, thus causing a lesser number of minor heads.

bkra shis sgo mang 84

To his left there was, according to the dkar chag, the deity Ye shes kyi mgon po dpal Bya rog ma (Fig. 4, no. 1). 85 the Directions' ( ) are his retinue. 86 Not much is said about his outer appearance except that he has one face and four hands. No fragment of Ye shes gyi mgon po Bya rog ma is known to me presently. 84 These were (1) Gnod sbyin Gang ba bzang po, (2) Nor bu bzang po, (3) 'Dzam bha la, (4) Rta bdag Ku be ra, (5) Yang dag shes, (6) 'Brog gnas, (7) Lnga rtsen, (8) Sred spod and (9) Rgyal ba khyu mchog. 85 Rlung lha, (7) Gnod sbyin, (8) Dbang ldan, (9) Sa bdag and (10) Skar ma'i rgyal po. The deities on this tier are: East: 1 -Ye shes kyi mgo po Bya rog ma, 2 -Rnam thos sras, 3 -Klu'i rgyal po chen po Mtha' yas, 4 -Lha mo Srog sgrub ma, 5 -Sa'i lha mo Brtan ma, 6 -Klu'i rgyal po chen po padma chen po; South: 7 -Mgon po Gtsug tor rten, 8 -'Brog gnas, 9 -Klu'i rgyal po chen po Padma, 10 -Lha mo Dung skyong; West: 13 -Legs ldan nag po, 14 -Tshogs kyi bdag po chen po, 15 -Klu'i rgyal po chen po 'Jog po, 16 -Lha mo Gcer bu bong zhon ma, 17 -Mgon po 'Dzam bha la, 18 -Klu'i rgyal po chen po Stobs kyi rgyu; North: 19 -Dpal Mgon Dbu bcu bdun ma, 23 -A pa ra tsi ta, 24 -Klu'i rgyal po chen po Ma dros pa. Figure 3 showing two Fig. 11: .

Detail of

( Fig. 12), while on another of his photos allows for the discerning of a rdo rje (Fig. 2). Luckily, a thangka with the footprints of 'Jig rten mgon po (1143-1217) exists. 87 In the lower register of this painting, several worldly protectors are Tibetan inscription as Bya rog ma. 88 Bya rog ma alias Las mgon bya rog gdong can. Thus, she favours the view Surprisingly, although an important part of her article is devoted to the discussion of this thangka, she does not inquire in the reason why the crow-faced Luczanits notes this inconsistency. 89 It seems promising to me to turn to iconographic material handed down in the Bka' brgyud pa schools for undertaking research in order to clarify this issue. Indeed, there one encounters the deity Dpal mgon po bya rog ming can, is described as having four arms. The lower pair of the hands holds a knife for pair of arms, he brandishes a sword, while his left grasped a . The last attribute is sometimes replaced by a simple trident. It is clear in these sources that Bya rog does not gdong can), but is only his name (ming can). 90 His body complexion varies from 89 He regards the depiction on the thangka as the common four-armed form of 90 See the text entitled and the Tantra . It seems that the latter Tantra was particularly popular at that time. In the colophon, the statement can be found that it was translated by two Indian rgyas grags pa who revised ( ) and edited ( ) it. Its transmission line was: the Tsa mi , the Dpal Rgva lo, the bla ma A seng, the bla ma Sogs pa, the bla ma 'Dar, the Phag mo gru pa. It is noted that another tradition following the translation by the bla ma Stengs pa also exists. Thus there is the conclusion suggests itself that he also taught it to his disciples. ming can (and hence Ye shes gyi mgon po Bya rog ma). 91 The fact that this very deity was venerated also in later centuries is documented by two thangkas from the Essen collection, now in Basel. 92 ma (Fig. 10, no. 4). Unfortunately, a form of Dpal ldan Lha mo bearing this appellation seems to be unknown in the material published so far. 93 With which is based on works of the same title by Chos kyi mgo po (1501-1582) and by Ngag dbang bzang po (1546-1615), is preserved in the religious cycles of the 'Brug pa Bka' brgyud pa. The transmission line given there is (1) Rgyal ba Dpal chen Rga lo, (12) Bla ma Zhang rin po che, 'Gro ba'i mgon po Gtsang pa Rgya ras and ends with personalities such as Kun gzigs chos kyi snang ba (1768-1822), th century), Bshad sgrub chos kyi nyin byed (18/19 th century) and Mi pham bstan pa nyi mgon po chen po Bya rog gi ming can, who is described together with his consort ( ), has one face (no crow face) and four hands, in which he holds a heart-shaped bai ta fruit and a skull-cup (lower pair of hands) and a sword and a trident (upper pair), BRMC-G [52/4 f.].

raven face was also important among all Bka' brgyud pa schools. A particular tradition is occasionally mentioned in the biographical accounts of some 'Brug pa Bka' brgyud pa masters. Probably, the designation of sa thel/mthil.' A recorded in the text tong skad, which was transmitted by Rtsva mi and Rga lo,

LG 84/6 bkra shis sgo mang stupas in as far as textual evidence and surviving fragments are concerned. 91 no. 17). Therefore the rdo rje, which is visible on Fig. 2, when zoomed in, to the . 92 Essen & Thingo 1989: vol. 1: no. 131, vol. 2: no. 336, 385. 93 Chandra (1987. 900) has one Lha mo Srog sgrub lcags phur ma rang byung respect to its designation, this aspect of the deity undoubtedly is not a popular one. The information provided by Shes rab 'byung gnas in his dkar chag is not very detailed. He says that she has one face and four hands. Her retinue is made up by eight skull (gri thod), being of the same kind, and by Klu mo Chu srin gdong is named as the ninth. The photos taken by Mele document that, at this very side of the bkra shis sgo mang, a female deity can be seen, who might very well be a form of Dpal ldan Lha mo (Figs 2 and 5). She is riding on a mule/ horse, has four hands, the upper right of which is brandishing a sword, while her lower right hand is carrying a khram shing 94 , and her lower left hand, resting on her left knee, is grasping a unknown utensil (the attribute of her upper left is not discernible.) None of the minor deities can be seen, except a faintly visible Klu mo Chu srin gdong. No fragment compatible with this form is known to me.

Close to her, on her left side, was Sa'i lha mo Brtan ma (Fig. 10, no. 5).

one of Mele's photographs (Fig. 5). One can see her face, but nothing else can be inferred from this picture. Thus no statement on her attributes or posture, whether she is standing or sitting, can be given. She possibly has to be imagined sitting and holding a vessel in one hand, while her other hand shows a ritual gesture. 95

SOUTH

Together with both , Mtha' yas and Padma chen po, to the left and (Fig. 10, nos 3, 6). Moving clockwise (to the left of Mele's photo, Figs 5 and 3, no. 11), one will see the who, as Shes rab 'byung gnas remarks, lets rain fall on the entire inhabited world ( ) during the rainy season and lets ripen the harvest of the people. He has nine faces and four hands. His head is adorned with the brgyad ), surround him. 97 be related to the bkra shis sgo mang of Densathil. 98 One of them still has the frieze with the retinue (Fig. 13). Its minor deities most probably represent the eight planets as noted in the dkar chag to give without the inspiring iconographic source.

heads are grouped in triads one on top of the other. The uppermost triad includes the head of a raven in its centre. As mentioned above, this is topped hands are missing, it might be rightly inferred from the arms' posture that he held bow and arrow. His lower right hand grasped a victory-banner adorned with a makara head on its top. The loop on which this rested is still visible. With his lower left hand, he grasped a snake shaped like a snare. (Fig. 3, no. 10). She is said to have one face and four hands. The minor deities surrounding her were ten a skull-cup (gri thod) and being of the same kind. According to de Nebeskysman Bkra shis tshe ring ma, (2) Mthing gi zhal bzang ma, (3) Mi g.yo glo bzang ma, (4) Gtad dkar 'gro bzang ma and (5) Gcod pan mgrin bzangs ma. 17 and 19). Lha mo Dbu bcu bdun ma can be easily ruled out as representing Lha mo Dud sol ma (on whom see below). Therefore two fragments are left, both of which have similarities and dissimilarities with the description presented in the dkar chag. When comparing all other fragments, the number of the entourage frequently seems to diverge from the inventory, while the characteristic features of the main deity, such as the number of arms and their attributes, remain the same. Taking this general observation into account, the be approached (Fig. 14). 100 In each of her upper hands, she brandishes a sword, a feature which still needs to be traced in a written iconographic source. this textual source, he has one face and two hands. An iconographical text describing this deity still has to be found. His designation may refer to the protuberance ( ) on top of his head. However, this assumption has still to be ascertained, and the examination of the surviving fragment could probably help to answer this question (Fig. 15). 101 on this fragment appears to be Mgon po Gri gug can, but analysing the composition of his retinue it is evident that he is more probably the Mgon po Gtsug tor rten described in the dkar chag. There he is recorded to be surrounded by the leaders of the eight kinds of gods and demons (lha srin sde brgyad), namely (1) the ruler of the gods ( ) -Brgya byin, (2) the ruler of the ( ) -Thags bzang ris, (3) the king of the ( srin ) -Lang ka mgrin bcu, (5) the king of the ( ) -Zur phud lnga pa, (6) the king of those soaring in the sky (i.e. birds;

) -Gser mig 'khyil pa, (7) the king of the pa sde brgyad, lists the members of the so-called outer division ( ). It should be repeated here in full, because it closely resembles the entourage of Dpal Mgon po Gtsug tor rten as given in the dkar chag. It is as follows: Lha'i dbang po and Dri za Zur phud lnga pa. The name of the lord of the ( ) is not given. In comparison to the dkar chag, certain dissimilarities can be observed. The name of the leader is mentioned in the dkar chag. The chos skyong not found, but the king of the demons ( ) Lang ka mgrin bcu. 103 Chandra 1987: no. 2389, Olschak & Wangyal 1977 As mentioned above, Shes rab 'byung gnas states that at each side there were two Gnod sbyin gyi rgyal po. The second on the southern side, beside to the left of Mgon po Gtsug tor rten (Fig. 10, no. 8). He is described as having 107 He has two hands and one face. His head is adorned with the image of Bcom ldan 'das Bstan pa'i bdag po. His entourage is made up by eight minor deities who have an animal head each. 108 have looked like originally. Based on current notions, any inference about its identity cannot be conclusive. Undoubtedly, a fragment with its frieze still attached would be of invaluable help. To the best of my knowledge, such a piece has not been published yet, or might have not survived at all.

Following this circumambulation of the lowest level of the bkra shis sgo mang of deities of the southern and the western side, namely Padma and Stobs kyi rgyu (Fig. 10, no. 9, 18).

WEST

Again the transition point between the assemblies is taken up by two , namely Klu'i rgyal po chen po Padma and Klu'i rgyal po chen po Stobs kyi rgyu, thus leading to the western part of the bkra shis sgo mang (Fig. 10, no. 17). He has one face and two hands. Eight minor deities called the eight gnod sbyin or , in appearance identical or similar 109

107 The Tibetan phrase is . It is unknown to me whether one should obviously this is not the case, because, as explicitly stated in the dkar chag, in every direction at this level of the bkra shis sgo mang, one Dpal ldan Lha mo and one were placed, each at both sides of the whirl ( ) of , ) in this context must be understood as a general appellation only. Thus the it is not sure how he was depicted, but it can be assumed that he held in his hands a citrus (right) and a mongoose (left), because a fragment of this deity bears such attributes (Fig. 16). 110 The overall treatment of this sculpture makes it very likely that this fragment comes from Densathil.

Next to Mgon po 'Dzam bha la there was a form of Dpal ldan Lha rious Goddess, The Naked One, The One who Rides on a Mule, The Black Butcher', who, according to the dkar chag, has one face and two hands. She ) and accompanied by Klu mo Chu srin gdong (Fig. 10, no. 16). 111 Perhaps she is identical with a fragment of Dpal ldan Lha mo in the museum of Emory University (Fig. 17) showing her riding on a mule. 112 The attributes in her two hands are lost. Only the handle of a sword (?) has remained. Her headgear is severely damaged. She is surrounded by seventeen companions. Four of them are in a sitting posture without any vehicle, while the rest of this entourage a sword in her right hand; the attribute of her left hand is not discernible.

) of the ) stands Legs ldan nag po (Fig. 10, no. 13) about whom only little information is given by Shes rab 'byung gnas. He states that and is surrounded by eight having one face and four hands. A fragment in the Pritzker collection may possibly represent

113

The same number of minor deities is found on the frieze, but their appearance differs, since they have only two hands instead of the four mentioned in the dkar chag needs to be substantiated in future especially by including Bka' brgyud pa very name shows that Legs ldan nag po can be iconographically depicted in various ways. Belonging to the retinue of the four-handed Ye shes mgon po in the tradition of the Rva , he is said to possess a club made of sandalwood and to hold an iron bowl. 114 The same attributes can be found when he is a follower of Mgon po Am gho ra. 115 might have the appellation of Dpal Legs ldan nang po chen po. In that aspect, attributes. 116 Furthermore, as Mgon po Ber nag zangs gri can, he grasps a knife 117 By this, the iconographical references certainly are far from being exhausted.

Additionally, it might be helpful to turn to relevant pieces of art of club. With his left hand, he takes hold of a vessel (an alms-bowl?). His black coat is trimmed with blue hems and fastened by a golden girdle. 118 A form lower register of the thangka portraying an abbot and dated to the middle of the 14 th century. 119 There the deity has a club in both his hands and wears a garment, not dissimilar from that depicted on the fragment. He is stepping to his left side. Perhaps the assumption might not be entirely incorrect that, in both po. It could be initial evidence for the existence of a ritual cycle of Dpal ldan nag po, describing him as bearing a club only, having no further attributes, as is the case in the fragment discussed here, but undoubtedly hard proof, especially since textual evidence is still necessary for maintaining such an assumption. 120 On the basis of these sketchy considerations, the fragment in the Pritz-nity to stress once more that the deities' textual description in the dkar chag and their factual appearance on all eight bkra shis sgo mang need not necessarily be congruent in every detail, and that new formulations should be expected for this artistic structures executed over a period of about 170 years. 118 also Essen & Thingo 1989: vol. 1, 208). I would like to maintain here that Legs ldan nag po seems to be related to Mgon po Beng (or Bing). In the iconographical source this very Chos srung ma also is called Leg ldan nag po Srid med kyi bu. He is said to have a huge club of sandalwood and an iron-vessel. 119 Kossak & Singer 1998: no. 30. 120 Reference should be made to the collection of entitled ) in leaning against his right arm-pit. With his bent right leg, he is making a step to the which a coat is put, made of black silk (ber nag). On his feet, he wears boots (Dagyab 1991: 170f). Cf. also Chandra 1987: no. 212.

On the right side of Legs ldan nag po is Tshogs kyi bdag po chen po are like he himself and therefore also have one face and four hands. As in the other cases, his description in the dkar chag misses out the attributes of tshogs Legs ldan nag po, Central Tibet, 14 Fig. 18: th century, gilt copper, H. 60 cm; Pritzker Collection. ) possess four hands. 121 be obtained by relying on thangkas of that time and similar religious background. A form of Tshogs kyi bdag po drawn on the footprint thangka for 'Jig rten mgon po (1143-1217) holds an axe in his upper right hand, a turnip sweets in the lower left one. 122 Another presentation shows this deity with a white complexion, sitting in a relaxed posture. He holds a turnip in his lower right hand and a rosary in his upper right. An axe is found in his upper left 123 po with these attributes is also found on a thangka of the Medicine Buddha dated to the 12 th 124 However, he can also be depicted with an axe in the upper right hand, while the upper left a rosary. 125 This one available thus might constitute one of the possible looks of Tshogs kyi bdag po.

NORTH

Close to Tshogs kyi bdag po, on his right side, there was Klu'i rgyal po 'Jog po, followed by Ma dros pa, another king of the (Fig. 10, no. 15, 24). Being now on the northern side of the bkra shis sgo mang devotee or visitor might have seen was A pa ra tsi ta, who in the dkar chag ' ( ; Fig. 10, no. 23). To my knowledge, a fragment of this deity has not yet come to light. In the textual source, he is described as having one face and two ) and as being surrounded by thirteen retainers. 126 It is known from other iconographical sources that his 121 That is why one unfortunately has to wait until, one day, a fragment turns up.

to be done. 122 365). 123 Pal 2003: no. 132. 124 Pal 2003: no. 124. 125 Pal 2003 His entourage consists of the eight gnod sbyin ma (also called mo) who are (1) Gnod sbyin ma Phug gnas ma, (2) Mi'i dpa' mo, (3) Gzhon nu ma attributes can also be an iron hook (right hand) and a treasure vessel (gter gyi , left). Furthermore, his complexion is white like a snowy mountain, and he wears a white dress. 127 Examining some early Tibetan paintings one can gain an impression of how A pa ra tsi ta was possibly depicted on the bkra shis sgo mang

128 Based on those depictions, it seems that this deity was known in at least two forms, both of which apparently were quite popular. A pa ra tsi ta was drawn standing or sitting, with or without upper garment. One form found on those early paintings comes very close to the sketchy description of the dkar chag. In that case he sits wearing a white or red garment and holding a vessel in his hands in front of him. 129 in the dkar chag ) with both hands. ) of the ) of the northern direction there was Lha mo 'Jig rten rnam par grags pa, (4) Mna' ma Gnod sbyin ma, (5) Yid du 'ong ma, (6) Lha mdzes ma, (7) Nam gru ma and (8) Mun nag chen po na gnas pa. Furthermore, the four sring mo belong to the followers of A pa ra tsi ta , i.e. (1) Rgyal ma, (2) Rnam Rtsi'i lha mo Grub pa'i blo gros ma is listed.

127

128 Kossak & Singer 1998: 80, no. 13. According to both authors, this might be the work of a pupil of Phag mo gru pa, and possibly Phag mo gru pa himself is depicted which, most likely, also is A pa ra tsi ta. He is sitting, has both the attributes and a seen on a Ratnasambhava thangka in the Pritzker collections (lower register, second from the left). Fortunately, the deities of the lower register have Tibetan inscriptions.

Both authors read

Dhanada, but I cannot agree to this. Based on the published picture only, the description should be read as A pa ra tsi ta, ibid. 104, no. 23. Lokesh 1987 gives the depiction of a standing A pa ra tsi ta with the well-known attributes, holding a vessel in both his hands, can be seen at the bottom of the thangka depicting the 2 nd and 3 rd Stag lung abbots, Rhie & Thurman 1999: no. 102. Dbu bcu bdun ma (Fig. 10, no. 22). 130 Being an apparently rare form of Lha Smithsonian Freer Gallery of Art and Arthur M. Sackler Gallery, Washington ) refers 130 Her full appellation in the dkar chag is Srungs ma chen mo Dpal ldan ma Dbu bcu bdun ma. to en miniature heads found on her main head. 131 The dkar chag describes her as sitting on a mule, brandishing a sword with her right hand and grasping a mongoose with her left. Those features are common in the iconography of mo Dbu bcu bdun ma is unknown. Furthermore, according to the dkar chag written by Shes rab 'byung gnas, her retinue is made up by seventeen minor deities: the four sisters ( ), the twelve and Klu mo Chu srin gdong. 132 with a Makara-Face' can be perceived easily to the lower left, in front of the because a textual source of that time and with a Bka' brgyud pa background still has to be traced. Moreover, it should be noted that the total number of dkar chag. 133 The different vehicles made up by different kinds of animals further indicate that the twelve brtan ma form part of the retinue of this Dpal ldan Lha mo, but an accurate description could be reached only, after a textual source had been found. 134

131 Thus four rows of four minor heads are sculptured. Together with her main face/ 2006, 2007. 132 The group of four brtan ma guarding the 133 Because of this, as stressed above, one is well advised not to rely on the dkar chag 134 It also might be a promising undertaking to produce a comparative study of the twelve , the four and their representation in order to enable a clear and highly probable statement about them. For example, de Nebeskyya byin (colour of the body: dark blue; attributes: hook and magic dagger; vehicle: fox-coloured makara ; ish pool' ( ) of the northern side, there was Dpal Mgon po Mchog sred, who in the dkar chag is addressed as Dam pa chos skyong ba'i srungs ma chen po (Fig. 10, no. 19). He is described as having one face and two hands.

135 So far I have not come across an iconographical text dealing with him and thus allowing for a more detailed knowledge about his iconography.

To the right side of Mgon po Mchog sred, and again not visible in Mele's photos, there is the great king of the ( chen hands playing the many-stringed lute known as . He is surrounded by seventeen deities. 136 and shows him playing his instrument (Fig. 20). Notably, the number of minor deities making up his retinue is eighteen. More art-historical research, including a comparative study of the relevant texts, is necessary for their exact the Klu'i rgyal chen po Nor rgyas (Fig. 10, no. 21).

not surprising to notice that the minor deities of the fragment reveal some distinct features not found in the lists given by both authors. For example, some of the depicted minor deities of the fragment seize a small corpse, a feature that can be also observed for one accompanying deity of Dpal ldan Lha mo shown on a thangka, Rhie & Thurbla), uppermost register. 135 These are (1) Mgon po Rta mangs, (2) Srin po rgyal po Lang ka mgrin bcu (3) Gsung gi ngo bo Rta mgrin gyi rgyud bskul sbo mgon, (4) Sras Legs ldan nag po, (5) Gur mgon, (6) Zhing skyong Mgon po Tra pa la and (7) Byin rlabs kyi mgon po. 136 This entourage consists of 'Khor sras mdzes pa, Btsun mo Mdangs ldan ma, Bu mo Yid 'phrog ma, 'Byung po'i Rgyal po Dge ba and the group of the thirteen mountain gods ( ), namely (1) Gnyan chen po thang lha, (2) Yar lha sham po, (3) Dwags la sgam po, (4) 'Od lde gung rgyal, (5) Gnyags lha byar ma, (6) Mchims lha than tsho, (7) Skyi lha sbyar ma, (8) Skyog chen ldong bra, (9) Rma chen pom/ sbom 'bra, (10) 'Byam/'Dzam po klu brag, (11) Lha btsun mu n/le, (12) Ming gi tha ma ra and (13) Brten pa gnyis. It seems that the last name confused the scribe, who the enumeration of the minor deities does not differ from the other version of the dkar chag, KCh II: 19. This short overview of the deities on the ground level of the bkra shis sgo mang, based on the inventory prepared by Shes rab 'byung gnas and known fragments possibly related to Densathil, show that the attempt of be even more fruitful.

MEANING, CONTEXT AND PERSPECTIVES

Few further aspects related to the bkra shis sgo mang stupa will be discussed in this paragraph. It will be argued that its erection was also politically deterstructural layout. Beside being a commemorative structure, it constituted an integral part of the monastic life of the respective communities. Moreover, the characteristics of a stupa viewed as a mandala and as Mt. Meru also apply to the bkra shis sgo mang stupa. It was those views which sometimes were taken up and re-formulated, as can be seen in the poems by Tsong kha pa and, later, Bsod nams rgya mtsho. Since, by referring to those literary examples presented in some detail in the following, a discussion of the meaning and context of the bkra shis sgo mang undoubtedly is not exhausted, a few considerations have to be added at the end, which shall be addressed by future research.

When 'Jig rten mgon po received the outline and the iconographic programme of the bkra shis sgo mang for Phag mo gru pa in a vision, he probably also had in mind how it should be realised. In my opinion, it was not a coincidence that the bkra shis sgo mang was executed at 'Bri gung, and not at Densathil. Surely, it could be that 'Jig rten mgon po had initially planned that this structure should be transferred to the seat of his teacher, but that seems unlikely, because its transport would not be an easy task. More determined to establish himself as the true and one heir of the Bka' brgyud pa school. The transfer of the stupa (the ) went hand in hand precious books, to Sgam po monastery. While that part of the plan seems to have been accomplished easily, he must have been surprised by the strong reactions caused by it. We do not know exactly what happened, but are informed about the outcome, namely the return of the of Phag mo gru pa to Densathil, where it remained throughout the following centuries, and for which a bkra shis sgo mang never was built. Probably, a compromise was reached, since a very close attendant of 'Jig rten mgon po's was selected pa) of Densathil. That was Grags pa 'byung gnas (1175-1256), who belonged to the Rlangs clan as Phag mo gru pa did. Thus Densathil became, in a way, a dependency of 'Bri gung. It was only much later that, in a gradual process, it gained its independency.

After the of Phag mo gru pa was returned, a new stupa was erected for the bkra shis sgo mang structure as a replacement. The inventory of the relics and substances placed in it during the consecration concerns this very stupa and its bkra shis sgo mang. The iconographic programme written down by Shes rab 'byung gnas places, on the uppermost tier surrounding the stupa, several personalities who were important for the Bka' brgyud pa movement and especially for 'Jig rten mgon po. This is also bla ma were prominently put in the spires or wheel and even in the pinnacle, thus in the uppermost part of the reliquary. 'Jig rten mgon po evidently did not share the doubts of others on depositing relics of teachers at this very place, as echoed, for example, in Sa skya pa Grags pa rgyal mtshan's treatise. 137 Furthermore, reviewing which itual authority and legitimacy, which inlcudes Mar pa, Sgam po pa, Mi la ras

138 It is indeed remarkable that items of the latter were included. 139 They partly form the base, or seen 137 , I consider that it accords with the dharma if they abide as high as possible, since [the lamas] are the essence of all Buddhas. If there are [also] relics of the Tathagata, combine the [relics of the lamas] together with [the relics of the Tathagata] without [an distinction of] superior and inferior, adorn with grain, incense, and precious substances and insert to abide. " Bentor 1995: 256. In my opinion, the advice that no distinction should be made is to be understood in the sense that these can be put together, but still the actual process of insertion of those items sticks to the order of rank. 138 gdams pa tradition was held in high esteem among the Bka' brgyud pa of that time. 139 Here the view is assumed that 'Jig rten mgon po still was alive when the bkra shis sgo mang was consecrated. Both the dkar chag of Shes rab 'byung gnas are undated. In their beginnings, when all the events regarding the bkra shis sgo mang are retold, he mentions a ceremony of partaking for the of Phag mo gru pa, which was presided over by 'Jig rten mgon po. It is therefore obvious that he was alive at that time. Probably, shortly afterwards the erection of the replacement stupa must have taken place. Moreover, it should be noted that the inserted religious items do not include relics (ring bsrel) or bones ( ) of 'Jig rten mgon po (one may note that ring bsrel can be also produced by the living persons too, and not only by the dead (see Martin 1994: 285). In fact, the inserted things belonging to him were a drinking bowl, a plate, a hat, a part of a garment, writings and statues, which were from the opposite direction, the end, thus demonstrating that 'Jig rten mgon po was the true successor. Taking into consideration his worldly activities too, it becomes clear that the bkra shis sgo mang stupa not only represents an iconographic programme enhanced by an interior sacred ordering, but also a political one. Indeed, one might even argue that, in this particlar context, of spiritual authority and legitimacy which, as a visionary politician, 'Jig rten mgon po undoubtedly meant represent also in political terms. Apart from Densathil, the seat of Phag mo gru pa, he managed to get hold of Sgam po, the seat of Sgam po pa. 140 In later times, Shes rab 'byung gnas became abbot of Gro bo lung, the famous seat of Mar pa Chos kyi blo gros. 141 in his possession. It can be inferred from this that he had not yet passed away at the time of the consecration. It seems certain to me that, in case of his death, more relics of the listed items. 140 In about 1192 'Jig rten mgon po, together with numerous disciples, went to Ngam shod and engaged in renovation work at Bsam yas. Afterwards he proceeded to Sgam po. There he was welcomed by the Dwags po (1134-1218), who not only asked for religious teachings, but is said to have offered the see of Sgam po to this 'Bri gung pa hierarch. Probably, at about that time, plans of building a large new temple at Sgam po were taking shape. A council made the decision to erect a temple with sixteen columns, but the Dwags po favoured an even more impressive structure made of forty columns. For this he received considerable funds provided by 'Jig rten mgon po, who had returned to 'Bri gung. Within the short time of three years, the new temple was completed. It is thus evident that 'Jig rten mgon po dedicated himself to the support of the Sgam po monastery in order to increase the 'Bri gung given in the , HRChB [425/9]. There it is stated that the Dwags po bowed down before 'Jig rten mgon po and even gave the see into his hands. This is the reason, the author of the remarks, why until today the see of Sgam po has to be appointed by the 'Bri gung pa. Later, not far from Sgam po, in the area of Zangs lung, 'Jig rten mgon po meditated for three months. From the peak of Sgam po gar, he clearly saw the holy site (gnas) of Tsa ri and had a vision of an assembly of countless deities of the secret mantra (gsang sngags kyi lha tshogs): he saw the palace ( ) of Bde mchog on top of the G.yu mtsho and, on the crystal mountain (shel gyi ri), an arrangement of 2.800 deities in form of a sgo mang. This vision was the starting point for the bkra shis sgo mang 141 Shes rab 'byung gnas (1187-1241), who was also known as the 'Bri gung gling pa, was one of the main pupils of 'Jig rten mgon po (Roerich 1988: 604ff., KhPGT [828/19], BGDR [99/5], HRChB [421/19]) and especially his biography entitled written by Rin chen phun tshogs (1509-1557), NyPBG I, NyPBG II. He was expected to follow his teacher on the throne of 'Bri gung, but Shes rab 'byung gnas did not accept this offer, because his main interest was meditation, it is said. Shes rab 'byung gnas was born in Sga stod in Khams and belonged, like 'Jig rten mgon po (1143-1217), to the Skyu ra clan. In fact, he was the son of a sister of 'Jig rten mgon po (snag dbon). He was of exceptional intelligence and well-liked by 'Jig rten mgon po. When in 1217 'Jig rten mgon po passed away, the funeral ceremony and all rituals as well as the commission of art works as commemoration service was done under his supervision. Afterwards he stayed for one year at Gnam mtsho lake, a meditation place, which was favoured by many 'Bri gung personalities throughout centuries. Then he this famous locality, with valuable details on the role of Shes rab 'byung gnas, especially with regard to the Ya rtse/Khasa kingdom, cf. Vitali 1996). Therefore in 1219, important local noblemen. When he together with his servants stayed at Spu rangs, he met members of the ruling house of Ya rtse/Khasa, who later became his patrons. log, which, according to Vitali (1996: 348), in this context refers to territory settled by Muslims at the border to Guge, to meet high secular dignitaries of the Gar log and of the Sog po. According to his biographies, he received huge offerings from them. He spent the next seven years in the region around Mt. Kailash, mainly in meditation. In 1225, he returned to 'Bri gung. However, he only spent the summer there and well-known that this Sa skya scholar disagreed in several doctrinal points with the 'Bri gung pa. Beside this, certainly a kind of tension regarding the sanctuary of Bsam yas also existed; both sides were watching each other regarding this important religious site. Then, in 1226, Shes rab 'byung gnas arrived at Mkhar chu. At that time, he sent numerous presents to his home monastery of 'Bri gung including 335 religious books might note that this is a feature, which can be observed for several pupils of 'Jig rten mgon po. It was one of the reasons why 'Bri gung later was counted among the wealthiest monasteries in Central Tibet. After he spent the winter and the next summer in Mkhar chu, he accepted an invitation to come to Gro bo lung, which is also in Lho brag and a famous seat of Mar pa Chos kyi blo gros (1002/1012-1097). This prestigious monastery was offered to him, and this time he accepted the gift. In the time following, he stayed in the region of Lho brag, engaged in writing commentaries on the famous dgongs gcig doctrine of 'Jig rten mgon po. Even though he constantly received invitations, he could not accept all of them. He was in close contact with 'Bri gung, whose representatives This political dimension remains an important aspect in the interpretation of the monuments analysed in this paper. Another intention was, as Shes rab 'byung gnas puts it, to create an auspicious base ( ) so that meritorious behaviour (dge sbyor) would rise in the mind continuum ( la skye) by praying to the sgo mang, powerful ritual actions ( ) ( would cause rain, would cause hail and the wealth deities are giving wealth. 142 Thus, it was also considered as a means to bring a new quality to the spiritual and material life of the monastery.

The bkra shis sgo mang rative stupa. Indeed, a look at the ground plan of the bkra shis sgo mang suggests that it was the combination or synthesis of a stupa with a bkra shis sgo mang structure not only as a bkra shis sgo mang stupa, but even as a mandala (Fig. 4). One can recognise the circles of rdo rje and lotuses, while one may imagine the circle of light ( ) which usually forms the outer circle. 143 In the middle of these circles lies the divine palace ( , yas khang), erected on a cross ( , rdo rje rgya gram), which is also architecturally and ritually implemented, as shown above. The gates of the divine palace are in the centre of each cardinal direction corresponding to the middle section of each tier of the bkra shis sgo mang structure, above represent stages of a path (sa lam), which concurs with the successive teachings sculpturally as represented by images and symbols. The highest level and the centre of this mandalic layout is occupied by the stupa of Phag mo gru pa. One can assume that it symbolises the highest spiritual attainment. An examination of some thangkas, which seem to be related to the design visited him. At one occasion he went for a short while to 'Bri gung, making a short stop at Densathil. In the last years of his life, he even became abbot of the Sgam po monastery. He continued to give substantial gifts to his home monastery, while at the same time he received valuable presents from his patrons, such as the ruler of the Ya rtse/Khasa kingdom. 142 KCh-A [78/1], KCh-B [349/4]. 143 As suggested by Erberto Lo Bue, perhaps this imagined circle of light corresponds of the bkra shis sgo mang, supports this hypothesis. 144 The centre of those paintings is occupied by a monk sitting under a rainbow, thus arguably having the Bka' brgyud pa tradition. Moreover, some elements of the iconographic programme and design of the bkra shis sgo mang seem to have been taken up also in those thangkas. Additionally, one might also refer to the inner structure inserted during the consecration ceremony. As told there, the centre of the sandalwood base was decorated with a double , a feature also to be observed on the thangkas.

tain Mt. Meru. This notion also concerns the bkra shis sgo mang of Densathil. Mt. Meru, the supreme mountain (ri rab ), was the model which Tsong kha pa had in mind when he wrote his biographical praise (rtogs brjod) of the ba Grags pa byang chub (1356-1386), the late Densathil abbot, who occupied the abbot's throne from 1371 to 1386. Tsong kha pa's work bearing the title ), is a sophisticated composition which skilfully alludes in some of its metaphors to the bkra shis sgo mang built for his beloved and deeply venerated teacher, whose erection is explicitly mentioned at the end of the poem. Accordingly, he calls the four paragraphs or chapters of his work, which he wrote at Densathil, tiers (bang rim). The metaphor of Mt. Meru used by him for the body of Grags pa byang chub reads in his words as follows:

A body of beauty like a pile of molten gold, hands tender like twigs (and) leaves of sandalwood, among many sentient beings (he is) tall like Mt. Meru 145 … And he notes on the accomplishments of his teacher:

As Mt. Meru is bound by the belts of sun (and) moon, (his) mind, inside, was orderly arranged by both stages. 146 Having given a detailed account of the funeral of the late abbot at the end of his composition, he does not fail to praise the bkra shis sgo mang:

Being surrounded by statues (which are) beautiful in all ways which are of sparkling lustre of a clear brilliance, these (and) bkra shis sgo mang View of a Fig. 21: bkra shis sgo mang stupa from are, in their breath-taking sight, like the jina are, in their moving (of) big waves (of) blessing, like the ocean, are, in their natural brilliance, like the lord of mountains (i.e. Mt. Meru), as if the doers were piling up one beauty on another, like stirring up the bees by a lotus grove and the hares by white light and the mind by a beautiful appearance, these grasp the sentient beings' hearts. 147 bkra shis sgo mang, alias Grags pa byang chub, towers above those monks and pilgrims, who still migrate in this samsaric world, when doing circumambulation around this stupa or while doing their daily business. The waves of blessing, however, can be found brilliantly in the mandala, which it represents as a basic layout, to be ultimately equated to the Buddha' body. In this network of meanings, the stupa serves as a kind mchod rten bkra shis sgo mang (mchod sdong), a term which is often encountered in its ritual meaning, but also as a metaphor for praise extolled for a monk, as may be found in biographies of Bka' brgyud pa personalities, for example.

Given its dogmatic, liturgical, poetical, literary and political connotations, it seems that a bkra shis sgo mang should be viewed in such context. Tsong kha pa, who composed a bkra shis sgo mang in verses, may be regarded as being fully aware of the nature of his original and, at the same mighty Rlangs Phag mo gru pa clan. When he outlines the childhood of Grags pa byang chub, he does not fail to give a short genealogical account of the family background of his clan. As is well-known, in the time to follow, the Rlangs Phag mo gru pa and some of the governor families which depended upon them became strong supporters of the new spiritual movement initiated by Tsong kha pa. 148 The Dge lugs pa religious order which developed out of it was still interested in the continuation and strengthening of its ties with the Rlangs Phag mo gru pa. During the 16 th ence on the Phag mo gru pa court at Sne'u gdong rtse. Some aspects of this process shall be introduced here in some detail, because it demonstrates impressively how close art and politics have always been, shedding some light on the bkra shi sgo mang from another angle.

The 3 rd Dalai lama Bsod nams rgya mtsho (1543-1588), strongly supported by his ambitious uncle, Kun bzang rtse pa Chos kyi dbang phyug, an (ti shri) of the Phag mo gru pa ruler, the gong ma sde srid Ngag dbang bkra shis grags pa rgyal mtshan (1488-1563/64). 149 On the 10 th of the 1 st month in 1559, Bsod nams rgya mtsho and his 'Bras spungs councillors visited the sde srid at the monastery of Rtsed thang and the administrative seat of Sne'u gdong rtse. Then they went back to 'Bras spungs, but soon returned and were welcomed by his uncle Kun bzang rtse pa. On that occasion, the sde srid Ngag dbang bkra shis rgyal mtshan presented his ti shri with the private quarters known as Ye/Yid bzang rtse, which indeed were highly prestigious. The famous 'Gos Gzhon nu dpal (1392-1481) stayed there during the rule of Grags pa rgyal mtshan (which accounts for one of his epithets Yid bzang rtse pa). Most likely, this present was given on the suggestion of his uncle, who attended him at that time. 150 148 149 Naturally at that time Bsod nams rgya mtsho was not the third Dalai lama, a designation which only much later was retrospectively applied upon him. During his ), as it can be seen in Bka' brgyud pa sources. For a detailed discussion of those events and references, 150 Moreover, his uncle told him that, one night, before the arrival of Bsod nams rgya mtsho, he had an auspicious dream (which once more underlined the claim of the 'Bras spungs party to be in full harmony with the Phag mo gru pa rule and to secure their welfare and in a wider sense their hope of partaking in the legitimisation of power). Kun bzang rtse pa Chos kyi dbang phyug told him that, in this dream, he came to Ye bzang rtse. There was a statue of Spyan ras gzigs, to its right side was a statue of Afterwards the 3 rd he again returned to Rtsed thang for the New Year celebrations of 1560. Bsod travelled to Chos 'khor rgyal in summer. There he had a vision of a Mkha' ), which would guarantee that the power of the sde srid and his grandsons would not be transferred to others. Apparently, the 'Bras spungs authorities were very concerned about the stability of the Phag mo gru pa rule. In particular, they naturally feared that the Karma Bka' brgyud and, to a lesser degree, the 'Brug d'état to oust the reigning sde srid was still possible, and nothing could guarantee that the Rin spungs pa, for example, would not articulate their power more clearly. 151 It is obvious that the leaders of 'Bras spungs were interested naturally exerted by the various Bka' brgyud pa orders and closely with the Phag mo gru pa rule.

The thangka with the prominently presiding eleven-headed Spyan ras gzigs/Bsod nams rgya mtsho has already been mentioned. The attempt to introduce the 'Bras spungs incarnate in the form of Spyan ras gzigs in rituals which should secure the welfare of the Phag mo gru pa rule was now undertaken again, but in a completely different mode.

Mgon po Tshe dpag med and (to its left) a statue of Padmasambhava and three more various substances. It indeed is a great wonder that, although those supports (rten) ), the glory of the was not exhausted. Now, however, these supports do exist. Then, after the uncle had this dream, Bsod nams rgya mtsho arrived, Kun bzang rtse pa continued. The eleven-headed Spyan ras gzigs is none other than Bsod nams rgya mtsho, he declared. That on his right side was a statue of Tshe dpag med, indeed is in agreement with a biography (rnam thar) of Padmasambhava, where exactly this sitting postures and composition are mentioned. There can be no doubt that Bsod nams rgya mtsho is Spyan ras gzigs. Later Kun bzang rtse pa Chos kyi dbang phyug commissioned one thangka depicting this very composition. The dream of the uncle of Bsod nams rgya mtsho clearly shows that fractions of the Phag mo gru pa court, especially around Kun bzang rtse pa Chos kyi dbang phyug, were willing to throw in their lot with the Dge lugs pa and, more particularly, with Bsod nams rgya mtsho's party.

), which were to strengthen the power of the Phag mo gru pa ruling house and which were to be arranged by Bsod nams rgya mtsho, should be offerings and praise (mchod bstod which was considered suitable (and indeed was to its high religious value) and which the 'Bras spungs party gradually brought into their possession. 152 Bsod nams rgya mtsho commissioned garments, hats and cushions for them and made offerings in front of them. In this connection, a short composition by Bsod nams rgya mtsho in praise of Phag mo gru pa is of particular interest.

. It is obvious that the author borrowed the title from the work of Tsong kha pa, who also wrote a eulogy ( ) on Grags pa byang chub beside his other work. 153 Here again one encounters the metaphor of Mt. Meru for the person who is praised:

I bow down to that glorious lord of masses fully surrounded by the assemblies of the four continents (of) pupils, in the middle of the ocean, the lord of the , (of) the wise and accomplished ones (who) follow religion. 154 152 of 'Ol kha rtse. The and , later came in his possession. Then the of Ke ru presented him another statue called (which was part of a pair; its counterpart is not named). Therefore, Bsod nams rgya mtsho now had seven images 153 Moreover, both are biographies in words of praise. Tsong kha pa's composition is, however, much more skilfully employing a poetical language. Furthermore, it is noteworthy to mention that, in this eulogy, some teachers of Phag strong Bka' gdams pa background are highlighted. This probably was the view of the 'Bras spungs teachers and, hence, of Bsod nams rgya mtsho, namely to attach great position in the religious self-understanding of the Phag mo gru pa ruling house. Reviewing these events, beginning with 'Jig rten mgon po and ending with Bsod nams rgya mtsho, it might be stated that the bkra shis sgo mang conception is found in a variety of formulations, apparently sharing the fact an artistic, but above all a religious expression deeply rooted in the dharma, it was also employed to articulate political plans and aspirations. Such kind of connotations contributed to the very perception of those commemorative stupas. They all, 'Jig rten mgon po, Tsong kha pa and Bsod nams rgya mtsho, participated in and contributed to the symbolic presence of a highly venerated bla ma bkra shis sgo mang) stupas' were part of the religious identity of the Rlangs Phag mo gru pa, which was indispensable for their self-understanding. They provided a focal point of authority which materialised in the commemorative stupas with their iconographic programmes showing that the late abbots of Densathil were in every respect the true successors of Phag mo gru pa. Moreover, they were considered sometimes as being suitable and auspicious doors to enter the politico-religious sphere of the Rlangs Lha gzigs Phag mo gru pa ruling house inspiration' show that the bkra shis sgo mang became an integral part of the Tibetan world (in religion, politics and art) and never were mere repositories of the remains of high bla ma.

Naturally, the discussion above does not exhaust the symbolic meaning of the bkra shis sgo mang stupas and their artistic formulation. There are numerous other issues to be addressed in future. In my opinion, more research, which has to be based on the dkar chag, Mele's photos and the fragments, should deal at least the following points:

-further aspects of the general layout, 155 156 and

155 For example, it has to be discussed in as far the vertical structure is also arranged following the different Tantra classes (and which changes it possibly underwent throughout the centuries). Undoubtedly, such a scheme was probably employed, but is currently unknown. 156 The attempt of tracing textual sources of iconography has to be made in order to near as possible and to avoid superimposing an iconographic design of a later date. At -a stylistic analysis. 157 bkra shis sgo mang stupas of Densathil will add much to our knowledge on Tibetan art, as long disciplinary approach founded on textual research and taking into acount the iconographic, historical and political aspects necessary to interpret and understand such complex commemorative structures.

the same time, one must not neglect changes, additions and transformations which documented in the fragments. To the best of my knowledge, 'Jig rten mgon po unfortunately did not leave behind a list of the teachings he received (be it in form of a Thob yig or a Gsan yig). One therefore has to reconstruct the particular form of the respective deities (together with their accompanying entourage) by employing all the textual sources containing relevant data on this topic, foremost among them Thob yig or Gsan yig of all Bka' brgyud pa schools and partly also non-Bka' brgyud pa schools transmissions, such as those from the Sa skya pa for example (see for example the Thob yig of Ngor chen Kun dga' bzang po, in which mention is made of teachings transmitted by Phag mo possibly formed the ground for the pictorial presentation on the stupas. How important such an approach is, was shown above in the case of Bya rog ming can ma. Needless to say, this should be done when examining paintings and murals as well. 157 As argued above, the exact number of the bkra shis sgo mang at Densathil is eight. Therefore, about eight (or less) groups of fragments sharing stylistic features can be expected. For an evaluation of them (including their precise dating), reference to Newar and Khasa art pieces seems to be fruitful as well.